2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
THURSDAY, March 2.
The house met at 3 o'clock.
Mr KENT presented a petition from Michael Bany
and others, of the Major's Path, which was received
and read, praying for a grant to complete that road.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table.
Dr. WINTER presented a petition from John Tilley
and others, of Shoal Harbor, Random Sound, which
was received and read, praying for a grant to make a
road down the North side of the harbor.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table.
Mr. KAVANAGH presented petitions from Patrick
McDonald and others, of Outer Cove, from John
Pounder and others, of Gallows Cove, from Robert
Firm and others, of the same place, from James Kelly
and others, of Outer Cove, and from Thomas Power
and others, of Shoe Cove, which were severally received and read, praying for grants
to open and repair
roads in these settlements.
Ordered that these petitions lie on the table.
On motion of the hon.
ATTORNEY GENERAL, pursuant to order of the day, the house resolved itself
into committee of the whole on the further consideration of the Confederation of the
British North American Colonies,—
Mr. KNIGHT in the chair.
Dr. WINTER—The critical remarks of the hon and
learned menoer for Fogo, Mr. Whiteway, on the decrease of the representation of Newfoundland
in 1871,
under Confederation, required reply, as they were
specially directed against his (Dr Winter's) views of
the operation of the 21st Resolution of the Quebec
Conference. The hon and learned member, Mr. Whiteway, said that he "must confess that
he failed to comprehend the hon gentleman's long array of figures."
The resolution in the Report of he Delegates on this
subject appeared very simple. It was this:– "No
reduction small be made in the number of members
returned by any section, unless its population shall
have decreased relatively to the population of the
whole union, to the extent of 5 per centum." Now,
(said Mr. W ), to illustrate the case, assuming the
whole population to be 4,000,000, (which was near the
present number) 5 per cent on this would be 200,000.
Our present population was only 130,000. Therefore
the island must be depopulated before we could lose a
representative. But he (Mr. W.) would read what
Mr. Galt said on the subject, when addressing his
constituents at Sherbrooke, C. E., and surely his was
an opinion, on the construction of the Resolution, which
the hon and learned member for Trinity would respect.
He said —"The House would never have less than 194
members; but it would increase at a very slow rate."
This latter remark applied truly to Lower Canada and
the other Maritime Provinces, and fully bore out his
(Dr Winter's) argument, that whilst the representation of the whole union would appear
to increase "at
a very slow rate," the upper section—Canada West
—would, in 36 years, have an unjustly preponderating
majority over Lower Canada and the other Maritime
Provinces, although these latter will have a majority
of 23 on entering the union. But Mr. Galt gave no
opinion on the constitution of the 21st Resolution,
which runs thus:– "No reduction shall be made in
the number of members returned by any section,
unless its population shall have decreased relatively
to the population of the whole union, to the extent of
five per centum." Mr. Galt comprehends the effect of
the 21st Resolution, as well as its construction; and
certainly would not commit himself to an
ubsurdity, by
telling his constituents at Sherbrooke, Canada East,that
the population of Upper Canada, Newfoundland, or
any other section of the union must decrease 200,000,
being 5 per cent on 4'000,000, before any reduction
shall be made in the number of members returned by
that section of the Confederatton. So much for the
authority quoted by the hon and learned member for
Fogo, Mr. Whiteway, to illustrate the case submitted
by him to the House and the country. Now to illustrate his (Dr. Winter's) view, 5
per cert on
4,000,000—the whole population—is 200,000, which
divided by the total number of members (194) gives
1,003, as per cent for each member. This multiplied
by the number of members for each section or Province will show the relative amount
of decrease of
population required by the 21st Resolution before
any of them will lose a member: as shown in the following tabular statement.
| Upper Canada, |
82 |
1003 |
............82,246 |
| Nova Scotia, |
19 |
" |
............19,057 |
| New Brunswick, |
15 |
" |
............15,045 |
| P. E. Island |
5 |
" |
............5,015 |
| Newfoundland, |
8 |
" |
............8,024 |
Now Newfoundland will, in 1871, have increased from
130,000 to 155,740; but as the ratio of Lower Canada
will give 21,495 for each of her 65 members, Newfoundland will require 8 times 21,495,
or 171,960, to
enable her to return 8 members. But having decreased
16,221—more than double the amount of 5 per cent,
or 8,024, relatively to the proportion of the whole
union, consequently will lose a member, and will retain 7, in place of 8. Such was
his (Dr. Winter's)
view of the matter, to which he would adhere until
some sound and logical reasons were given to convince
him to the contrary.
Mr. WHITEWAY—What he had stated was that it
might possibly have been from his (Mr. W.'s) obtuseness, but he could not understand
the hon and
learned member's long array of figures or his mode of
calculation. Now his (Mr. W.) figures were very
simple. If the hon gentleman would only take
4,000,000, the present estimated population of the
Confederacy, at 5 per cent, he would find that to constitute a reduction sufficient
to deprive us of a member, we would lose exactly 200,000, or in other words,
the colony must be entirely depopulated before we
could lose a member. He (Mr. W.) was confirmed
in this view of the matter by the opinion of Mr. Galt,
who said that the house would never have less than
134 members, but it would increase at a very slow rate.
Now fortified by such an opinion as that, he (Mr. W)
must adhere to what he before stated, that he could
not understand the learned Doctor's figures on the
mode of calculation.
1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Thursday, April 27, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
Thrsday, March 2.
(To be continued.)
Mr. CASEY had, on a former occasion, given his
opinions on that important question; and although he
had since listened attentively to the very able speeches
of the supporters of Confederation, he had heard nothing to change his views. The
Attorney General had
gone into a historical and constitutional review of the
results of the union of small states into large confederacies. He (Mr. Casey) believed
the hon gentleman was
honest in his advocacy of union, but he had failed to
convince him (Mr. Casey) hat it would be for our interest to join it. He said, if
our people were in distress,
we could apply to the general government for relief.
