1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Wednesday, February 10, 1869.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
THURSDAY, February 4.
The House met pursuant to adjournment.
Pursuant to the order of the day, and on motion
of
Mr. Godden, the House resolved itself into a
Committee of the whole on the Address of Thanks
in reply to His Excellency's speech. Mr. Knight in
the chair.
Mr. RENOUF had much pleasure in rising to support the amendment which had been moved by his
hon. friend, Mr. Parsons, to the second paragraph in
the Address of Thanks. The paragraph says:—
"We fully approve of the course taken by the
Executive Government in issuing the Proclamation in
June last, that relief in future would be confined to
destitute widows and orphans, and to the sick and
infirm poor. We believe this act was well timed,
and we cordially hope and trust that the Executive
may be successful in its efforts to suppress the demoralizing system of able-bodiod
relief."
This was a perfect echo of His Excellency's speech,
while the amendment reads thus: "While we admit the necessity of the large outlay
under the head
of relief for the able-bodied poor, we cannot refrain
from expressing our disappointment of the injudicious mode in which such outlay was
effected, and our
regret that no remedial measures had been adopted
by the Government to relieve the evils accruing to
the poor from its sudden stoppage." Now he (Mr.
R.) approved and endorsed every word contained in
that amendment. We had been accused of bringing
all our influence upon the Government to induce
them to issue meal and molasses to the poor. It was
however, well known that the opposition had brought
no such pressure, they had no interestin bringing it,
and none of that meal and molasses stuck to their
hands or contributed to line their pockets. He well
recollected how the hon, member, Mr. Shea, in his
last great speech upon the tariff, paraded a letter
signed by him (Mr. R,) and his colleagues, and endeavoured to prove from it and to
convince the
country that we were the parties who had brought a
pressure to bear upon the Government to induce
and coerce them to issue this poor relief. But that
letter should be placed side by side with the one
which had been received by him (Mr. R.) from the
Chairman of the Board of Works. In 1864, when
this Amalgamated Government came into power, this
Government that was the greatest curse to the country, was going to work wonders—it
was going to
improve the condition of the people, stimulate enterprise, and be a blessing to all.
It was said that
the hon. member Mr. Shea, and the hon. Receiver
General left this side of the House purely to trample
down all angry sectarian feelings. Well, we had a
trail of them for four years and what had they done?
When we look around can we see any evidence of
progress or of administrative ability? No. Nothing but starvation among the people,
as he had
stated the other day, but which statement had been
suppressed by the official reporters to this House.
In 1864 then this unholy alliance was consummated,
and before the session met we were summoned to
attend a meeting in the office of the Colonial Secretary. We went there, and we were
asked by the
Premier, Mr. Carter, whether we would consent to
an advance of ÂŁ200, being made on account of our
road grant to support the able-bodied poor in our
district. He (Mr. R.) had said that he would not
consent to sacrifice the industrious agriculturist for
such a purpose. The hon, and learned Attorney
General then said we sent for you to ask your permission, but if you do not give it
we will
do it without your sanction. We protested
against such a proceeding, but it was of no avail.
Last year when applications were made to us, we
merely brought them under the notice of the Government, leaving the responsibility
with them. He
(Mr. R.) had addressed a communication to the hon.
Colonial Secretary, relieving himself and his hon.
colleagues from any responsibility, and placing that
responsibility upon the shoulders of the Government,
who were bound not to let any one starve. Here
the hon. member read the communications he
referred to, and commented upon them at considerable length. Was there any evidence
that he, or
any of the Opposition, had coerced the Government
into the lavish and extravagant expenditure that
had been made? We had no desire to force the
Government, we merely placed before them the
positicn of the people, and refrained from telling
or asking them to do anything. The members of
the Government had a direct interest in fostering
this system, of pauper relief, and but for it, their
household Gods would come to nothing. There
were men who came to us and said the Government
will give us relief if you sanction it, and if we do not
get it, it will be your fault, What then could we
do? We were driven into the necessity of sending
to the Government the communication that we did—
a communication which has been twisted and
tortured to suit the ends of the Executive. Here
the hon member commented on the speech of the
hon. member Mr. Shea last year in reference to this
matter, and said that the issue of poor relief was
what the Government desired and connived at. He
referred to the issue of meal and molasses in the
Eastern districts, and said it was made use of for the
purpose of filling the pockets of members of the
Executive, and not for the relief of the people. He
charged certain of the Executive with selling meal
to the Government at a price far above its market
worth, and being full of Purser's figs, rotten and
lumpy. He then referred to the permanent poor
grant, contended that it was made the means of the
vilest abuses and corruption, and that half the money
voted was not expended. The system, he said, was
corrupt and rotten at the core. The Proclamation
migut be a step in the right, direction, but it should
not have been issued until the Government had in
some way prepared the people for its reception, He
would refer to the public accounts to show the
robberies and jobberies that were contained therein.
The Government had taxed, bread and other necessaries of life to such an extent as
to leave the market
without that active competition which was necessary to equalise prices, and this was
done in order to
raise a revenue to meet their extravagance. They
went in debt to the Union Bank to the amount of
ÂŁ70,000, and cared not bow the revenue went while
that held, and then when the Bank called for payment they had no means of responding,
except by
increased taxation. His side of the House had put
forth their views, with regard to this taxation, but
they were scouted, and they were told they were
neither financiers nor politicians. What is the result of their Tariff, why that His
Excellency is obliged to acknowledge that the Revenue falls short of
the Estimate. The Government claims credit for
playing a bold and an honest policy in the matter of
this proclamation, and that it was issued solely with
a view to suppress able-bodied pauper relief, but
they would not have adopted that course had not the
Union Bank fightened the purse "strings." They
make a virtue of necessity, and parade their virtues
before the country. It is said St. John's absorbs
the lion's share of Poor Relief, but it was well
known that the people from all parts of the country
crowd into St. John's. It was not the poor of St.
