1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Friday, February 12, 1869.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
MONDAY, Feb. 8.
The House met pursuant to adjournment.
The
hon. ATTORNEY GENERAL gave notice that,
on this day fortnight, he would move the House
into Committee of the Whole, on the subject of
the Union of this Island with the Dominion of
Canada.
Mr. GLEN gave notice that, on to-morrow, he
would ask the hon. Colonial Secretary for a return
of the amount expended by the Commissioners
for relief of the able bodied poor in the Ferrylaud
District. viz.:—
| Amount expended |
by— Leary in Renews, |
| " " |
by Wm. Carter, in Ferryland, |
| " " |
by M. Williams in Bay Bulls. |
The following notices, given on the first day of
the session, were accidentally omitted in the report
of that day's proceedings.
Mr. TALBOT gave notice that, on to-morrow, he
would move that the salary of the Serjeant-at Arms, shall not exceed the sum of £200.
Mr. TALBOT also gave notice that, on to-morrow,
he would move that the reporting and publishing
of the debates of the House, as at present provided for, be discontinued.
Mr. TALBOT also gave notice that, on to-morrow
he will ask leave to bring in a Bill to abolish the
present office of Surveyor General, and to provide
for the Land Service, by combining it with the
duties of the Chairman of the Board of Works.
Pursuant to Order of the day, the House resolved use into Committee of the Whole on
the Address of thanks, Mr. KNIGHT in the chair.
The fourth section of the Address having been
read, as follows:—
"We are pleased to learn that Your Excellency's
personal exertions in endeavoring to settle the
vexed question of the Franch Shore, have been so
far successful that there is now a prospect of its
being arranged in a manner advantageous to both
parties interested in it; and that the Policy indicated in Lord Carnarvon's despatch,
of the 7th Deesinber, 1865, has been so far modified that Your Excellency will now
be enabled to issue Grants under
certain restrictions for Mining and other purposes
in that locality."
Hon. RECIEVER GENERAL.—This is a great crisis
in one world's history, and not confined so any particular country. Sweep your eye
over the orb which
we inhabit, you there observe a succession of events
that must alarm and surprise the dwellers thereon.
The very crust that envelope the habitable gobe,
seems to be worn out by the combustion of the
central fires. Earthquakes tear asunder the solid
trust and suddenly engulph not only the works of
man but man himself. Volcanoes, the chimneys of
these cultral fires, are loud with frenaial fury.
Storms sweep the ocean and engulph the floating
argocies that career upon its bosom, swallowing up
the treasures and the men which they contain. Let
us circumscribe our view and regard our own Island,
what do we see? The stalwart inhabitants of the
country fleeing from its shores, and those remaining
are stricken with poverty and deprived of their very
self-reliance. Widows weeping for their husbands
who have been torn from their arms; mothers for
their sons who have been untimely reft from them;
children looking in vain for the parents who will
never again return to caress them. He (hon.R.G.)
did not speak of these things for the purpose of
fostering despair. He still saw in this Island all
the elements of wealth which it had ever possessed.
Her fisheries were liable to be as productive as ever.
New elements of wealth present themselves which
capitalists are anxious to explore. In a crisis such
as this we surely ought not to exhaust our strength
and temper in improlibable and acrimonious debates.
That was why he spoke of these things. He calmly stated these circumstances which
were patent to
every one acquainted with the history of the world.
To those who feel with the greatest intensity the
sufferings of the people, it must be apparent that we,
as Representatives of the people, to whom is entrusted the serious care of searching
out the causes
of the mifortunes of the people, should come dispassionately to the considerations
which would
enable us to embody in Legislation the curative
processes which will in some degree remove those
overwhelming afflictions. Afer this exordium,
which he hoped hon. gentlemen would not consider
exaggerated, he would enter on a short review of
the substantial matters contained in His Excellency's
speech. The first important matter presenting
itself is the circumstance that the Executive have
taken upon themselves the responsibility of inducing
His Excellsncy to issue a Proclamation restricting
the issue of Poor Relief to the disabled and the
infirm. He (hon. R.G.) had always dreaded the
conseuuences of indiscriminate Relief to the ablebodied poor. He had foreseen that
it would deprive
the Population of self-reliance, chill the industry of
the people, and drag down to one common level
the industrious men of the Island. His views on
this object had been repeatedly before the public,
and their publication had subjected him to ridicule,
and ultimately to the loss of official position; but
he had the satisfaction of seeing that at the present
time every one recognised the necessity of acting
upon those principles which he had from time to
time laid down. In 1868 this system of indiscriminate relief reached its culminating
point, and when
nearly a quarter of a million of dollars had been
expended, it was high time for Government to stay
its hand. It required great honesty on the part of
supporters of the Government to sustain the Executive policy, and it was highly creditable
to them
[?] they had done so, and hon members opposite, with
one or two exceptions, had very fairly responded
to the necessity of the act. The next question to
which attention is called is the subject of territorial
rights on the French Shore. Last year he (hon.
R. G.) had crossed the Atlantic, and had had two
interviews with the Duke of Buckingham, who had
made promises which he had faithfully fulfilled. At
his own expense he had remained for a considerable
time in London, and while there, unauthorized by
the Executive. he had presented to his Grace the
following memorial.
"TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM
AND CHANDOS.
"May it please your Grace.—The memorial of
John Kent, member of the Executive Council
of Newfoundland, and member of the House of
Assembly for St. John's.
"Humbly showeth,
That memorialist was appointed in 1859
joint British Comissioner in connection with
Commodore Dunlop, on the part of Great Britain, and the Marquis De Montaignac and
the
Count De Gobincau on the part of France, to
take evidance on the causes of dispute arising
between the fishermen of both nations on that
part of the coast commonly called the French
Shore.