He (Mr. Casey) very much doubted the succes of the
application,—They gave us a certain sum by the Quebec
Resolutions, which was to be in full for all claims; and
if we should be in distress, and applied to the General
Government, we would probably be told to borrow on
security of the annual allowance made to us. It was
stated that notwithstanding the high tariff of Canada
we would not pay more to the revenue than we do now,
on account of the large quantity of Canadian manufacture that would come into this
Colony duty free. It
appeared the Canadians were themselves large consumers of British goods, and when
they could not supply
their own wants, how were they to supply ours? The
hon member for Carbonear, Mr. Rorke, spoke of samples of Canadian boots and leatherware,
harness, &c.,
received by him last fall, but there was a large importation of English leather, as
well as of boots and shoes,
into Canada, notwithstanding the heavy import duties of
that Province,—He (Mr. Casey) regretted to say that
of late years, much extravagance, in the way of dress,
had crept in amongst us. He recollected the time
when the operative classes and the fishermen were comfortably clad in a much less
expensive fashion than now.
Guernsey frocks and coating, jackets and trowsers, of a
very superior description, and other useful article of
clothing, were imported by West of England houses, and
sold at a moderate price. But latterly, he (Mr. Casey)
regretted to say, a large quantity of more expensive, and
comparatively useless articles had been imported. He
fully concurred in the observations of the hon member,
Mr. Rorke, about the importance of checking all extravagance. He (Mr. Casey) thought,
so far as regarded
boots and shoes, their manufacture here ought to be encouraged, which would furnish
a good deal of employment to our own people. He was glad to learn that a
tannery was about to be established here; and if its
proprietors succeeded in making as good leather as its
imported, they would have a ready demand for all they
could manufacture, while they would give a good deal
of employment to shoemakers, as well as to operative
tanners and curriers. He looked to greater benefit being conferred on our people by
encouraging local industry than by Confederation, for he must say that he did
not relish this confederation business at all, more particularly on the terms of the
Quebec Resolutions. It
was stated that we would get our provisions as cheaply
from Canada as from the United States. We might, in
the summer months, but the navigation of the St.
Lawrence closed early, and it might be a question where
we should get our supplies during the six winter
months. He did not think, however, that Confederation
would change the course of trade.
Mr. RORKE.—The completion of the Grand Trunk
Railway would throw the Canadian market open to us
during the whole year.
Mr. CASEY.—The completion of the Grand Trunk
railroad would do good; but not so much as was maintained by the supporters of Confederation.
Another
matter—we were toid that under Confederation we would
have a large dock here for the repair of vessels that
might be disabled in passing our coast. No doubt such
a dock would furnish a good deal of employment, which
would be of great advantage to ship carpenters and
others; but, if there was sufficient employment to render it profitable, it would
be established, Confederation
or no Confederation. But he (Mr. Casey) set very little
value of these sort of speculative promises. He remembered, some time ago, that Mr.
Maguire, the Mays
or of Cork, and many other leading men of that city,
applied to the British Government for a similar establishment at Queenstown, which
is a place of resort for all
disabled ships crossing the Atlantic for British ports.
One of her Aljesty's ships had put in there, in a damaged state, on one occasion;
and although she might
have been repaired there, steamers were sent to tow her
to an English bockyard for repairs. And so it would be
here. As England turned a deaf ear to the deputation
from Cork, so would the general government refuse to
listen to us. If Dockyards were wanted, they would
have them built elsewhere, even although this port
might be the most suitable place. It had been urged
that we have now an expenditure of ÂŁ100,000 a year,
from which the people derive little or no benefit. He
must agree with that remark, to some extent, unfortunately, for some years past, far
too much money
was expended in pauper relief. We ought to have had
a road grant of ÂŁ20,000 a year, which would have
opened up the country, and would, at the same time
have furnished employment to those men who were
unsuccessful at the fisheries and prevented their being
degraded by applying for pauper relief. He (Mr. Casey)
condemned the present system of pauper relief in
toto.
Even those who received it derived very little advantage from it. It ought to be reduced
to one half or one
third of its present amount, and the saving added to the
Road Grant. The Solicitor General said increased
taxation was his principal reason for opposing Confederation. The people of Newfoundland
could not afford
to pay more than they now pay end if there was any
increase, the consequence would be that they would be
unable to pay. The hon member, Mr. Moore, said
Responsible Government was too expensive for this
Colony. Why, since the establishment of itesponsible
Government, there had been a reduction of official
salaries; and it could not be said that it had not worked
as well in this Colony as in any other; and the manner in which our operative population
had conducted
themselves during a period of deep distress, was highly
creditable to them. And would our constituencies give
up their independent position, which was gained by a
severe and protracted struggle? And for what were
they called upon to make such a sacrifice? Why, for
the honor and glory of sending eight members to the
Confederate Parliament, where they would have no
influence whatever. Then the sum proposed to be given
us, in lieu of what we are called upon to surrender to the
General Government, would be barely sufficient to meet
our current expenditure, and would afford very little, if
anything, or carrying out improvements, or developing
our resources. We were to receive only ÂŁ80,000 a year,
and to have ÂŁ32,000 of our present expenditure assumed
by the General Government. After meeting our current
expenditure, we would hardly have a shilling for roads,
out of this sum. We were also told that Confederation
is necessary for purposes of defence, that we will be
called upon to defend ourselves; and that the British
North American Colonies must combine for that purpose. But how could a union with
the other colonies do
anything for the protection of such a colony as this?
In the event of war, this Island must be defended by the
British navy. We are told that for many years to come
the Confederation will have no navy aud all would
admit that an army alone would not be sufficient for our
defence, for a naval squadron having the command of our
coast would starve us into submission in a few months.
Even if the other Provinces had troops to spare for our
protection, in place of looking to us, as we might anticipate, for assistance, they
could not hold this Islald
against an enemy superior to them on them on the sea. No
doubt, in case of invasion, our people would be ready to
defend themselves; and if the Volunteer movement were
extended, he believed it would be a proceeding in the
right direction. But he (Mr Casey) did not believe the
Imperial Government intended to withdraw the protection
of the British navy and of the troops from the colonies.
Such a course would be in opposition to the views of the
most distinguished British and Colonial statesmen. He
(Mr. Casey) would read from the Edinburgh Review on
the Report of the Select Committee of the House of
Commons on Colonial military expenditure, printed by
the order of the House, July 11, 1864—
"The Duke of Newcastle, who speaks with official
authority on the subject, thus expresses himself, on the
case of Canada,—'I think one of the duties which devolve upon the mother country is
the defence of a colony.