John's who absorbed this Poor Relief. There were
last winter in St. John's West not less than 75 outport families, and they absorbed
no less than ÂŁ500
of the road grant of the district, which pronerly belonged to the industrious agriculturist.
The proclamation may have been good up to this, but if hon.
gentlemen would visit the poor in their hovels, they
would see an amount of misery which would soon
convince them that it cannot be carried out in its
integrity. He (Mr. R.) was directly opposed to the
giving of relief to those who did not require it, but
to these who were in danger of starving, relief
should be given, though it took the last farthing in
the public Exchequer. It matters not how the people were brought to want, they must
not be allowed
to perish. The Government won't do anything, all
their affection, all their attention is centred in the
one thing, they have mismanaged the public affairs,
they have misappropriated the public funds, and feeling that they stunk in the nostrils
of the people,
they look to only one avenue of escape—Confederation, that is a new Amalgamation—an
Amalgamation
with Canada, which is 1000 miles away, with a
people who are ignorant of the resources of the
country, and yet are, so we are told, to do for us more
than we can do for ourselves. He (Mr. R.) need
not tell the House nor pruclaim to the country, all
the wiles and tricks which had been played off in
order to effect a change in the views of the people
on this question. The other evening when his hon.
colleague, (Mr. Talbot.) lightly touched on the
question of Confederation, the hon. member for
Placentia and St. Mary's, (Mr. Shea,) took him to
task and then spoke for two hours on the very same
subject. Had they on that side of the House no
right to speak on the subject. Oh no! They were
not honest, so it was said, and only hon. Mr Shea
and a few other disinterested parties were entitled to
speak. His colleague had also spoken of the necessity
for economy, and hinted that a saving to the extent
of ÂŁ25,000 might be effected. This he (Mr. R.)
believed also, and so did the people, yet it was characterised as nonsense, balderdash,
buncombe. We
are told the public salaries amount to ouly ÂŁ32,000
and asked how 25,000 can be saved out of that.
The salaries may come to only ÂŁ32,000, but the
public expenditure amounted to 150,000. Will it be
said that ÂŁ25,000 cannot be saved out of that, and
will not such a saving effect more benefit for the
country than this wild scheme of Confederation.
But we are not to touch the salaries of the fat officials.
If the funds are not sufficient, the remedy is increased
taxation. In their wild desire to maintain this position, they were like the man who
killed the goose
that laid the golden egg. They were in effect told
that it was useless to save, that the country was
going into Confederation, at least so they say. It
was very evident that nothing could be expected from
the Government, they were so absorbed by this one
matter. They hope the matter will be discussed in a
spirit of fair play, and that no clap-trap will be used.
They are to have a monopoly of clap-trap, and no
one was to interfere with them, or meet them with
their own weapons. The question will come before
the constituencies, and he (Mr. H.) hoped that all
traitors will meet with traitors doom. The hon.
member Mr. Shea had adduced the late election in
Harbor Grace as a proof that the policy of the Government was sustained by the people
and merchants
of Conception Bay, and said that the hon member
Mr. Godden had been sent to this House to support
that policy. There were two candidates, but neither
of them in the addresses made any mention of the
question of Confederation though it had been before
the country for over four years. The election took
place, and Mr. Godden was returned by a bare
majority of 40 though the Government used all
possible exertion, and the merehants all their influence to secure his return, and
this was the return
which was so much boasted of. The hon. Mr Shea
and the hon and learned Attorney General went to
Quebec to hear what the other delegates had to say.
They came back with what were called good terms,
and every machinery was put in operation to accept
them. The scheme came in for consideration, and
was rejected by the House and people. A number
of dodges were tried, dodge No. 1 was a dockyard
which was to employ all the shipcarpenters, joiners
&c. &c. Dodge No. 2 was a great nign road from St.
John's to Placentia, which would absorb all the surplus labor of the Colony. No. 3
was a grand road
from St. John's to Twillingate and Fogo, which
would give employment to the Northern people. No.
4 was steam, we were to have coastal, intercolonial,
and direct steam, yet have got none of them. Last
session the necessity for a new dodge and a Railway
to Cape Race was got up. He (Mr R.) could not
but admire the honesty of the hon and learned Attorney General who said it might as
well be called
a railway to the moon.
Mr. RENOUF.—Then you have changed your
opinions. He (Mr. R.) agreed, that it such a
Railway were undertaken, it would be of benefit for
the building of the Grand Trunk Railway and spend
a great deal money on Canada. A notice of resolution was placed on the paper, and
there it remained
until the rule of the House were suspended towards
the close of the session, and then they wouid have
pushed it through without fair discussion of it
were it not for him (Mr R.) The resolutions were
passed and sent to Canada, aud nothing had ever
been heard of them since. Does any man believe
in the construction of this Railway? The capital
was to come from Canada, yet the Canadians were
not able to build their own public works, but had to
go to the United States for money. Of course they
had the report of a Canadian Engineer, Mr Fleming,
who made the best of the matter, but it was well
known how these reports were got up, especially
when a Government wished for them. A new dodge
is wanted this session, and he (Mr. R) would not be
surprised if the hon member would produce a
telegraph, authorising him to engage 800 or 1000
men for employment in Canada on some Railway or
other. He (Mr. R) had enquired from a friend in
Ottawa, for he too had friends there, what were the
chances of our people getting employment there.