"That since that period all causes of complaint
have ceased, owing to the British fishermen
having discontinued to resort to that part of the
coast for the purposes of the fishery. That
now a new question was arisen, growing out of
a knowledge that British Residents possess, that
valuable deposits of minerals exist on that
part of the Island. That the Governor of Newfoundland has been prohibited, as your
Grace
is aware, to issue licences of search for said
minerals.
"That your memorialist humbly submits that
ho' a question of this nature was never contemplated by the framers of the treaty
of
Utrecht, still the terms of that treaty are sufficiently comprehensive to embrace
every necessary
condition to enable Her Majesty's Government
to issue licenses of search for minerals, or for any
other purpose unconnection with the fisheries.
"A [?] of article 13 of the above mentioned treaty will clearly show the limited
rights of the French; and that the [?]
of the soil for agricultural or mineral or any
other purpose outside at those limited rights,
and not interfering with their fishing previlege,
belongs to the prerogative of the Queen.
The terms of the treaty carefully exclude
the French from the excrcise of any Dominion
over the soul.—The treaty does not acknowledge
the right on the part of the Freach to remove
fixed settlements belonging to British subjects.
That right, by the declaration of His Britannite
Majesty attached to the treaty of Versailles in
1783, is reserved to the Sovereign of Great
Britain.
"The French are prohibited from remaining
on the Island after the termination of the fishing
season.
" Memoralist humbly submits that at
the present time there are many reasons to
induce Her Majesty's Ministers to view this
question in a favorable point of view. As the
population of the Islald encrease, the fisheries
are not sufficient to support the inhabitants.
Poverty in consequence is wide spread. The
large bounties given by the Government of
France for the encouragemeat of their fisheries,
and the exclusion of British fish from the
markets of France, by imposing on its importation a prohibtory duty, tend to increase
the
difficulties of our fishermen. The Newfoundland Government are most anxious to open
up
new resources for the employment of the people. The mineral wealth of the Colony is
beginning to attract the attention of capitilists. Under these circumstances the
denial of the right of search for minerals on the
part of H. M. Government, is considered by
the Colonists as a very strained interpretation
of the treaties; and that denial is felt the more,
as it emanated altogether from H. M. Government, the French authorities never having
objected to any occupation of the soil on the part
of British settlers who did not interrupt by
their competition the fishermen of France; and
further, when the Government of Newfoundland
appointed a Stipendiary Magistrate in George's
Bay, within the limits of the Franch rights of
fishery, the French authorities made no remonstrance, as it was considered no violation
of the
treaty rights of the nation.
"Memorialist further begs to inform your
Grace that in Paris, a few days ago, he had a
conversation with Admiral the Marquis de
Montaignac, the former Commissioner, who expressed an opinion that he considered it
a great
hardship that British subjects were denied the
right of exploration on the French Suore, and
he also stated that he was satisfied that if a
negociation was entered into with the Government of France, an arrangement satisfactory
to
all parties would be concluded.
"In submitting the foregoing statement for
your Grace's consideration, memoralist declares
that the parties who take a leading interest in
this question are those most attached to the parent state. They see Nova Scotia, perhaps
without cause, distracted and divided, and they
do not wish that the just discontent of Newfoundland should swell the chorus of disunion.
"They wish to see the Dominion of Canada
composed of a series of coutented Colonies,
indebted to the mother Country for the charter
of their rights, and in the hour of danger her
support, and not her weakness.
"All which your memorialist humbly submits
for your Grace's consideration.
After presenting this memorial he received a
communication to the effect that the Governor
had been requested to come home to take the
whole matter into consideration. With regard to
the mad service, he believed that general satis
faction had been given. At present a moiety
of the subsidy was paid by the Imperial Government, and the remainder by the Colony;
but at
the expiration of three years we will have to
bear the whole amount of that subsidy, ÂŁ9,000
Sterling. The next question referred to is the
great question of Confederation, which embraces
every phase of our present state, social, political and financial. It concerns our
relations in
regard to our own internal Government, our
brother colonists, the mother country, and
foreign countries. We have to ask ourselves the
simple question—Is the present state of things
satisfactory? If every hon. member ask himself that question, in the silent solitude
of the
night, when the outer world and all its considerations are excluded, when the conscience
works most powerfully, he must declare that the
present condition of affairs is not as we would
have it? The next question, then, is whether