I do hot know what advantage a colony would find in
its relative position, if the mother country did not protect
it. Just on account of the petuliar position of Canada,
I think the Imperial Government is bound to keep up a
certain amount of force in time of peace, and a much
larger force in the event of war. With those parties
who would be aggressive, Canada stands in a different
position from any other colony, we have. Take, for
instance, Austrialia. The real defence of Australia must
be by our fleet; but the fleet can do little to assist
Canada, except it be by sending small vessels up the St.
Lawrence; and nearly the whole assistance to be rendered by this country to Canada
must be by a land
force.'"—Report, No. 2992.
Such was the deliberate opinion of a late lamented
statesman, whose experience as Secretary of State for
the Colonies gave peculiar importance to his views. He
(Mr. Casey) would also quote the opinion of a distinguished colonist to the same effect.
The Edinburgh
Review, in quoting this gentleman's evidence before the
Committee of the House of Commons, observes:—
"Sir Stewart Donaldson, who has held the office of
Colonial Secretary, and Colonial Treasurer in New South
Wales, and was a member of the Colonial Legislature
for upwards of eleven years, testifies to the Colonial
opinion, that the mother country ought to protect the
colony against dangers which flow from her own foreign
policy.
"Chairman.—Do you say that the claim of those
colonies in respect of their defences mainly rests upon
the points in which they may be involved by the conflicts of England with foreign
powers?—
"Yes,—I think that principle is very generally
accepted in the Colonies, that, as they are not free agents
with regard to European complications, they ought not
to be left in a state undefence in case some enemy of the
mother country should take advautage of their defenceless situation and invade them,
or combard their towns;
and that so long as the mother country is liable to be
involved in European wars, and so long as enemies from
without may do damage to the colonial interests, it is
felt that England is bound to protect the colonies, at all
events, on the seaboard, &c.—(Report, No. 2653.)
But the Delegates, before they separated at Quebec,
pledged themselves to the maintenance of an army and a
navy. Now he (Mr. Casey) would ask, was Newfoundland in a position to meet such an
expenditure as this
would involve? It was stated that a million of dollars
annually would meet the required expenditure. It was
absurd to suppose that this sum would go any length
towards the raising and maintenance of an army alone;
and as for a navy, it would not build; much less maintain
the mere semblance of a naval armament. He (Mr.
Casey) would quote from a speech by Mr. Millar at a
public meeting at Halifax, on the military expenditure
necessary for the defence of the provinces. That gentleman said:—
"With the knowledge that the British Government
has been urging Canada to fortify her frontier let we
turn your attention to section 67, which says:—"All
engagements that may, before the union, be entered into
with the imperial government for the defence of the country shall be assumed by the
General Government—So if
Canada has assumed liabilities to the extent of five, ten or
twenty millions of dollars, we must contribute to their
payment, gentlemen on both sides are particular in their
figures about comparatively small matters, but here is
one item alone that may swell to millions, about which
we are perfectly in the dark. It should stagger the
friends of the measure. I have said sir, the British
Government at the present time is prepared to defend us
for imperial interest's; let us become part of the contemplated Confederation, and
our position will be changed.
If we become part of a great Empire, we must be prepared to assume our share of its
responsibilities. It is
boasted, that the English press and Government are favourable to the change, but would
it not be strange if it
were otherwise? They expect we are going to take a
great burden off their shoulders and place it on our own.
They expend over $6,000,000 yearly on these Colonies
that they expect to save by Confederation. Sir, in our
eagerness to become an empire we appear to forget the
cost its glitter and magnificance will entail. Suppose
this union be brought about. Suppose we agree to yield
up the immunities of our present situation what will then
be our position? Beside us we will have a formidable and
aggressive nation, who at all times, hereafter will possess
a standing army of 200,000, in addition to a large population inured to the privations,
the dangers, and the discipline of war; with this pleasant neighbour, entertaining
no kindly feelings towards us, our great Empire will
require a better standing army of its own. I am going
to be very economical, and although twenty regiments
under such circumstances would be a small provision, I
am only going to reckon this cost. I will take the cost
of the Canadian Rifies, (1350 men) for my basis, every
man of whom, it is estimated, when drilled and equipped
&c. stood Great Britain ÂŁ100 Stg a head. At this
rate the "raising" of twenty Regiments would amount
to the neat sum of $13,500,000. The "pay" of the
Canadian Rifles, when according to the army Estimates,
is ÂŁ41,575, 14 Stg. not including clothing, arms, &c. for
twenty regiments would give us an annual disoursement
of $154,525, for this service without outfits or incidental
charges, we will also require at the lowest calculation a
dozen brigades of Artillery, the expense of equipping
which I am not able to give but it must be something
startling; the yearly pay alone of a brigade of Artillery
is ÂŁ24,500 sterling. These are some of the pleasant
burthens in store for us when we become "a Great Empire." (Cheers) These are items
that have entered into
the figures of no gentlemen, because, like the clause
providing for the defence of Canada they have wisely
been left in doubt and undefined, it requires, however
no great prescience to foretell that our burdens under
this Confederation, instead of $12,000,000 annually, before five years will double
that sum. The doubling of
our taxation must follow, in place of even $4.00 per
head unay be $8,00. But it may be asked if the dangers of
attack from a hostile neighbour will be great in case of
union, will they not be more so, if we remain as we are?
So far as Nova Scotia is concerned, I answer—no. Canada is the weak joint in these
Colonies. It is to defend
Canada not the whole Provinces, union is wanted. If
Canada desires to remain as she is she must assume all
the burthens her situation demands, we are not to the
same extent under any such necessity." (Cheers.)
Now would the supporters of Confederation say how
such an expenditure could be met from Colonial finds,
without such excessive taxation as it would be impossible
for us to pay? Let hon members state what amount of
taxation would be inevitable. If they complained in
Nova Scotia, where they would have the benefit of the
Grand Trunk railway, bringing to their doors a large
amount of Western trade, the profits of which would go
far to enable them to meet the increased taxation that
would result from the union and its consequences, why
should we, who have no such prospects, render ourselves
liable to such taxation? But besides the heavy taxation,
and the giving over to the General Government of our
mines and minerals, and of the power to legislate for our
fisheries, the patronage of all the offices in our Customs.