(Here the hon gentleman read an extract from a
letter alleged to be from Ottawa.) He asserted that
the labor market of Canada was already overstocked,
and if there was a demand for labor, that demand
could very readily be supplied from the United States.
From the very first this Confederation scheme had
been supported by trickery and dodges and these
dodges had been all so transparent as to render their
exposure unnecessary. The hon. gentleman then
commented at great length on the course which the
Government had pursued with regard to Confederation. He denied that the time had come
for disposing
of the question. He denied that this House had
power to entertain it. Let Canada propose to us
some well defined terms as a basis for our consideration and then it will be high
time for us to enter
upon the discussion of the matter; we had no trade
with Canada, Canada was now as tree to us and all
British subjects as under Confederation it could
possibly be. If Canadians fonnd it for their interest
they could as well come here now with their capita
as if the Union were an accomplished fact. A
mere parchment Confederation would never be
sufficient to induce capitalists to embark their money
in enterprises which would result to the advantage
of this colony. On the other hand Canada could
offer no advantages to our labouring population.
The labour market was already overstocked and
were it not so, the facilities of communication with the
United States, would effectually debar us from this
benefit. The hon. member concluded a very lengthy
speech by strong animad versions upon the policy of
the Government in witholding seed potatoes from the
poor of the Island.
Mr. LITTLE fully concurred with the ameadment of his hon friend. Mr. Parsons, that is
the Amendment moved in answer to that part
of the Speech referring to the Proclamation of June
last. Now, what was that proclamation? * * That
owing to the gross imposition practised by undeserving applicants for relief, the
insufficiency of the only
means available to the Government for confining
relief within legitimate bonnds, the inadequacy of the
revenue the extraordinary expenditure thus accasioned, &c, &c. It goes on to state
that "hereafter
relief will be confined to sick and infirm and to
destitute widows and orphans," we find in the very
wording of the Proclamation an admission by the
Government of its own incapacity. They had made
that incapacity a law, they had placarded it over the
city, and out of their own mouths they stood condemned. The Government do not dare
to assert that
there exists no necessity for this relief, they do not
assert that members are not justifled in soliciting this
relief, out the assertion is simply that Government
had not sufficient machinery to carry out the details
of the distribution in such a manner as to protect
themselves from fraud and imposition. Was not the
horest but unfortunate fisherman, the really deserving
and who had lost his all by shipwreck, were not
these entitled to the consideration of the Government?
Do such cases really exist? Has that Proclamation
been a panacea for all our evils? Has not pauperisn been as rife in many localities
as when that distribution was taking place? Did Government put
an addendum to to the Proclamation as to the subsituion of any means by which the
unfortunate poor of
the country might be relieved? Not at all. Last
year some ÂŁ32,000 was expended and suddenly,
without
forewarning, without the substitution of any
remedial measure, they throw broadcast this Proclanation, proclaiming to the country
that thro' the
tarpitude ef their own officials, they are obliged to
dose the Government chest, and rather than that
fraud should be continued it is desirable that the people should die. The other day
the hon. Attorney
general had stated that it would have been unwise
to purchase seed potatoes because of the high price
and the shortness of the supply, and those who had
not means to purchase would be constrained to do
without then, And this was prudence, this was wisdom. He must certainly condemn the
mistaken
policy of the Government in this respect. The Government were now feeling the effects
of it and unless
they were like a corporation without a soul to be
damned or a body to be kicked, they must feel for
the destitution which everywhere exists. Attempts
had been made to afford relief through temporary
establishments. Though he respected the motives
which had induced benevolent men to enterprise
these establishments,he could not see that any permanent good could posibly result
from them. He
agreed that it was the duty of every hon. member to
use his best endeavours to extricate the country from
its difficulties and it waa the intention of this party to
place belore the House their ideas on this subject—
ideas which would be endorsed throughout the length
and breadth of the country. Government business
should be conducted ou the same principles of economy which regulate the private affairs
of men. He
(Mr. L.) had much pleasure in expressing his support of the amendment of the hon.
member, Mr.
Parsons. He did not find fault with an honest endeavour on the part of the Government
to suppress
this fearful evil which is eating into the very, vitals
of the country, but he censured their mode and manner of carrying into effect their
intentions.
Mr. HOGSETT stood up to give his support to the
amendment before the Chair, and not to enter at
length upon the many subjects in the Address. Had
this rule been followed this debate ought to have been
finished last evening. The hon. member, Mr. Pinsent, last evening had not merely attacked
the resolution,but had gone into a debate upon his Excellency's Speech and the various
matters therein referred
to, and which he very well knew would be subject to
discussion as they came upsingly before the House.