the preseat constitution of the country is
capable of redressing and removing the evils
that afflict us. If the majority of this Assembly should determine that the present
constitution is powerless for good, we have to determine
what remedial measure is necessary to restore
confidence to the people, and produce that state
of things which was the object of Henry the
Fourth's desire, that every peasant in his
dominions should have a fowl in his pot. The
next question is whether or not our fellow
colonists are anxious to associate with us. If
that be so, ought we to shut out the bare consideration of the question, or ought
we not to
see whether it would be advisable to secure a
form of Government which would rescue us
from our Slough of Despond? Are the terms
fair and equitable which the Dominion Government offer us? They offer to relieve us
of a great
portion of our official expenditure, which, presuming Mr. Pinsent's figures to be
correct,—
Hon. RECIEVER GENERAL,—Presuming those
to be correct, this expenditure amounts to $229,000, and they offer to subsidize us
to the
amount of $416,500. They offer us a tariff
by which all the articles of primary consumption
are duty free. He held in his hand an enumerated list of the articias admitted free
under that
tariff, which were as follows:–
Extract from Canadian Tariff, assented to in
May, 1868, showing Sundry Gools admitted free
under said Act, imported from Ports not within
the Dominion, all articles grown, produced or
manufactured therein, being free:—
Bark used in dyeing; Whiting, or whittening;
Anchors; Ashes, Pot, Petrl and Soda; Bread and
Biscuit from Great Britain; Candle Wick, Cotton;
Cocoa Paste from Great Britain, Cotton Netting
for India Rubber Shoes; Cotton Waste; Cotton
Wool; Farming Implements and Utensils, when
imported by Agricultural Societies for the encouragement of Agriculture; Felt for
Hats and Boots;
Fire Brick; Fish Hooks, Nets and Seines, Lines
and Twines; Flax Waste; Junk; Luumber, plank
and sawed of Mahogany, Rosewood, Walnut,
Cherry, and Chestnut, and Fitch Pine; Machinery
when used in the original construction of Mills,
&c.; Nails, Composition; Nails, Sheathing;
[?]; Oil Cake; Philosophical Instruments
and Aparatus, including Globes, when imported
by, and for the use of Colleges and Schools,
Scientifice or Literary Societies, Printing, Ink;
Printing Presses, except portable hand Printing
Presses. Ships' Binnacle Lamps; Blocks and
Patent Bushes for Blocks; Bunting, Cables, Iron
Chain, over half an inch, shackled or swivelled, or
not, Compasses, Dead Eyes, Dead Lights, Deck
Plugs, Iron, Rudder's, Masts or parts of, Iron,
Pumps and Pump-Gear, Rudder Irons, Shackles,
Sheaves, Signal Lamps, Steering Apparatus,
Travelling Trucks, Wedges, Wire Rigging, Cables,
hemp and grass, when used for ships or vessels
only, Cordage, when used for ships or vessels
only, Sail Cloth or Canvas from No. 1 to 6, when
used for ships or vessels only, Varnish, Black and
Bright, when used for ships or vessels only,
Spikes, Composition, Twists, Silk for Hats Boots
and Shoes, Veneering of Wood or Ivory, Wire
Cloth of Brass and Copper, Brass[?]Bar, Rod, Sheet
and Scrap, cranks for Steam Boats, forged in the
rough, Cranks for Mills, Copper in Pig, Bars,
Rods, Bolts, and Sheets, and Sheathing Iron of
the descriptions following:[?]Strap, Galvanized or
Pig. Puddled in Bars, Blooms and Billets, Bolts
and Spikes galvanized, Lead in Sheet or Pig,
Rail Road Bars, Steel, wrought or cast, in Bars
or Rods, Steel Plate, cut to any form, but not
moulded, Tin in Bar, Blocks, Pig or granulated,
Type Metal, in Blocks or Pigs, Wire of Brass
and Copper, round or flat, Yellow Metal in bolts,
bars and for sheathing, Zinc in sheets, blocks
and pigs, Coal and Coke, Cocoa, Bean and Shell,
Corkwood, Corkwood Bark. Eggs, Flour, Wheat
and Rye, Flax, undressed, Fire Clay, Firewood,
Fish, Fresh, not to include Oysters or Lobsters in
tins or Kegs, Fish Bait, Furs, undressed, Grain of
all kinds, Hay, Hemp, undressed. Hides, Hops,
Horns, Indian Corn, Indian Meal, Indian Rubber,
unmanufactured, Manilla Grass, Manures, Moss
for upholstery purposes, Ores of Metals, of all
kinds, Pelts, Pitch, Plants, Roots, Rosin, Salt,
Seeds for Agricultural, Horticultural or Manufacturing purposes, Schrubs, Skins, undressed,
Tails, undressed, Tanners' Bark, Tar Tobacco,
unmanufactured, Tow undressed. Turpentine,
other than sprits of. Vegetables, culinary, Whale
Oil, in the casks ruin on ship board, and in the
condition in which it was first landed, Wood of all
kinds, whooly unmanufactured, Wool.
NOTE.—About 150 articles of Raw material
necessary for domestic manufactures admitted free,
in addition to the enumerated articles already
described.
CIRCULAR—15.
Ships' Gear, &c.—Under the head of "Ships"
it will be observed that four articles, viz., " Cables
of Hemp and Grass" "Cordage." Sail Cloth or
canvass from No. 1 to 6, and Varnish, black or
bright, are free only, when used for Ships vessels.
Entry of these goods must be accompanied with
a declaration of oath, that they are to be used
for vessels only. When duty paid, a drawback
will be allowed when evideuce is furnished satisfactory to the Collector at whose
Port the duty
thereon was paid, that such articles have been
actually used in the building, repairing or rigging
or outfit of a ship or vessel.