Post Office and Lighthouses, as well as in our Courts of
Justice, would be vested in the General Government.
They would appoint our Judges, our Posmaster General,
and all his subordinates, and also the whole of the
Customs' staff, throughout the Colony, and pay them out
of the taxes levied upon us. There offices might be
filled by Canadians, Nova Scotians, or New Brunswickers; but there would be very little
probability of the
patronage being conferred on Newfoundlanders. At
present, under Responsible government, all offices in
this Colory, from the highest to the lowest, with the
exception of that of governor, were given to our own
people; but what influence would our eight members in
the Federal House of Commons have to secure offices for
Newfoundland, when opposed by the influence of Canada,
New Brunswick or Nova Scotia? The Attorney General and other supporters of Confederation
had told us of
the prospect of our educated young men under confederation—that they could go to Canada,
where there
would be a field for their exertions. He (Mr. Casey)
believed that Canada had young men for all the appointments that would be in the gift
of the General Government, while New Brunswickers and Nova Scotians would
also be looking for a share of them; and that, so far
from our young men participating in its patronage in
Canada, all our own offices worth accepting would be
bestowed by the general government upon the friends of
their supporters in the other provinces, what influence
would our eight members have in a House of Commons—
consisting of 194, all eager to benefit their own friends
and supporters? He (Mr. Casey) would repeat, that
he could see no real tangible benefit to the people of Newfoundland to be derived
from this
proposed Confederation of the British North American Colonies, and therefore he opposed
it. If he
saw that it would benefit his native country, he
would give it his hearty support; but after giving the
matter the fullest consideration, it was his deliberate
opinion that it was calculated to prove ruinous to this
country. He cordially approved of the Resolution before
the chair. Let the matter go to the constituencies and
let them pronounce upon it. He had every confidence
as to the decision they would come to. Confederation
might be some benefit to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, although it was strongly opposed
in both provinces. But for his part, he did not see of what advantage
it would be to Newfoundland, and he certainly did see
many powerful reasons why we should reject it.
Mr. NOWLAN wished to make a few observations on
that important subject. He felt it his duty to express his
opinions upon it, so that his constieuents might know his
sentiments; for he conceived it the duty, of every hon
member of the house to state his views fully and unequivocally upon such an important
subject as that, involving
the most momentous consequences to the present and
future generations. After the long and able speeches of
hon gentlemen who had preceded him, he (Mr. Nowlan)
did not intend to enter into the subject at any great
length. No question of equal importance had come before the legislature of this colony
on any former occasion,
and although the house was not now called upon to pronounce any decision upon it,
still it had been very properly taken up by hon members on its merits; and they
had all themselves addressed to the consideration of whether it would not be for,the
advantage of this colony to enter into a Confederation with the other British North
American Colonies, on the terms and conditions embodied in
the Resolutions adopted at the Quebec Conference. In
considering such a subject as that, he was of opinion that
it should be regarded entirely on its own merits, and he
could say for himself that he came to the consideration
with an unbiassed mind. He would admit that he would
not be opposed to a union of this Colony with the other
British North American Colonies, provided we could enter that union on fair and equitable
terms. He had
given the subject a great deal of consideration, and had
endeavoured to make himself acquainted with the matter
in all its bearing on this Island; and the more he looked
into it, the more he was convinced that it would not be
for the interests of Newfoundland to enter into the proposed union on the terms laid
down in the resolutions.
At the same time, he must say his leanings were in favour of a union upon most satisfactory
terms. He did
not think, however, that the terms proposed were such
as it would be for the interests of this Colony to accept.
He would be disposed to vote for it, if he could say that
it was calcuated to confer any permanent or substantial
benefit on the country. But so far from that, he feared
that if we rushed hastily into this confederation scheme,
we might soon have much cause to regret it. If we looked at this mater in a financial
point of view, it would
be seen that this Colony would be subjected to
a severe loss. The hon member for Ferryland,
Mr. Glen who was looked upon as a sound and
cautious
financier, had very plainly shewn that we
would lose annually by accepting this project, no less
than from Forty to Fifty thousand pounds. That was
a very serious consideration and ought not to be lightly
passed over. Our revenue under the existing tariff, was,
on an average of years ÂŁ100,000, and taxing our population at 120,000, our taxation
in the shape of Custom's
duties is 16s, 8d. stg, per head; and we have always
been able to raise sufficient money under this tariff, for
the requirements of the country. But if we should go
into this Confederation, and the Canadian tariff applied
to our imports, what would be the result The Customs
returns laid upon the table show that the revenue collected in this Island would be
increased to ÂŁ157,000 a
year, or 25s per head of our population, an audition of
50 per cent upon our present rate of taxation, being an
enormous addition to the present heavy burden, upon
our people; and the worst feature in the affair is the
fact that the people of this country would not receive
any benefit from the enormous increase of taxation. If
our revenue under the Canadian tariff should amount to
this large sum, the whole surplus would go to Canada,
after paying our subsidy of ÂŁ112,000 and we would love
annually the sum of ÂŁ45,000, being the difference between
these amounts; which would be handed over to the
General Government, to be expended in improvements
in the other colonies, in any way the Federal House of
Commons should chose to sanction, such railways, canals,
and of her public works, in the advantages of which this
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
country would participate to a very small extent. It
appeared to him (Mr. Nowlan) that the sacrifices we
were called upon to make were greater than those
proposed for any of the other colonies, while they
were without any corresponding advantages. Under
the Resolutions agreed to at Quebec, we were called
upon to give up, to a certain extent, our Legislative
independence, to surrender our mines and minerals
and our waste lands, and certain of our public buildings, and a sum of ÂŁ45,000 annually,
of our public
revenue, which would be applied towards the comple tion of such works as the Grand
Trunk Railway and
the Canals of Canada, and to the military defence of
that Province, and no hon. member would contend
that our interest in these was equal to that of the
other colonies, or that we would not be much benefited by an expenditure of equal
amount on public
works in this Island. Besides, we were called upon
to give the General Government and Legislature, in
which we would have but a very limited influence, the