When the question of Confederation came formally
before the House would be the proper time to express opinions upon it, and look at
it in all its bearings. But the hon. member Mr. Pinsent is not content to wait—he
must flash at once into everything,
and must throw down the gauntlet to this side of the
House. He says the Opposition have a right to
point out a a remedy for existing evils. Well, he
did so last spring when we asked for a grant for
seed potatoes, but because that issue could not be
turned to profitable account by members of the Government, because they could not
make money out of
it, it was refused. There had been thousands of
acres prepared in anticipation that seed would be
given, and the owners of them were now shivering
with the cold, starving and dying, but you give them
his Excellency's Proclamation, as much as to say to
them, digest that if you can. One Executive Councillor had sold meal to his (Mr. H.'s)
district, and
forty barrels of it were so bad that the pigs would
not eat them,and that was charged for at 33s.6d. per
barrel, and was taken out of our road bill. Was it
not time indeed to put an end to a fraud like that?
You ask for a remedy. Why do you not send your is
Surveyor General to open up the fine land about
Torbay and Bay Bulls, and employ the people in
clearing it? You could thus make a profit out of
your lands and pay at the same time cash to the
poor labourer. Look at, how the road money was
misapplied. Go to St. Mary's and Placentia and
see the vast sums that have been expended, and do
you see any improvement? There was not an acre
of land opened up. Go and see all the districts except his (Mr. H's), and the same
state of things
would be found. You talk of your resources. If a
man goes into the wilderness of Canada he is helped
by the Government either with implements or seed,
and thus Canada has been raised to what she is now.
Look at California, and see how her resources were
developed. They were developed by the Government of the day and hence she flourished
and is
what she is.
Mr. HOGSETT—The Government made the country
before the gold was discovered. What gold has your
celebrated Geologist discovered? We have been
paying here for four or five years ÂŁ700 a year while
the people were starving, and what good had resulted? The hon. member contended that
the Geological Survey was a waste of public money and only
added to the burdens of the country, and that if the
seed potatoes had been furnished to the people last
spring there would be an absence now of the starvation which was to be seen on every
side.
MR. RENDELL—The House had listened to a very
long speech from the hon. member Mr. Renouf, and
he (Mr. R.) had no doubt that the Government were
well able to meet and refute the charges which had
been made against them. There was a unanimous
feeling throughout the country that poor relief to the
able-bodied must be put down, and it was reasonable that when a man was in good bodily
health and
able to do work, he had no right to claim support
from the Government for six months out of the year.
If such a system as that which has heretofore existed were to be continued, the country
must financially be ruined. We see the terrible effects that it has
produced up to the present time, and no matter what
the
[?] believed that it was utterly impossible for the financial
condition of this colony to sustain the heavy burdens
that was placed upon it. Last year we had a new
tariff, a tariff which could not be defended but by
the peculiar circumstances of this Colony, these circumstances being purely exceptional,
rendering it
imperative that the liabilities of the Colony should be
met; looking at the present tariff, from any other
point of view, it was indefensible, and although he
(Mr R) might have had something to do in fixing
the rates upon certain articles, yet it had not his support as a whole. He thought
that this Government
would be fully sustained by the public in the proclamation issued by them, that no
relief would be
furnished to the able bodied poor. He was aware
that much suffering did exist, and all must feel it
deeply, and deeply deplore it. There was not a
season passed when poor relief was distributed, but
we found it subject to the grossest abuse and corruption. He would say that in his
own district, he had
been disgusted at the way in which it had been
abused. He knew one place where the test of an
oath had been required, and it had been ascertained that the party had actually removed
a barrel of
flour from his house to that of a neighbour, so that
he might be in a position, as he erroneously supposed
to satisfy his conscience by swearing that he had
nothing in his House. Here there was a striking
example of the terribly demoralizing effects of this
system. The sick and infirm should of course be
provided for, and he trusted that the spirit of chris tain charity was not yet extinct,
but that all were
ready as far as their means would permit to relieve
such cases. But relief to the able-bodied should be
put down. At present great want was no doubt felt,
but he believed that the people would be able to
struggle through. In cases of course where such
utter want existed that loss of life was to be feared,
it was the duty of the Government as well as of every
individual to prevent such a calamity. It was indeed
difficult sometimes to understand the views and
opinion of the opposition. At one time they support
the action of the Government, and at another they
turn round and denounce it. One thing, however,
appeared to him (Mr R) to be perfectly clear. A
Proclamation haĹż been issued, and the people
must abide by it. If the Government do not now
carry out the Proclamation what will the people
think? They will in the future regard all Proclamations of a like character and object
as mere moonshine. With reference to seed potatoes he (Mr R)
could speak of the reeult in his own district of the
refusal of the Government to furnish any. The
fishery there had been by no means an abundant
one, the people were not prosperous, and yet a
greater breadth of land had been sown under potatoes
this year than for many years past. He believed
that all the really industrious succeeded in getting
potatoes, and they who mostly claimad poor relief,
he believed, had no gardens to plant potatoes even if
given to them. After all, what was the extent of land
that was cultivated in this colony? It was a mere
nothing. He thought that in some way the people
had lost the art as well as the habit of cultivating the
soil. The present generation instead of, being
habituated to it as their forefathers had been,
neglected it altogether and trusted too much to the
fisheries. It was idle now to tell the people that the
cod fisheries alone could support them. He (Mr R.)
did not believe it and no one intimately acquainted
with the trade and circumstances of the colony would
credit it. Some families where there are five or six
men manage to do, as do also some who have large
craft and means for prosecuting the fishery, and it is
[SEE LAST PAGE.]
5
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
[CONTINUED FROM FIRST PAGE.]
hard work for three men to make both end meet.