This tariff, then, is proposed to be substituted
for our present local tariff, under which every
article, from a cambric needle to a sheet anchor,
is subject to taxation. Under our present
tariff the gross Revenue does not amount to the
official expenditure proposed to be defrayed by
the Dominion, with the further sums required
to liquidate our local expenditure. Supposing,
then, that we should accept this offer, what
would be the result? Should we reduce our
present constitution, so as to square with its
lessened responsibility? Such reduction might
readily be effected, without any [?] of
efficiency, and the total expenditure might be as
follows:—
| Colonial Secretary............. |
$4,000 |
| Board of Works................. |
4,000 |
| Court Houses and Goals......... |
8,000 |
| Judicial Department............ |
14,000 |
| Repairs of Buildings........... |
2,000 |
| Police......................... |
35,000 |
| Poor Relief.................... |
90,000 |
| Education...................... |
65,000 |
| Interest on debt............... |
60,000 |
| Pensions....................... |
9,000 |
| Fog Guns....................... |
629 |
| Ferries........................ |
1,723 |
| Legislative Contingencies...... |
16,000 |
| Miscellaneous.................. |
5,000 |
| Total |
$314,357 |
This provides on a scale equal to the present for
every species of official expenditure, with the exception of Legislative contingencies,
which, under a
new constitution, might easily be reduced. This
expenditure amounts in all to $315,000. The grant
from the Dominion amounts to $446,000, so that
every year a sum of $100,000 would be left us for
roads—an amount which no local government can
hope to have at its disposal for years to come. Vessels too will be admitted without
the imposition of
light dues, which would at present be to us a saving
of $22,000 per annum. Another item we shall have
to bear if we continue as we are, is the subsidy to
the mail Steamers, amounting in all to $43,200, one
half of which is now paid by the Imperial Government. The Dominion Government undertakes
the
responsibility of bearing our debt amounting to
$1,500,000. Our debentures having the stamp of
the Dominion, would be equal in value to their own,
so that in the London markets our 5 per cents. now
unsaleable, would be worth 95, and our 6 per cents
from 106 to 108. But how are we to pay the public
debt if we remain as we are? Tuere is a grave responsibility of maintaining the credit
of the colony
incumbent upon all future ministries, as will appear
from the following statement:—
Our Public Debt is as follows:
| Amount Consolidated and payable at
the option of the Government |
$311,820 22 |
| Amount unpaid of Debentures issued
for compensation for losses sustained by election riots, and payable out of future
Road Grants |
1,585 88 |
| Amount repayable from year 1868 |
4,816 20 |
| " 69 |
8,846 43 |
| " 70 |
4,169 84 |
| " 71 |
3,732 16 |
| " 72 |
6,603 40 |
| " 73 |
317,733 70 |
| " 74 |
20,540 16 |
| " 75 |
208,616 49 |
| " 76 |
309 26 |
| " 77 |
670 90 |
| " 78 |
25,100 00 |
| " 83 |
24,900 00 |
| " 88 |
38,910 00 |
| " 80 |
23,076 93 |
| " 90 |
23,076 00 |
| " 91 |
19,652 00 |
| " 92 |
3,426,00 |
|
$1,047,669 60 |
| Amount of Floating Debt |
258,569 73 |
|
$1,306,239 33 |
How shall we pay the public debt if we remain as we
are? Here is a responcibility which we must face if
we refuse the offer of the Dominion. To whom does
this money, represented by the public debt belong?
To the bone and sinew of the country, who, with a
longing desire for the future independence of their
children have denied themselves comforts and worked
late and early in the accumulation of this money.
Did not this present to hon. members a serious subject of consideration? Prudent men
regarding these
things will be constrained to say, "let us associate
ourselves with the neighbouring Colonies who are
possessed of inexhaustible resources, who will tax us
lightly and who, when they regard our geographical
position as the bulwark of the St. Lawrence, will not
haggle at slight pecuniary considerations." How will
the matter affect us in regard to our foreign relations? We see the manner in which
our own territory
is dealt with, and can we for a moment fancy that
our small country with its sparse population could
produce the same inpression in determining the
correct construction of these treaties as if we
were united to four millions of men and formed
an aggregate Dominion of all the Colonies.
Then with regard to the question of Reciprocal free
trade with America, suppose that the Americans
would agree to change us no duty, it would be impossible for us to remit the duties
which we impose so
as to give full effect to the arrangement. If such a
thing were attempted at present, it would result in
colonial insolvency. Then, how were we in position
to open up new sources of Commerce upon the basis
of free trade with the vast countries of Brazil, Mexico,
&c., and when we find from the report lately published in Canada, that there are twelve
milions of men
daily consuming the same produce which we export.
If then we had any means of opening up proper negotiations with these markets, so
as to establish some
fiscal arrangement, it would be of large advantage to
the people of this country. Now he (Hon Rec. Gen.)
had stated his opinion. He had been charged with
self-interested motives. He did not see how Confederation could possibly benefit him.
He was satisfied
that the hon members opposite, who indulged in these
charges did not really believe them themselves,
and only wished to show that they were skilled in the
art of ingeniously tormentory. But what was
the position which the Executive took on this question? Did it force the subject upon
an unwilling
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
country? Does it take advantage of its large masjority to pass the resolution? Does
it take the
country by surprise? All we ask is that the resolutions be fairly and quietly considered,
arrive at what
the terms should be, and then contrast them with the
existing state of things; and say if the country would
be ameliorated by the change. Then they would be
submitted to the Dominion Parliament if accepted the House would be dissolved, and
the whole country would be called upon to ratify or reject them. We
are hardly so intolerant as to say that the people do
not understand the question or know what they
would be called upon to determine. If we quietly
entered into a discussion and examination of its details, what need we be afraid of?
Were we afraid of
our own positical positions being extinguished.—our
Parliamentary consequence being abated? Surely
the interest of the colony should be paramount to all
other considerations. He had now expressed his
opinions, and they were the opinions of all upon this
side of the House—gentlemen who represented every
phase in the commerce of the country. In conclusion
he would say in the ancient warning of the Church
—sursum corda—and so consider this great question
fraught with such vital consequences to the future
welfare of this country, free from all party tactics,
and with a single and sincere desire to promote the
best interests of our native or adopted land.
Mr. GLEN only intended to say a very few words.
All the hon. members who had spoken upon the
Government side of the House seemed to anticipate
the question of Confederation, and the hon. Receiver
General now asks the House to calmly deliberate
upon a question which is not yet formally before it.
Now, he would ask could this House enter into
consideration of the question of Confederation, when
at present the details were not before them, and
when they knew nothing about them. He (Mr. G.)
was indeed glad to hear that this question was to be
left entirely for the country to decide upon. He,
however, did not believe such would be the case,
from the first, and further, he did not believe it now.
The hon. the Receiver General says we are to agree
to certain terms which will be sent to the Canadian
Parliament for its approval. and then referred to
the constituencies for theft ratification or rejection.
Now that course was certainly not shadowed forth
in the speech of his Excelleney the Governor. That
speech calls upon us to affirm the principle of union,
and yet the hon. Receiver General never said a word
about that. If this House now were going to affirm
the principle of Confederation, it would be a betrayal of the agreement which the
hon. Attorney
General made, and which was that the matter should
first be submitted to the constituencies. Do you
intend this House to affirm the principle of union?