power of taxing us to any extent they might hereafter
think necessary. These were some of the sacrifices we
would have to make if we joined the Confederation;
and he (Mr. Nowlan) did not think the country would,
under these circumstances, enter into the proposed
union on the terms of the Quebec Resolutions. We
ought to pause before voluntarily committing ourselves
to this scheme for ever. And what were we to recieve
in for all these sacrifices. Only the small sum
of ÂŁ112,000 a year, with the control of only ÂŁ80,000
of that amount. That was all we were to have to provide for our civil expenditure,
our Road service, and
for Education. This is not sufficient, at present, for
the public requirements. But if we are to have all the
good things which the supporters of Confederation tell
us will flow from it—if in the course of twenty or
thirty years the resources of the country are to be so
much developed, our mines and minerals profitably
worked by Canadian capitalists, the waste lands of the
country settled and cultivated, manufactories put in
profitable operation, and, as a consequence, our population more than doubled, what
would the Custom's
revenue of this Island then amount to? Would it be
short of ÂŁ300,000 per annum, while all of it at our
own disposal would still be only ÂŁ80,000? Then
how could we find means to provide for our local requirements? We must necessarily
resort to direct
taxation, so distasteful to all classes in this community; and which he (Mr. Nowlan)
believed could not
be carried out. But, however reluctant we might be
to resort to direct taxation to meet our own wants, the
General Government would have the power to do so,
to meet theirs. They would have the power to tax
our lands, our houses, horses, carriages, vessels and
fishing stages, as well as to impose an export duty
upon our fish and oil. These were matters requiring
serious consideration, and which ought not to be
hastily disposed of. We were told by the advocates
of Confederation, that if we entered it we should have
direct steam communication with Canada and with
Great Britain, and have our coastal steam communication improved. But there was no
guarantee for this
being done. There was not one word of the subject
in the Quebec Resolutions, notwithstanding that so
much of our revenue would have to go towards the
construction of the Grand Trunk Railway, which was
expressly provided for in the Quebec Resolutions, as
well as the enlargement of the canals of Canada. He
(Mr. Nowlan) said the matter of steam communication
ought to be definitely settled previous to the question
of Confederation being entertained. The hon. member for Placentia, Mr. Shea, stated
that the people of
Canada paid less taxation per head, under their high
tariff, than we pay in this Colony. That was admitted; and it was one of the disadvantages
which he
(Mr. Nowlan) saw in the proposal for union. The
Canadians, under their high tariff, paid in Customs
and Excise duties about 14s. per head, while we, in
Newfoundlaud, would have to pay, if the same tariff
should be put in force here, no less than 25s perhead.
It would, therefore, be seen how very unfairly that
tariff would operate upon us. If we looked at it in
another light, we would find that a population of
120,000 in this Colony, would pay under that tariff
ÂŁ157,000 a year, or 25s per head, while 120,000 of
Canada, would pay only ÂŁ84,000, or 14s. per head
thus showing that we would pay annually in Customs'
duties ÂŁ73,000 more than an equal population in
Canada, or that we would be subjected to nearly
double the rate of taxation of Canada. Would any
intelligent person say such inequality of burdens was
fair, or that it would ever be voluntarily submitted to?
Any one who took the trouble to look into those could
not fail to see the very unequal taxation to which this
country would be subjected; while the advantages we
could derive from Confederation would be much less
than the other colonies would enjoy. If we entered into the Confederation on the proposed
terms, this
rate of taxation would be inevitable. But it might be
asked how the Canadian tariff would operate so unfairly upon us? Simply in this way,
that the people
of Canada are largely engaged in agricultural and
manufacturing pursuits; and in a position to supply
themselves with domestic and home manufactures to a
large extent, while we import all woollens and all the
cottons, as well as all the leatherware we consume.
We are entirely a consuming population, producing
but a small portion of our food, and scarcely any of
the materials of wearing apparel. We thus consume
nearly double the quantity of dutiable goods per head
that is consumed by the Canadians, who are large
producers themselves. In this statement, he (Mr.
Nowlan) was borne out by Mr. Galt, the finance
Minister of Canada, who in his speech to the constituents at Sherbrooke, said on the
subject of the tariff— "
Newfoundland, being a fishing population, the amount of dutiable articles which they
consume was
about double, per head, what it was here in Canada.
They would, therefore, in the shape of Customs duties, be contributing to the Confederation
a larger
proportion than properly belonged to them." We
could not have a better authority on this subject than
Mr. Galt, a gentleman who, from his position, no
doubt understood the difference in the working of the
Canadian tariff here and in Canada. It had been
stated by some of the advocates of Confederation that
the Canadian tariff would not be adopted by the Federal Legislature.—But any person
who took the
trouble to look into the matter must see that a lower
tariff than that of Canada, for the Confederated Colonies, would not produce sufficient
revenue to meet the
requirements of the Federal Government. It was admitted that at least a Customs revenue
of 12 millions
of dollars would be required and he (Mr. Nowlan)
could not see how that amount could be raised with a
lower tariff. The following statesmen would show the
populatien of each Province, and the probable amount
per head that each would have to pay in Customs and
Excise duties uuder the present Citadian tariff:—
|
Population. |
$ c. |
|
| Canada, |
2,500,000 |
2 80 |
$7,000,000 |
| Nova Scotia |
330,000 |
4 00 |
1 320 000 |
| New Brunswick, |
252,000 |
4 00 |
324 000 |
| P. E. Island, |
81,000 |
4 00 |
324 000 |
| Newfoundland, |
130,000 |
5 00 |
650,000 |
|
|
|
10,292,000 |
| Estimated proceeds of Public Works, &c................ |
1 000,000 |
|
$11,292,000 |
This amount of revenue is less than the estimate;
which is sufficient to show that a lower tariff would
not be adequate to meet the mere annual requirement
of the General Government, not to speak of the cost
of an army and a navy, and the outlay to put the country in a state of defence; and
also for the completion
of the grand Trunk Railway and the enlargement of
the canals, and for the other public works to be carried out under Confederation.
These were matters
which ought to be seriously considered and satisfactorily arranged previous to entering
into the union.
We had been told that if we declined entering the
union upon these unequal terms, we would not obtain
such good terms afterwards. He (Mr Nowlan) felt
very little anxiety upon that point. It, as had been
stated, it is the policy of the British government to
carry out a Federal union of the British North American provinces, their influence
would be sufficient to
procure our admission at any time they might deem
expedient, as well as to secure us equable terms. He
(Mr Nowlan) believed it was the wish of the parent
State that the other Colonies should be united; and it
was only natural that such a union should be effeeted.