It was therefore idle and useless and wrong to lead
the people to suppose that the cod fishery alone was
sufficient for their support. Now whatever may have
been the opposition given by his commercial asspciates
and whatever may have been their vasicllation or
whatever suppression of opinion on the part of others
in deference to the views of persons on the other side
of the Atlantic upon the great question of Confederation, he (Mr R) for one now stood
out boldly, fair,
and square for it. He believed that there were many
who like himself did not much like Confederation at
first. They thought it would produce greater
taxation, and hence so far as the majority of the
commercial body was concerned, they were opposed
to it. But as we came to look more closely into the
matter—to view it in all its aspects—and reflect upon
the circumstances of this colony, a charge came over
the spirit of our dream, and many who were at first
strongly opposed to it are now at all events quiet and
think that it is best to "accept the situation," make
the best terms we can, and get instead of our present
expensive local Government, something cheaper, less
cumbersome and more suited to the condition of the
Colony. This he believed was the general idea that
was entertained by those connected with the commerce of this country. We had heard
observations
made upon the public men of Canada who had been
stigmatised as polotical schemers. He thought, that
looking at the intelligent status of these men they
would surely bear comparison with our own. Looking at Canada we must all admit that
she was fair in
advance of us in wealth, in resources and general
material prosperity. The public men may have
anticipated too much, but they are not like us drooping in spirit and having no faith
in the progress of
their country. You never hear a Canadian that
does not speak confidently and hopefully of his country. He Mr R. wished that we could
do the same.
Their money may have been invested too early and
too heavily in great public works, but they are now
turning it to good account and the new Dominion is
now beginning to reap the benefits. Reference had
been made by the hon. member Mr Glen to the financial condition of Canada and as he
was somewhat an authority in matters of finance, his
opinion might have some effect. He told us
yesterday that Canada was so bankrupt that
if she had not been able to avail herself of the
issue of Treasury notes, she would have been
brought up by the round turn. It was simply in
his (M. R's) opinion a sufficient answer to refer to
the value of Canadian stock in the London market
which was thus quoted in the "Times" of December
last:
GOVERNMENT SECURITIES
| Canada.6 per cent. Jan. and July, 1877 |
107 1/2 to 108 1/2 |
| Do 6 per cent. Feb and Aug, |
105 to 107 |
| Do 6 per cent. March and Sept. |
105 to 107 |
| Do 5 per cent. Jan. and July |
95 to 96 |
| Do 5 per cent. inscribed stock |
94 to 96 |
He thought that the gentlemen of the English Stock
Exchange knew what they were about in money matters, and the value of the Stock thus
quoted should
be a sufficient auswer to all the gloomy forebodings
which hon. members opposite indulged in. In our
present position we were now perfectly helpless and
could do nothing of ourselves. Whatever might be
said to the contrary, he thought that connection with
the New Dominion would obtain for us benefits
which could not get of ourselves if we remained
out in the cold. He begged therefore to support the
paragraph before the House.
Mr. KEARNEY was glad to hear that the
question of the French Shore was drawing
towards a settlement, which woull be favorable
to the interests of the people of this country,
and that his Excellency was prepared to issue
licenses of search on that part of the island.
He (Mr. K.) could not deny that the potatoe
crop of last summer was a good one, but of
what use was that to the thousands of poor
people who had no seed, and were now perishing for the want of potatoes or other food?
He
did not want the Government to break through
the Proclamation which they had issued, but he
would he glad to see the people furnished with
some employment which would enable them to
earn their bread. If a ship, with a large number of people on board, was known to
be in
distress, would there not be a great cry against
any one who would refuse to render her all the
assistance in his power? To allow them to
perish for want of assistance would be a disgrace
to the country; and could it not be as disgraceful, if not much more so to permit
our own
people to perish for want of timely aid? The
people might have employment in preparing
for the repairs of the roads, when the time
comes. They might now be employed in the
hauling of sand over the snow to such places as
it will be required when the season opens.
That is work which can be done now much
better than in the summer. The people of St.
John's might be employed in hauling building
stone and ballast, which would always be valuable, and which is in plenty on the South
Side
Hill. The people of Portugal Cove might be
employed in repairing their breakwater and so
giving them a place of refuge, and enabling
them to give up their present miserable punt
fishery. Witless Bay is a wild place, but there
is a Fond on the east side of it and by cutting
through a few yards of beach, it could be made
available as a splendid harbor. To repair
Toad's Cove Breakwater and finish the Stone
Bridge at Brigus South, build a wooden bridge
at Riverhead, Cape Broyle, and at Riverhead,
Caplin Bay, would furnish employment, to a
good many people in these localites. Again,
the main beach at Ferryland might be staked
and walled, so as to prevent the sand from
entirely choking up the Pool. The Bar at
Renews, of which he (Mr. K.) had so often
spoken, might also be attended to. A great
deal of property had been lost there for want of
his recommendation being attended to. All
these matters would give employment to the
people; and he begged the Government to give
employment to those who so sorely needed it,
and not bring disgrace on the country by permitting any of its people to die of want.
Mr. PROWSE must say that the hon. member, Mr.