Hon. ATTOREY GENERAL—We are not bound
by it until it receives the sanction of the people, to
whom it mast be submitted.
Mr. GLEN.—Are you going to affirm the principle of union in this General Assembly? That is
the question, and that is the question you are shirking.
Mr. GLEN.—Why, then, does the hon.
Receiver General tell us that the Government
programme is, it it is not to be carried out?
What that hon. gentleman said was fair and
right, and he (Mr. G.) would endorse every
word of it. But he would warn the Government that this side of the House were not
to be
entrapped without a fight. All they wanted
was fair play for the country. This House had
nothing to do with the principle of union. Let
the Government bring down their resolutions,
and let us see what the details are, and then we
can go to the country upon them. We are told
every day to keep calm, and yet we don't know
what we are to keep calm about. Would the
hon. Receiver Geueral tell us whether we would
be called upon to affirm the plinciple of union?
No; his speech on the point resembled the play of
Hamlet with the part of Hamlet left out. With regard to be question of Reciprocity,
and the way in
which the hon. member had viewed it, he (Mr.
G.) would say that it was absurd. If we want
anything for Revenue purposes, we can tell the
United States so, and say to them we will put
on 5 per cent. and do you do the same,
and then we would have reciprocity. Did
not the British Government exact duties?
Reciprocity did not exclusively mean a total
abrogation of duties, but an assimilation of
tariffs also. This claptrap, then, about reciprocity, was merely to show the people
that we
could not got anything except we were confederated. Now could wo not have a commercial
treaty with Canada, instead of this union? He
would tell the Government that they would not
carry the principle of Confederation without a
hard struggle.
THE HON. THE SPEAKER.—It appears that
many hon. gentlemen in this House have been
rather premature in their discussion of the question of Confederation. A few cursory
remarks
might not certainly have been out of place, but
that full and ample discussion which it had
received from some hon. members was uncalled
for, especially when, in a short time, the question
will come formally before the House for dipassionate deliberation. The hon. and venerable
Receiver General has this day told us that the
present period is a crisis in the world's history;
and in tile history of Newfoundland. He (hon.
the Speaker) leared that the crisis had not yet
arrived. We were still suffering from the
fever, but the disease had not yet reached its
crisis. Now this House had already spent nine
or ten days in discussing the Address of thanks
in reply to his Excellency's speech at the opening of this session. Of course it was
to be expected that that speech would be attacked by
the opposition, and that it would be defended by
the Government side. As usual, it had been
designated a barren, ball and and naked speech.
He, however, must say that he never heard a
speech delivered from the throne containing so
many matters of vital importance, and fraught
with so deep an interest to every individual in
this Island. In it reference is made to the
absence of any calamity during the past year, to
a successful fishery, to the abundant yield of
the potato crop. He (Hon. the Speaker) could
not recollect when labour was so amply
rewarded as it had been during the past year.
But was there any improved condition of the
people corresponding to that success? On the
contrary, is there not more depression, starvation
and misery than heretofore? His believed
nothing had occurred in the past history of this
country that could compare with the present existing state of things. When we saw,
then,
all this, when we saw those engaged in administering the Government of the country
with so
great a burden upon them, with such an impending crisis over us all, it behoved every
man to lend his aid and assistance and influence
in meeting the difficulties of our position. This
was no time for the exercise of a factious opposition, the indulgence of an obstructive
policy.
But those hon. members on the opposition
benches should land their assistance to the Government, to help them through the difficulties
by
which they were surrounded. Accusations had
been made from time to time, that the Government were the cause of all these misfortunes.
But they were mere empty allegations, which
were without the slightest foundation, and to
support which not a
title of proof could be given.
What were the causes of these difficulties? The
causes were many, and had not occurred yesterday. They had been growing for years.
We
all know that the population of this country has
been rapidly increasing, but with no commensurate increase in the industrial occupations
of
the people. Our forefathers had but one resource, the fisheries, and unfortunately
we were
in the same position. That resource
was now failing. Look for one
moment at our Salmon fishery, which heretofore
had yielded such a rich produce, a fishery
which if it were fostered and protected, would
be sufficient alone to yield a competency to the
whole labouring population. That fishery is now
comparatively nothing, compared to what it was
in former years. We find, therefore, that our
fishery had not merely failed to keep pace with
our growing population, but that it had actually
decreased. Even in Agriculture, very little
progress had been made. The few patches of
land that had been cleared, had faded to yield
even a fair return for the labour which had been
bestowed upon them. Then we had the potato
disease, and yet with all the scientific means
that had been used, we had not yet succeeded
in eradicting it, or in discovering any means
that would arrest its progress. He must say
that he was astonished when he heard hon.