They were situated on the same continent, contiguous
to each other, divided only by imaginary lines. The
habits, the sympathies and the callings of the people
are similar, and they have much and frequent intercourse with each other. But we are
very differently
circumstanced. Our interests are not identical with
theirs. We are entirely a fishing population, and this
Island is separated from them by hundreds of miles of
sea. Besides, it is evident, from the information we
possess, through the papers laid before the House,
that there was at first no intention of including Newfoundland in the proposed union.
It was by a mere
accident that we were invited to send Delegates at the
Conference held at Quebec. The hon the Attorney
General happened to be at Halifax on private business
when the Charlottetown Conference was about being
held; and in an interview with the Provincial Secretary of Nova Scotia, he impressed
that gentleman
with his own views, that Newfoundland should participate in any advantages derivable
from the union to
be then considered—the Legislative union of the maritime Provinces—Subsequently, the
Government of
this Colony were invited to send Delegates to a Conference at Quebec, to consider
the proposal of a Federal union of all the British North Americal Colonies; and the
invitation was complied with; but the
Delegates were merely to watch the proceedings, and
without authority to bind this colony to anything.
That was the origin of our connection with this matter; and judging from these facts,
was it reasonable
to suppose that the British Government would force
us into this union against our consent? He (Mr.
Nowlan) thought not. With respect to the military
aspect of the question, our people, it is clear, are a
fishing and seafaring people, and would, most prooably, always be so. But if a necessity
should arise in
the event of a war, no doubt they would be required
to contribute their share of troops for the defence of
the Confederated Colonies. It had been stated that
the aggregate amount of our import duties would not
be increased, even if the present Canadian tariff were
supplied—that we would import largely of manufactured goods from Canada. But he (Mr
Nowlan) did not
consider that our importations from Canada would be
much more than they are at present. The manufactures of Canada are not so well suited
to the tastes of
our people as British manufactured guods, and he beheved it would be no easy matter
to change the tastes
and habits of our people in this respect; and he could
not see any great advantage that would accrue to us
even if we were to purchase our goods in Canada. If
be thought that manufactures would spring up here
amongst ourselves to any extent, as one of the results
of Confederation, and thus give employment to our
people, be might be disposed to regard the matter in
a somewhat more favourable light; but he saw very
little chance of such taking place. Some hon members had stated that the debt of Canada
is represented
by great Public Works, and that the province is in
a flourishing condition, whilst Newfoundland was represented as a poor, pauperised
country, without position or influence. It imust be admitted that this colony, as at present, is in a depressed condition, owing
to successive bed fisheries. But he (Mr Nowlan)
would like to know if confederation would remove our
pauperism. He did not believe that it would; but if
we had a few seasons of good fisheries, pauperism
would disappear, whether we have Confederation or
not. Our revenue is at present sufficient for our requirements, and our debt is only
8 dollars a head for
our population. But what is the financial condition
of Canada, the country we are asked to join? Her
debt is 25 dollars per head, and it would be seen by
reference to the public accounts of that country, that
for the last eight or ten years preceding 1864 the revenue was not equal to the expenditure,
and the political state of the country was such, owing to differences
of race and religion, that they had frequent changes
of government, and that latterly no party could carry
on the government, longer than for a few months.
They had been running into debt at a frightful rate,
about one-fourth of their present debt having resulted
from deficiencies in the annual revenue. Bad as our
condition is, it is not so bad as this. So it apperrs
that Canada is not after all in such a flourishing condition as the supporters of
Confederation would have
us believe. Our delegates, no doubt, had made the
best bargain they could for us under the circumstances, but he (Mr Nowlan) could not
vote for the union
on the terms which they had agreed upon. He could
not see any substantial advantage to be derived from
it. The hon member for Placentia, Mr. Shea, said we
are to have a loock established here for the repair of
large vessels disabled on their voyage between the
other North American Colonies and the United Kingdom, that we are to have transatlantic
steam communication, and a line of Steamers to Canada, and the
local postal service improved. But not one of these
matters was guaranteed by the Quebec Resolutions.
It was not a little remarkable that when some of those
who are now such strenuous advocates for Confederation were contending for Responsible
government and
Free Trade, we were told of the improvements which
would result from these concessions, improvements
which had not all been realised; and these same parties now tell us that even with
Responsible Government, a small Legislature such as ours is powerless to
do the country much good, and that the remedy for
our poverty and misfortunes is confederation, which
will give us a Federal Legislature at Ottawa, to [?]
all our ills. He (Mr Nowlan) thought we ought to be
call [?], and to hesitate about adopting the views of
these hon members on this question of Confederation.
They may be just as much in error now as by their own
admission they were ten years ago on Responsible
Government. There was another matter which he
(Mr Nowlan) could not help referring to—the difference
of opinion among the adventuers of this measure. One
hon member was entirely in favour of this union; but
he objected to our giving Mines, Minerals and
Crown Lands. Another was of the opinion that Confederation would be most beneficial
if we had steam communication with Britain and Canada, and the hon and
learned Doctor took exception to the basis of representation and shewed by figures
that in 36 years
hence we would lose two of our eight memebers—
while Upper Canada also would have more members than
all the Confederation besides. If these hon members
were sincre, they should have opposed Confedera
tion until the causes of their objections were removed. And the constituencies would
have some difficulty in giving their support to parties who were
partly for, and partly against confederation. The
hon member for Port de Grave, Mr. Leamon, was
candid and home t. He spoke in favour of Confederation. and would have gone immediately
into the
discussions of the resolutions. It was urged that the
British Government would withdraw the troops if we
refused to enter the union. He (Mr. Nowlan) believed the British Government would
always afford us
that military and naval protection that we had hitherto
received. The most important interest we have to
protect is our fisheries; and the encroachments most
complained of were those of the French on the Labrador and at other points; and he
was satisfied that a
ship-of-war would be sent every summer to protect
our fisheries, and that the detachment of troops
stationed here would not be withdrawn. The other
Colonies are as much interested in the protection of
the Labrador fisheries as we are, and, they would
have the same interest in them after Confederation as
now, and whether we should go into Confederation or
not, our interest would receive the same protection as
those of the other Colonies. These were his sentiments on that important question.