Hogsett, was the most consistent member of the
opposition on this question of the necessity for the
Proclamation. On the first day of the session he
and the gallant Major claimed all the credit of
having forced the Government into issuing the
Proclmation. The whole thing was thier work
and they were justly proud of the
[?]
of party discipline are strong
[?] of the
opposition as death
[?] is a
persistent of claiment of pauper relief for his District,
and he has made all his party follow his views and
bow their necks to his yoke. He, Mr. Prowse,
gave the hon. member, Mr. Glen, credit for
"educating his party;" his skill in party discipline
must be great indeed, when, in the course of three
short days, he can so manipulate his followers as to
make them ignominously eat their words. No man
could oppose pauperism more vohemently or sustain
the Proclamtion more ardently than did the hon.
member, Mr. Little, and the gallant Major, the
Secretary of the Mendicity Work House. Why, his
position there was a living testimony against pauperism, and yet the Major foregoes
that proud position
here, to become a mere pauper agent. If ever there
was an honest act done by any Government, or by
any party in this Colony, surely it was the issuing
of this Proclamation. No popularity could be
gained by it, and every harsh feeling amongst a
starving population could easily excited by
unscrupulous demagogues, against a Government
attempting it. He, Mr. Prowse, considered it was
the duty of every right thinking man in the community to aid the Government in their
honest and
sincere endeavours to suppress so demoralizing a
system. The Government deserve credir for
resisting the pressure put upon them in this matter, and they get credit for it. Every
good and
generous citizen will aid the Government by his
private charity, and cheer them on in their whole
work. This question is now of the most vital
importance to the Colony. Our financial integrity,
our social morality, almost our very existence as a
civilized community, depend upon the issue of this
trial. Pauperism with us is not an epidemic; it is
a chronic disease; it ruins our credit, demoralizes
our people, saps the energy of every man who
once receives the pauper's dole, and utterly destroys
those manly independent, feelings and those habits
of selfreliance without which no people can prosper. This demoralizing system has
dried up
the fountains of private charity in the outports.
Everywhere government, meal has more or less
choked up the springs of individual benevolence.
He (Mr. P.) believed that no industrious, thrifty
man need be a pauper in this country. Last fall he
had been in the District of Ferryland. He travelled
pver the worst road he had ever seen in Newfoundland, from Ferryland to Broad Cove,
near Cape
Bollard; and in Broad Cove he saw an example of
what industry and thrift could, do. He stayed in
Broad Cove with a man who had brought up a family
of nine daughters and three sons, in plenty and comfort. He fad acquired, by his own
hard industry
25 cows and 32 sheep. The had cleared land enough
to support his stock. He had them ashore 148 qtlst
fish, and during the month of November, he caught
40 qis. more. He bought everything, at cash
prices, and got the highest price for his fish. For
30 years he had never owed a merchant a shilling.
Now, how was it this man throve, whilst his neighbours in the same little harbor,
with the wealth of the
land around them, were miserable paupers?
Of a laward day they lay in bed, whilst he worked
at his land. When bait could not be got, they
idled away their time ashore. He kept a stock of
clam bait in the little stream that ran through his
land, always ready for such an emergency. His
daughters cured all his fish, made his bay and worked
at everything on his farm. None in his house eat
the bread of idleness. Consequently they were
prosperous and contented, whilst in any of his neighbours were beggars. Everywhere
in Newfoundland
the same results can be seen. The independent man
always makes a voyage. The dependent one is always
behind. He (Mr.P.) never heard a good man in
this country who did not denounce paper relief, and
he regretted very much to see the present position
of the hon. member, Mr. Renouf, on this question.
Was it the duty of the opposition simply to denounce,
abuse, and revile individual members of the Government? He (Mr. P.) had heard pretty
much the
same speech from the hon member, Mr. Renouf, for
the last four years, as to one delivered to dry. He
could tell beforehand where the hon. member, Mr.
Shea, would come in, where the Reciever General
would be denounced, and where the late member
for St. John's West, Mr. John Casey, would be
flagellated. He knew the address and the prophesies of the members for St. John's
West by heart.
They were a couple of political Jeremians. They
always prophesied evil things and they rejoiced
now that evil days had come upon us. He (Mr. P.)
considered it was the duty of every hon. mnember to
this house to assist in every plan for whe regeneration on the country. He considered
that the addres
was a most reasonable address, and he was astonished
at the opposition's finding fault with it.
Mr. HOGSETT.—Why did you not mention
Reciprocity in the address?
Mr. PROWSE.—Because Confederation embraced it. Reciprocity was a necessary appendix to Confederation.
The only possible question
that could arise on the address was as regards
the first part of the paragraph on Confederation. If we agreed that the time was now
arrived for us to consider terms, all the rest
followed as a logical sequence, He (Mr. P.)
regretted the position in which hon. members
opposite wereplacing themselves on this question
of union. In their hearts they were favourable
to it, but out of deference to the prejudices of
ignorance they were going to use it as a party
question. Confederation, in this country, never
ought to be a party question. It involves the
interests of the whole eountry too deeply and
too seriously to be treated in that way. The
whole House should join in this address, should
agree on the terms, and should be represented
on the Delegation. Of course, it cannot be so
if the paragraph is opposed, and the terms are
only agreed to on one side. Confederation had
not been fairly treated by its opponents in this
country. Every prejudice had been unscrupulously stirred up against it. Fortunately
the bleaching bones and ther oppressive taxation cry had
been killed out by the incontrovertible logic of
facts—but the Union of Ireland still remained,
though there was not one point of similarity
between the Union of Ireland and Confederation.
The sore that rankled most in the breast of an
Irishman, as regards that Union, was the unfairness with which Roman Catholics had
been
treated. The land tenure never raised his indignation half so much as the Irish Church
Establishment and the Catholic disabilities.