gentlemen of the opposition attack the Government for not having expended some ÂŁ3,000
for seed potatoes, when they well knew that the
failure of the potato crops had been one of the
causes of reducing the country to the state in
which it is at present. What, expend ÂŁ8,000
in distributing seed potatoes, which after all
the labour that would be bestowed upon them,
might result in nothing. Although the past
year, under the mercy of providence, we had
been favoured with abundant crops, yet go now
and ask the people who had saved these crops
what had become of them. They would tell
you that they wers becoming rapidly diseased
in their cellars, and were wasting away. The
unfortunate course which had been adopted in
this country for a great number of years, had
trained the people into the habit of looking to
the public revenue for support, and as that to
which they had a right. Very shortly after
representative institutions were introduced into
this country, pauper relief was initiated, and
up to the present it had been fostered and sustained by representatives the people
in this
House. Who can deny it, that he was considered the best man who could obtain the greatest
amount of poor relief? That was the case,
and no one coull deny it. It commenced in
St. John's, and had extended to all the other
districts. What, then, was the result? We
found now a generation of men bred up in
pauper relief, and trained to look to the revenues
of the country as to that to which they had a
right, and not to depend apon their own
industry or labour for their support. He would
say that at such a time as this, with the greater
portion of the people in a starving condition,
he was indeed sorry to hear any men appeal to
the passions of a hungry starving and ignorant, people. He regretted such a
course exceedingly, and hon. members
might yet find that they were not the
first who sowed the wind and reaped the whirewind. We had then only one resource (except
one mine) which engaged the labour of
the people, and only sufficient capital was retained in the country to carry on the
one branch
of industry. What power had the Government
over capital, which had been drawn out of the
country? Could they arrest the progress of
the potato disease, or make the fisheries more
productive? Were they to blame for the pauper relief system, a system which had grown
up before we had Responsible Government at
all? But it we cannot coerce capital to remain, we may place the country in such a
position as to attract it. We may woo it to
our shores, and it there be a means of doing
so, should we not adopt it? Our isolation placed us in that position, that alone we
could do
nothing. When we made appeals to the Imperial Government, how had they been responded
to? Had we not been knocking and kicking at Downing street, and what did we get by
it? When, then, there was an opportunity
offered to us of uniting ourselves to the adjacent
colonies, and thus obtaining a power which as
we are we could not possess, was it not a matter
which should be discussed seriously and calmly,
not in that factions or party feeling? We are
told that no Canadian capital would flow into
this country. Now what capital was working
the mines of Nova Scotia, and sustaining the
manufactories of New Brunswick? Compare
the labouring classes in Canada with our own
operative population. There every man had
employment and fair pay, and could lift up his
head in independence. We knew very well
that, from the precarious nature of the avocations of the people, there would be times
of
depression and times of prosperity. Would it
not then be well if we were united to so prosperous a country as the new Dominion.
At
all events Nova Scotia, a short time ago, thought
that it was well to be confederated. If she
had not been, where could she bave got those
thousands which were sent to her relief? (Here
the hon. and learned gentlemen referred to the
misrepresentation which were being made by
those opposed to union, and alluded to an instance which had lately come under his
own
notice , that men could not cut wood without a
licensé or go to the fishery without a license,
which they would have to pay for when this
colony was united with the New Dominion.)
This, then, is the style of things which has been
said by the great head centre of the Anti Confederate cause in this country. Many
ask
what are the great benefits to be derived from
Confederation? But he would say, what are we
to do without it? The only panacea that was
offered was the reduction of the public expenditure. He (hon. the Speaker) could only
judge
of the future from the past. Since 1832 we had
had many Government, and and all without exception
had increased the public debt and the
public expenditure.—That speech, barren, ball and uninteresting. There was one
subject to which it alluded, which was of the
deepest importance, and on which they might
well congratulate themselves, and that was the
settlement of the French Shore question. He
believed that that would result in the employment of a large amount of capital in
mining
operations on that shore. The time would come
when every matter mentioned in this speech.
would come before the House. They would
then have an opportunity of expressing themselves in detail on each subject. At the
present
time he would, as he always did, confine himself
to making a few remarks on the general purport of the speech.
Mr. RENOUF could find no fault with the speech
of the hon Receiver General, who had set forth his
views fairly reasonably and temperately but the
speech of the hon. and learned Speaker reminded
him of the lamentations of Jeremiah. No matter
how he might differ from the views of both these
hon. gentlemen, he could assure them that on his
(Mr. R's) side of the House they required no
admonitions from the Government side on the question of Confederation. When it comes
before the
House it shall receive that cool dispassionate consideration which a question of its
great importance
demands. The hon. Receiver General says that Confederation will give the people employment.
A greater
fallacy was never uttered, and the country would
not believe it. Let, however, the advdcates of Confederation show the truth of this
assertion and then
all would accept their
[?]. Free Trade.
The hon. member for Ferryland had shown how they
could have reciprocity. What was there to prevent
us from having Commercial Reciprocity with Canada
now, which would accomplish as much for us as any
Confederation? They had heard a good deal of
having flour and pork and other such articles free of
duty, ald also of their present state of isolation.
What made that isolation so complete? Would
Confederation remove the barrier of ice which
surrounds those shores? It was the duty of the
House to economise, and before the session closed
hon. gentlemen at his (Mr. R's) side of the House
would show the country that such reductions can be
made as would, it carried ont, enable the Government to reduce the taxation. Suppose
we had Confederation, and that to-morrow we required a supply
of Canadian flour, by what means could it bee
brought here? At this time our vessels, on
their
return from the Brazils and West Indies, call nt
New York, &c., and thus supply our wants; and
was it to be supposed that they would be diverted
to diverge so far from their course as to go up
the
St. Lawrence, and incur all the additional risk
and
expense of such a course? No doubt we would be
told that the necessity for such a course would be
obviated by the Railway. Halifax would be the
Atlantic terminus of that Railway, and what would
be the cost of transit to Halifax? If these things
could be got cheaper from Canada, how is it that
our people do not trade there? Our trade with the
United Staics is to the extent of about ÂŁ459,000
a year, while with Canada it is only ÂŁ40,000 or
ÂŁ50,000. The hon. Receiver General says he can
show by carefully prepared returns what Canada
will give us and what she will take from us, and
that we would have $100,000 a year for Road Expenditure. How hon. gentlemen differ.
When the
hon. and learned Attorney General and the hon.
Mr. Shea returned from Quebec, in 1861, they
stated this country would have a perpetual road
grant of ÂŁ12,000. He (Mr. R.) recollected that
when he first heard their statements he made some
calculatiens and found that there could be no such
result, and that to get ÂŁ12,000 for roads they
should starve grants for other purposes. This idea
was another fallacy. The hon. Receiver General
asks how we could have a road grant if we remain
as we are? It could be had by severe economy
applied to expenditure, and public Institutions.