He was opposed
to Confederation on the terms laid down in the Quebec Resolutions; and he was glad
that the matter
was not to be disposed of hastily. It was of too much
importance to be decided without reference to the
constituencies. The constitution under which hon
members held their seats was not given to that House,
but to the people of the country, and they alone had
the right to consent to such an important change as
Confederation would effect upon it. He had much
pleasure, therefore, in supporting the Resolution
before the chair. He was glad the hon leader of the
Government had laid such a temperate Resolution on
the table. It met the views both of the supporters
and the opponents of Confederation, as it postponed
the decision of the question until after the constituencies shall have pronounced
upon it. He thought it
should be made the platform at the approaching
General Election. He (Mr. Nowlan) was prepared
to go before his constituents on the views he had now
expressed, and if they should not return him, he was
prepared to bow to their decision, however much he
might value a seat in that House. But he would
never be a party to ceding away the rights and privileges of the people. With these
remarks he would
support the Resolution before the chair, and let the
mitter be decided by the Constituencies at the approaching General Election.
1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Monday, May 1, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
THURSDAY, March 2.
Mr. EVANS did not know that he could say much on
this important question which had not been said by hon
members who had already addressed the House on the
subject. Still he considered it his duty to state his
opinions upon a question of such deep importance, involving as it did the present
and future destinies of the
country. He fully concurred in the course proposed in
the resolution before the chair. The question ought to
be fully considered by the constituencies previous to any
decision being come to upon it in that House; and he
cordially concurred in the views of the hon leader of the
Government in that respect. The interests of this Island, in all time coming, were
involved in the decision
that would be come to, and therefore too much consideration could be given to the
question. After the most
careful consideration of all that had been advanted on
both sides in that debate, he must say that the opinions
he had previously formed were strengthened—that the
weight of evidence and arguments was in favour of Confederation. So far from believing
that Confederation
would weaken the ties which bind us to the parent state,
he considered that these ties would thereby be strengthened. He (Mr. Evans) would
be no party to any proceedings which he believed calculated to separate this
Colony from Great Britain; but he believed that in
supporting Confeueration he was prolonging, if not perpetrating the connection. The
Confederacy would at
once become a powerful state, while its progress in population and the development
of material resources, judging by the past, must be such as, in half a century
hence, would place us in the very first position on this
side of the Atlantic. At the same time, with the generous assistance of the mother
country, and the
protection which her navy would afford to our fisheries
and commerce, we would have no cause for anxiety as to
the aggression of any foreign power, either in Europe
or America. As to the ability of the Confederation to
repel invasion, should it be attempted, he need only
refer to the history of the revolutionary war of the
United States. The thirteen United Colonies, with a
population under the present population of British
North America, and with fewer material resources, successfully resisted all the efforts
of the mother country
to retain them under her dominion; and if they could
do that, notwithstanding that at the commencement of
the struggle England held military possession of the
country, would we not be sufficiently powerful to repel
foreign aggression, when we had the military and naval
protection of Great Britain combined with our own
efforts? But what could the isolated Provinces of
British North America do for their own defence, were
they to be now attacked by an enemy? Would it be
possible for them to combine for the purpose? It was
well known that such combination, without union, would
be impracticable. What could our population of 130,000, scattered along such an extent
of coast, do for
their own protection? We have neither the influence
nor the power to command that respect which we would
enjoy as a component portion of a Confederacy numbering four millions, and which a
few years would raise
to four times that number, with a territory stretching
from the Atlantic to the Pacific. And as to the means
of defraying our civil expenditure, and promoting education and the extension of roads,
our means under Confederation would be fully as ample as now; while, if
we gave up a certain portion of our independent legislation, we would be admitted
to legislate to the same extent, for the Confederacy, through our representatives
in the Federal House of Commons. We did not so
much part with our power of legislation as we combined
with the other British Colonies to legislate in common
for objects of common interest. He certainly felt somewhat alarmed at the learned
Doctor's long array of
figures; and if he thought there was any danger of a
reduction in the number of members allotted to us, he
would say, that it would be well to guard by an
express stipulation against such a contingency. But
he did not think we should ohject to the number
of members assigned to us. We were fairly considered, on the basis of population,
and considering
the ability and success with which our Delegates sustained our interests at the Conference
at Quebec, he felt
no anxiety as to our interest being properly attended to
in the Federal Parliament, provided the constituencies
exercise proper judgment in the selection of representatives; and any increase in
their number would certainly
not facilitate the selection of suitable representatives.
Besides, as had been remarked by the hon and learned
member for Fogo, Mr. Whiteway, the other provinces
are interested in the fisheries, in common with ourselves,
and Canada especially had for some time past bestowed
great attention upon her fisheries, although of minor
importance compared with ours. He did not apprehead
that it would be disadvantageous to us to surrender our
ungranted Crown Lands witnout mines and minerals to
the General Government. He was of opinion that the
apprehensions of hon members on that subject were
groundless. The General Government would have no
interest except to render our Crown lands available for the
public benefit; and they would be as open to us for settlement as they are now. If
our mineral resources are as
valuable as they are represented, it was only
necessary that they should be known to secure abundance of
capital to work them; and it would not be denied that a
thorough geological survey of the Island would be more
effectively carried out by the General Government than
by our own unaided efforts. With respect to the question of the tariff, he did see
some difficulty, but he considered it by no means insurmountable; and considering
the liberal manner in which the representation of our
Delegates were met at the Conference, he was satisfied
every consideration would be extended to us. If the
existing Canadian tariff were applied to our imports, we
might at first be more highly taxed than now. But the
hon member, for Placentia and St. Mary's Mr. Shea,
had shown that we would soon have an importation of
Canadian goods, which of course would come in duty
free; and from what the hon member for Carbonear, Mr.
Rorke stated as to the quality and prices of the samples of
Canadian leather, boots, shoes, and other articles he had
from Quebec, last fall, there was no reason to doubt that
we would find it for our advantage to import Canada
manufactured leather to a considerable extent; and he
agreed with hon members who anticipated that we would
also import Canadian woollens, to some extent. He was
also satisfied that the union would lead to the establisment of local manufactures.