Now, thanks to poor D'Arcy McGee, even the
prejudices of the Roman Catholics as regards
sectarian education have been repected. Not
one of the evils complained of under the Union
of Ireland exists under the Dominion of Canada.
He (Mr. P.) wished the Opposition would
[?]the course he had mentioned, for Confederation must
[?]. The country were
[?]
of Union, when they saw men like the hon.
members, Mr. Rorke and Mr. Rendell, large
mercantile houses like Ridley's and Munn's,
Baine, Johnston & Co., and Tessier's, supporting the measure. What interests had these
men except in the welfare of the country. The
prosperity of the Colony would be beneficial to
them, its depression thier loss. The conduct of
the Government toom, on the question, tended to
inspire public confidence in their honesty and
sincerity. They had not forced Confederation
in any way. There had been no undue haste
or precipitancy. Such a question should be
calmly and carefully considered. The course of
procedure under the British North American
Act will give us all these safeguards. There
must be an arrangement of terms first; then an
address from the new House elected to accept
terms, another address from the Dominion Parliament, and, finally, the approval of
the Queen
in Council.
Mr. HOGSETT was not a little astonished at the
course taken by the Government with reference
to this question of Confederation. To the clause
in the address which was under consideration
the opposition had proposed an amendment, and
he (Mr. H.) defied the Government to show
that it contained anything which ignored the
necessity for this Proclamation. It only went
to say that the Proclamation would be a good
course if it had been followed by that which
was suggested, not only by the opposition, but
by the whole House, that is, if the people had
been unabled to cultivate the potatoe crop,
which He (Mr. H.) contented was every thing
to the poor man. The hon. member for Ferry
land. Mr. Glen, had given a barrel of seed
potatoes to a man in his District. That man
had seven children. He planted the barrel of
potatoes. He had to sell his fish green, and in
September commenced digging them for the
support of himself, and his family.—
They lived on them until October, when after
all, they dug 15 barrels out of the ground.
He (Mr. H.) did not attack the Proclamation.
He was always for putting the people of the
country on their own mettle. They, would
then be independent and clear of all influence.
It was the system he attacked, for it was made
use of for party purposes, and not for the poor.
On his side of the House they were willing to
aid and assist in a strict superision of the relief.
The poor should be relieved, which not at the
expense of the industrious. He felt sure that
no man in the House would permit a poor man
to starve, no matter by what means starvation
had been brought on him. He (Mr. H.) was
not a pauper agent, and never would be one.
He had sought to teach his people that the surest
way to independence was to rely on themselves,
and could now point to his district as the
most independent in the island. This question
of pauper relief was not a party question. It
was one which they should deal with like men.
He (Mr. H.) disagreed with the system as it is.
The hon. and learaed Attorney General knew
that he disagreed to the giving of the Road great
to the able-bodied poor. The people didn't care
where the relief comes from, so as they get it.
It may have been well intended as a cheek, but
it had been productive of more evil than any
other scheme. It had stopped all public improvement; and were those who tried to be
industrious to lose all the benefit of their exertions because others chose to be
idle? For himself he hoped that while the Government would
cheek all imposition, they would allow no man
to die. If there were a proper serveillance,
the really poor would get relief, whilst the indolent, and those who did not require
it, would
not. He would not then travel into the question of Confederation. There will be a
debate
ween the clause referring to it comes up before
them. When the terms were brought down
he would be prepared to debate them, not in
a factious spirit; but broadly, fairly,and squarely on their merits. He would commit
himself
to no position until he had seen the Government programme.
Mr. PROWSE explained that the necessity for
Poor Relief in his district was occasioned by the
sudden withdrawal of a Mercantile Establishment to
which the people had been in the habit of looking
for their winter's subsistence. The outlay was
almost entirely confined to the locality where this
establishment was situated. The hon. member
commented at considerable length on the demoralizing effects of the issue of seed
potatoes, which he
characterized as an aggravation of chronic pauperism,
and the very worst form of the pauper grant.
Mr. O'REILLY did not deny that the Government
were entitled to great credit for having, thus far
refrained from the issue of Poor Relief. He (Mr.
O'R.) was member for an Outport district, where
poverty and misery were peculiarly rife, and consequently he was intimately concerned
in this matter.
In his own district no less than six deaths from
downright starvation had taken place; not from any
epidemic disorder, not from the diseases incident to
an inclement season, but from sheer hunger, and all
these had occurred within a circuit of ten miles
from Isle Valen. And these, he was assured, were
not the only cases, for he was convinced that they
must have since multiplied six fold. So far the
Government had vindicated their own credit. By
the contumacious imposition which had been practised
they were goaded into the issue of this Proclamation,
but having gone so far, he did not think that they
should go any further. He could not shut his heart
against the pitiful appeals of those whom he knew
to be dying in his own district. The people had
with difficulty tided over the inclemency of last
winter. In the spring they were but scantily provided for, they were alive, but they
were naked and
utterly unable to prosecute the fishery, with that
energy which would secure them a subsistence for
the winter. Under these circumstances poverty and
hunger were necessary results, and he now appealed
to the Government, and added his voice to the
numerous supplications for the issue of a little relief.
He felt the awkwardness of his position. Hitherto
he had been a consistent supporter of the Government, but he felt that he would be
recreant to his
duty if he did not make this appeal to the Government, and express his dissent from
the wording of
the paragraph before the chair.