He (Mr. R.) agreed with the hon. and learned
Speaker that a crisis is at hand, but that crisis was
different from that alluded to by the hon and learned gentleman. The crisis was one
which would
pare down expenditure both inside and outside of
this House. The expenditure was far beyond the
requirements of the country, and while, session
after session, taxes were laid on taxes, no attempt
was made to reduce official salaries. The hon. and
learned Speaker had said that all classes of laborers
were fairly recompensed during the past year. How
many thousands of fishermen had been without the
means of prosecuting the fishery, and were compelled to sell their fish green to meet
their daily
wants? Then was if not nonsense to tell such
people that their labor had been fairly rewarded?
The hon. and learned gentleman also called on the
Opposition to help the Government out of their difficuities. They were not of our
creation. We had
pointed out many remedies to the Government, but
had always got the deaf ear, and now the prophesied result had come, and the only
remedy proposed
was Confederation. It was not true that Poor
Relief had its origin in St. John's. It had its
rise when under the old irresponsible Government
1000 barrels of flour were sent to Trinity. It was
easy to make these charges against the capital, when
it was the refuge for the poor of all the Outports,
whom it had to support, in addition to its own.
Reference had been made to the capitalists of
Canada building up the manufactures of New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia; why the fact was
that these two Colonies had manufactures when
they stood alone, but Coutederation had crushed
them out. The hon. and learned Speaker spoke
of the various forums of Government which had
been it, this Colony, and said that each had piled
on taxes, and referred to the present Government
as beset with more difficulties than any other.
He (Mr. R.) would ask what Government had
been so lavish in their expenditure, or so increased the burdens of the people? It,
instead of
taxation they had practised economy, and applied
the pruning klnife to the official salaries and the
expenditure of the Public Institutions, they could
have effected a reduction sufficient to meet all
their wants. But no, their policy was tax, tax,
tax, and they had taxed, taxed, taxed, and still the
people were starving. Why not appropriate these
taxes for the benefit of the public? What good
hed they ever done for the operative population?
Was it a fair or legitimate argument that because
former Governments had made no improvements,
the present one should not do so either. It was
a remarkable fact that all those who supported
the Government policy decried all attempts on the
part of his (Mr. R's) side of the House to reduce
the public expenditure. They profess to have no
faith in it, but it would be found that the country
would have faith in it. The hon. Mr. Shea made
reference the other evening to his (Mr. R.) receiving ÂŁ50 a year. He (Mr. R.) did
not ask
for it, it was sent to him. And when he found he
could accept it without at all interfering with his
public duties, he did so, and he did not think the
service lost by his connection with that office. It
would appear that the hon. gentlemen did not
like his (Mr. R's.) method of speaking in that
House, and considered all his speeches to be
merely rehashes of the former ones. Of this he
(Mr. R.) was satisfied to let the public be the
judges. Where was there anything new in the
speeches of hon. gentlemen opposite? Then
why should the Opposition be taunted with not
advancing anything novel in the way of argument.
They were there to enunciate their views fully,
clearly and fairly, and let the public be the arbiters
as to who was right and who was wrong. WHen
the hon. member was speaking of his (Mr. R's.)
handsome pay of ÂŁ50 a year, why did he not say
something of the amount received by his own
family. He (Mr. R.) could tell the public that
the hon. member of Placentia and St. Mary's
and his family received ÂŁ2000 a year out of the
public chest.
Mr. RENOUF had them in his hand, and would
take his own time for making then public. The
hon. member spoke of the Opposition as being
factious, contemptible and weak, and yet he
spent 3 1/2 hours the other evening in abuse of
them. If they were so factious, contemptible and
weak, why should the hon. gentlemen take so
much trouble about them? As for the Government boasting of their triumph in Harbor
Grace,
the less they said of that affair the better, and he
(Mr. R ) thought it woull be better to let the hon.
member speak for himself. The Harbor Grace
election was no test at all. The Candidates did
not go to the people on the question of Confederation at all. There were in the district
about
1880 voters, of those only 840 voted, and though
the Government used every effort even to threatening those who were employed on the
public
works. Mr. Godden was returned only by a bare
majority of 40. This was the great triumph of
which so much was made. If the question of
Confederation had been fairly submitted, was it
to be supposed the people would be so inert? He
(Mr.R.) took to himself much credit as a prophet.
He had the other evening prophesied that the hon.
Mr. Shea would be in want of a dodge for this
session, and that that dodge would be a telegram
for laborers. Well, was not it true; was
not the proposal made to export our people
to work in the wild woods of Canada on a
Railway, the contracts for which are not yet signed?
The hon member now manifests great sympathy
with the laboring population, but in 1837, when the
Telegraph Company applied for power to extend
their capital to enable them to add to their land
lines, and thus give employment to the people, the
only member of the Committee who opposed the
permission asked for was the hon. Mr. Shea. He
yielded at least, but only when he found
that the rest of the Commitee were unanimous
in their desire to give the desired permission.
The hon. member, Mr. Shea, has no
faith in seed potatoes, because he deals in
meal and molasses, and not in potatoes.
If the hon. gentlemen dealt in potatoes, he
would doubless profess a very different creed.
It was rather a singular fact that though several
hon. members have spoken on the Government
side since the hon. member, Mr. Shea, had propounded his transportation scheme, not
one of
these hon. gentlemen had uttered a word about
it; but, on the contrary, they had appeared to
avoid it very carefully. Other countries endeavoured to woo emigration to their shores,
but
we seem to be anxious to reverse this policy,
and to denude the country of its
strength and its pride. You might send away
10,000 men, but how would that better the condition of those remaining? The idea of
shipping 800 men to Canada, before a single contractor has entered into a contract,
was simply
preposterous. He (Mr. R.) could not see how
hon. members could place any confidence in it,
resting, as it did, on the bare unsupported testimony of the hon. member for Placenia
and St.