But these changes would be
only of gradual introduction; and in the meantime, it ought to be arranged that we
should
not be required to contribute more to the general revenue, accoiding to population,
than the other colonies.
The hon member for Ferryland, Mr. Glen, objected that
there were no stipulations in the Resolutions against an
export duty upon fish and oil. He (Mr. Evans) did not
think any such stipulations necessary, for he was perfectly satisfied that the General
Government would not attempt it. There was no export duty on fish and oil from
any of the British North American Colonies now; but
there was an export duty on timber from New Brunswick, in lieu of stumpage, and upon
Coal and other minerals in Nova Scotia, in lieu of Royalty; and the stipulation in
the Resolutions, that there should be no export
duty on these, was simply because, as a portion of the
Crown lands revenue, they belonged to Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick respectively, and they found it most
convenient in these provinces to collect the revenue upon
them by an export duty. But he (Mr. Evans) did not
believe the General Government would attempt to impose any export duties, which was
contrary to the enlightened spirit of modern commercial legislation. The
hon member also complained of the Canadian tariff as
protective while our interests lay in the direction of Free
Trade; and also that Freneh saught fish was admitted
into Canada, duty free, and would also come in here under the Canadian tarif. But
the Canadian tariff would
not be adopted by the Federal Legislature without modification, even if the existing
import duties under it should
be retained. The Federal tariff would, of course, be
adapted to the local requirements of the several Colonies.
He did not look upon the proposed Confederation as
the submission of this Colony to a hostile country which
would pay little regard to our interests, but an alliance
with sister Colonies, for the promotion of our mutual
interests, which could only be done by the general Legislature carefully considering
the wants and wishes of
the several Confederated Colonies.—Of course steam
communication with the United Kingdom and with Canada, was indispensible to the beneficial
operation of the
union. The steamers for Canada should call at some of
the ports of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick on the
Gulf of St. Lawrence. This would open up a valuable
trade with these Colonies; and in return for our imports
from them, they would be good customers for our herrings and other fishery products.
He hoped the Government would erect an additional number of Lighthouses
on our south western Coast, along what was the highway
to the Gulf of the river St. Lawrence. Confederation
would give us a uniform currency, as well as a uniform
tariff, and it could not be denied that both would prove
advantageous in our business relations with the other
colonies. It has been urged that our commercial intercourse with the other Colonies
is limited. But the commerce of British North America, though extensive now,
can only be said to be in its infancy; and as population
increased, the demands for the products of our fisheries
in the other colonies would increase still more rapidly, for
Agriculture and other pursuits would, no doubt occupy
the attention of their people to a large extent; and we
might anticipate supplying them to a much greater extent than now with the produce
of our fisheries. It
had been objected that there is no uniformity of interests
between Canada and this Colony, that we are a fishing
community, while Canada is an agricultural, lumbering
and manufacturing country. But for that very reason
he considered that we would be of the greater advantage
to each other. We would be good customers for the
flour, pork and butter of Canada, and also, he believed
for Canadian manufactures, while Canada would afford
us an extensive market for our herrings and some other
articles of which we had an unlimited supply of very
superior quality; and he had not the least doubt that as
population increased in Canada and the North Western
territory, the demand for the products of our fisheries for
these markets would exceed any thing at present anticipated. With the modifications
in the resolutions to
which he had referred, he was of opinion that the propoposed union would operate beneficially
for Newfoundland. The present condition of a large portion of
our operative population was most distressing; and
it was our bounden duty to devise some means for
their relief. Hitherto they had derived but little benefit
from the immense treasures drawn from our waters. In
years of prosperous fisheries they were comfortable; but
when the catch was short, partly, no doubt, from improvidence, but chiefly from the
precarious nature of their
occupaion, large numbers were reduced to destitution.
It was admitted on all hands that other occupations
besides the fisheries, must be provided for a considerable number of our people, or
that they must emigrate;
and as this proposal of union appeared to open up to us
a prospect beneficial to our operative population, as calculated to provide them with
increased employment, he
thought we would be recreant to our duty to the country
if we did not take it into serious cousideration. The
hon. member for Bonavesta, Mr. Wyatt, said our interests
would be attended to on the other side of the water,
better than by any delegation from this Colony; but he
(Mr. Evans) did mean to disparage the efforts of gentlemen in England interested in
this Colony, when he said
he would be sorry to see the protection of our constitutional rights entrusted to
any person not responsiole to
the people of the country, and he did think that in a
matter of such vital importance it was essential to the
protection of our interests that we should be represented
at the final passing of the Imperial Act, by Delegates
thoroughly informed as to our interests, and the wants
and wishes of the constituencies of the colony. It would
appear, however, that a final conclusion will not be come
to on the subject by some of the other colonies, and
therefore the members returned to the next House of
Assembly would have an opportunity of considering the
whole question, with the great advantage of being furnished with the views of the
constituencies upon it, and being fully informed as to the course, taken by the Legislatures
of the other colonies. He (Mr. Evans) would not
longer occupy the time of the house. He looked upon
Confederation, on fair terms, as calculated to be eminently
beneficial to this Colony. With the two or three modifications of the resolutions,
to which he had referred, and
which, he believed, could be easily accomplished, he
considered it would result beneficially to the country, and
would greatly promote the progress of its people, socially
commercially and politically.
On motion of hon
ATTORNEY GENERAL, the committee
then rose, and the Chairman reported progress. To sit
again to-morrow.
Mr. PARSONS gave notice that, on Thursday next, he
would ask leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the
election of a Light-house on Cape St. Francis.
Mr. PENOUF gave notice that, on to-morrow, he would
ask the Acting Colonial Secretary what action has been
taken by the Government to furnish the British North
American Association of London, with Parliamentary,
statistical and other documentary information relating to
this Island, the character of such documents, if any,
sent since the reception by the Government of the circular and rules of the said Association,
dated 1st March,
18623. Also, for a statement, showing the localities of
the Pillar letter boxes in this town, how often they are
empited of their contents, the number of newspapers and
letters deposited in these boxes for town and outport
delivery, the British North American Provinces, Great
Britain and Ireland, and foreign Countries, with, the
amount of revenue drawn from the said Pillar boxes,
from date of establishmelt to the end of February last.
The House then adjourned until to-morrow at three
o'clock.
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