Hon. ATTORNEY GENERAL could not forbear to
[?] the remarks of the hon.
[?] He was surprised
to hear that destination prevailed in the locality
referred to by the hon. member. A large amount
of relief was last year conveyed thither and no return had never been made. There
was a supplying
merchant resident there and surely he, when he
recieved the benefit of these poor men's services,
should in some substantial manner display his sympathy with their distress. There
is really no part of
this island so capable of sustaining a population as
the district of Placentia and St. Mary's. There
exists the most fertile land in the country. There
the industrious man can find fish almost at his door.
And yet that fertile land has been lying untilled and
almost calling aloud for cultivation. It stands in
cold contrast to the sterile land of the Northern
districts, where the people are now sustaining themselves. But the people of Placentia
would risk
their lives upon the chance of what little sustainment they could get from the Government
rather
than exert themselves to their own permanent
independence. Only last session there were three
thousand barrels of flour distributed among the
people of that district through the wreck of the
Summer, and hardly a man of locality but got a
barrel. There should not have been a single man
but must have been in a position to commence the
fishery infinitely superior to the men of other districts.
The same pressure was last year attempted to be
brought to bear upon the Government, although in
addition to the flour so obatined, some ÂŁ3000 worth
of Pauper Relief was distributed in the district.
He (hon. A.G.) had as much sympathy for the suffering poor as any man. He would go
to any legitimate extent to assist them. He hoped that the
Road money of the people might be preserved for
them, for a purpose which he had in view. He
He wished to provide against, the necessity which
compelled the poor to sell their greenfish at an
enormous sacrifice, leaving then nothing for the
sustainment of their families, and it was with a view
to the prevention of this state of things that he
hoped to get the sustainment of hon. members in
the course which he had marked out. From Twillingate every possible pressure was brought
to bear
upon the Executive. Petition after petition was
sent in, and a grave responsibility devolved upon
the Ministry. In a very short time all communication with this district would be cut
off by ice.
Nevertheless the Government felt it to be their
duty to resist these appeals, and the consequence
was, that not only in this district, but in Bona vista
and even in Trinity Bay, where it was found that
the Government were resolute in their intentions,
persons were found to come forward to the relief
of the destitute. In his own district two Vigilance
Committees had been appointed, and the people had
taken upon themselves the task of assisting he distressed. Hon members would find
that if there
were a proper resistance to all appeals, for a suffi cient length of time, the people
of the country
would be for the first time in a long series of years
in a position of comparative independence. He
(hon. A.G.) was well aware that individuals, for
interested motives, attempted to get up an outcry as
to the prevailing destitution, in order to force the
Government into the issue of relief, that these agitators might profit by the large
sales on meal and
molasses which would necessasily follow. The people themselves were well disposed
and well conducted, and it any
emente should take place, it
would be found, upon enquiry, that these interested
parties were at the bottom of it. It would be very
desirable that the really destitute should be relieved;
but there can be no check against imposture, and the
moment you begin the infernal system it becomes
general, and you cannot distinguish between the
impostor and the deserving poor. But there war,
besides these difficulties, another and a paramount
obstacle. The Colony has not the funds at its disposal sufficient to meet this demand.
There had
been the greatest care manifested to keep the expenditure within the Legislative grants;
but still
the drain upon the Revenue had been so enormous
as to put it beyond the power of the Government,
even if they had the desire, to renew the issue of
relief. He (hon. A.G.) gave the hon, member, Mr.
O'Rielly, credit for sincerity; but he could not
help thinking that sufficient care had not been taken
to impress upon the people the nature of this
Proclamation. If that bad been effectually done,
he did not believe that this pressure would have
been brought to bear upon the hon member.
Mr. O'REILLY explained that though it was
true that the people of the district obtained
some 3000 barrels of flour from the wreck to
which the hon. Attorney General alluded, yet
this flour was scattered over some 5,000 people. A very small portion could be the
share
of any individual. It was wrong too to suppose
that Placentia had received the whole of it. A
large number of the people were at the time
absent at St. Peter's, and thus received no
benefit whatsoever from this distribution.
Mr. RORKE.—Although he had listened with
great attention to the speeches of hon. gentelemen opposite, he had been unable to
come
to any other conclusion than that they were
a mere rehash of the same speechs which,
for three or four sessions, we had been in
the habit of hearing. The paragraph before
the chair says that the proclamation has been
well timed. It might be well timed, but he
thought it would have been better timed had
it been adopted 25 years ago. Had that
been so, he believed that the distress now so
universal would not have been the hundredth
part of what is. He remembered the introduction of this system. He was personally
aware of the imposture which was then attempted, imposture which had continued ever
since, and he was firmly convinced that were
it not for that proclamation the thing would
never have come to an end. It might be
asked how the poor were to be relieved.—
As far as he could, he had assisted the destitute. God forbid that he should see the
people
starve, without extending to then a helping
hand. But he could not forget the lesson which
the Cotton Famine in England had taught
wealthy people came forward and organised a
fund by which the operatives of Lancashire
were sustained against a pressure far worse
than any we have ever experienced. He (Mr.
R.) had looked to hon members opposite for a
display of sympathy for the poor struggling men.
Were hon members going to drag down such
men? The Government has been taunted on
account of the immense taxation which they
have been considered to impose. For his part
he (Mr. R.) had been one who had
assisted in imposing this taxation. To
him and many others who acknowledged
the necessary for it, it had proved a better pill;
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