Mary's. How beneficient had the Canadian
Government become. Not a word, last year,
about relieving the poverty of the people, but,
at this peculiar moment, when these hon. gentlemen are trying to force us into Cofederation,
the people are to be bribed to sell the country.
Hon. gentlemen opposite were afraid to bear
the responsibility of selling the country, but
they endeavour to in make a catspaw of the unfotunate fishermen to accomplish that
which
they dread to do thenselves. He (Mr. R.)
would like to ask what had become of the Caps
Ray Railroad? Many person believed in the
probability of that project being accomplished,
and what authority was brought up to support
it? Mr. Sandford Fleming. The project,
however, feel to the ground, and a new dodge
was enterprised. And whose authority does the
new scheme rely upon? Strange coincidence,
upon Mr. Sandford Fleming. Let the hon.
member, if he were honest, come out with some
broad, comprehensive
[?], and he would, at
least, be appreciated. But it was not by such
dodges and suits and empty
[?] that the
people were to be inposed upon. The hon.
meanber says that there can be no great economy practised in our expauditure. Why,
one
institution supporting a hundred paupers had
in 1887, 940 hogsheads of coals at 8s. per
[?]
and 735 loads of wood, at 4s. a load. Surely
there must be something rotten in
such a state of things. Year after year,
amendment was promised, but year after
year the same complaiats had to be made. Bad
as the opposition might be, could they do much
worse than this? Are Hon. members to be dictated to by such hon. gentlemen as the
learued
member for Brigus, who comes down here with
3
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
a grand scheme showing what Canada is going
to do for us? But owing to the hon. gentleman's
imperfect knowledge of figures he make a trifling
blunder of $37,000 against the Colony. How
can the hon. member tell us what terms the
Dominion would give? If these really were the
terms offered to us, it was rather strange that
we should not hear of them through some member of the Executive, and not through a
mere
supporter of the party. Something had been
said about Tilt Cove, and occasion, had been
taken to revile Mr. C. F. Bennett, who was one
of the greatest benefactors the country ever had.
[Here the hon. member read and commented
in a letter of Mr. Smith McKay in the "Chronicle," defending Mr. Bennett from certain
charges
made against him.] It had been said that Mr.
Bennett had left some money behind him to
work up the anti-confederate cause. If he had
done so, he had not put his hand into any other
man's pocket. He did not, like soune Executive
gentlemen, who, after giving a dollar to a poor
man, go down to Dr.Shea and get reimbursed.
And hon gentlemen say "the only remely for
our present condition is Confederation, which
will give us honours and offices and titles.
We have mismanaged everything, taxed the
people and after this let us escape to the
union." The traitors of Nova Scotia, who rivited
the shackles upon the people, are raised to
positions of eminence and honour, and of
course it is only reasonable to expect that
those hon. gentlemen who here assist in carrying the measure will be similarly honoured.
Ww were advised to go into Confederation, and for
for what object? Because we want a change. He
(Mr. R.) said in all sincerity, let hon. members
shew us the benefits that will flow from Confederation, positive benefits, not chimerical
and speculative ones, and no man would be more favourable
than himself. But he would be recreant to his duty
were he to close his eyes to the schemes and dodges
that had been going on for the past few years to
thrust us into Confederation, for the benefit of a few
family compacts. Oh, they say that it is claptrap
if we speak of the Irish union. There were men
then who sold the liberties of Ireland for gold.
Every man who voted for it received gold for
riveting the chains upon his country. And had
Ireland since been benefited or contented with the
change? It was indeed a sad thing to refer to the
union of Ireland, with all its disastrous consequences. We must keep that strongly
before the
public. The opposition desired the welfare of the
people as well as tho Government. It was not such a
dodge as the Cape Ray Railway from which we were to
believe that any good would be the results—He was
a native of the country, and it was equally as dear
to him as it was to those members of the Government who were revelling in the luxury
and emoluments of office. Every man who went before the
various constituences next election would see how
public opinion ran. We knew that there were
many who would not dare to face the electors, and
thus it was that they desired to transfer the rights
and liberties of this country to another province.
Thery were indeed playing a deep game, and
then they woull meet fitting reward. Where can
we gather from his Excellency's speech that this
question was to be submitted to the people? There
was no allusion to such a course in it. The Government then simply say, we all carry
it whether you
approve of it or not. The constituencies would be
bribed as they had been in Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick. In the former Province nineteen members had been bribed, as in the days
of the Irish
union. Look at Nova Scotia to-day. There was
not a village that had not its repeal club, like those
which O'Connell established in Ireland, to use all
their influence to abrogate a union to which the people had never assented. (Here
the hon. member
referred to the proceedings connected with the
delegation to Quebec, and pointed out that only one
man Mr. Palmer, of Prince Edward Island, had
repudiated the articles that had been agreed to
there. He then read a letter which he said came
from a leading lawyer in Montreal, and in which
Newfoundland was advised to keep out of the
union. The hon. member concluded by saying
that he expected by the next mail to blow to the
winds the dodge of sending men from this island
for the public works in the New Dominion.
Alter some remarks from Mr. Hogsett, the
motion for the adoption of the paragraph was put
and carried.
The Committee than rose and the Chairman reported progress. To sit again to-morrow.
On motion of
Mr. PINSENT, pursuant to notice,
Messrs. Pinsent, Bennett, Parsons, Little and the
Surveyor General were appointed a Select Committee
on the Geological Survey.
The House then adjourned till to-morrow, at 3
o'clock.
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