THE NEWFOUNDLANDER St. John's, Monday, March 20, 1865. 1
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 22.
The house met at three o'clock.
Mr. E. D. SHEA presented a petition from the Revd.
Kyran Walsh, Chairman of the Roman Catholic Board
of Education at Harbor Main, which was received and
read praying, that the R. C. school at Colliers should be
placed under the direction of the Harbor Main Board.
Also a petition from Samuel Case, Ferryman at Aquateforte, which was received and
read, praying for an increase
of salary.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table.
Mr. BARRON presented a petition from John Ryan and
others, of St. Mary's, Holyrood and Trepassey, which was
received and read, praying for the establishment of a
ferry at the North east arm of Trepassey.
Mr. BARRON, in moving that the petition lie on the table, said he knew the necessity for a ferry
at that place,
and hoped, when in committee of supply, that the petition would be favourably considered.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table.
The SOLICITOR GENERAL presented a petition from
James Dove and others, of Harbor Grace, which was
received and read, praying for a grant of land for the
purpose of a buying ground for the Wesleyans of that
town.
The SOLICITOR GENERAL, in moving that the petition
lie on the table, would observe that the house had alroady granted money for the purchase
of burying ground for
the members of the Church of England and for the Catholics of Harbor Grace. The Wesleyans,
who equally
required a burying ground outside the town, now came
forward and petitioned that similar provision should be
made for them, . He was satisfied that the prayer of the
petition would be readily acceded to by the house.
Mr. MOORE was happy to support the player of that
petition. Similar provision had been made for by all denominations in St. John's,
and more recently the members of the Church of England and the Roman Catholics of
Harbor Grace were provided for. The Wesleyans were a numerous and repectable body,
and they
now petitioned for similar consideration, which he had
no doubt the house would comply with.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table.
Mr. RORKE presented a petition from Jonn Winterbotham and others of Carbonear, wrich was received
and
eau, praying for a grant of land for a burying ground
for the Wesleyans of that town.
Mr. RORKE, in moving that the petition lie on the table, would observe that, last session,
when grants were
made for the Church of Englanu and Roman Catholic
burying grounds outside tee town of Harbor Grace, he
stated that he supported these grants on the understanding hat the claim of Carbonear
for similar consideration in
should be recognized. The Wesleyans of that town were
an old and respectable congregation, and this burying
ground had for some years been so crowded as to endanger the health of those residing
in its vicinity, and there
was a necessity for its being closed, and a suitable burying ground provided outside
the town. After the grants
alieady made to other places, he was satisfied that the
petition would be favourably considered.
The hon RECEIVER GENERAL had much pleasure in
supporting the prayer of that petition. He knew many
of the petitioners intimately, and was aware that the present Wesleyan burying ground
at Carbonear was altogether insufficient for the requirements of such a large
body. Similar grants were made to St. John's and Harbor Grace, and the claim of the
petitioners to the same
consideration would be admitted by hon members on
both sides of the house.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table.
Mr. RORKE, also presented a petition from Nicholas
Nichol, Postmaster of Carbonear, which was received
and read, praving for an increase of salary.
Mr. RORKE in moving that the petition lie on the table
would observe that the duties of the Postmaster of Carbonear had been very much increased
since the salary was
fixed at its present amount, way offices had been established on the North Shore of
Conception Bay and on the South
Shore of Trinity Bay, to which he had to dispatch mails,
and from which mails are received, and the local business of the office was also increased,
so that the salary,
which was sufficient a few years ago, was now inadeuate.
The SOLICITOR GENERAL thought that Post Master a
very worthy person, and considered his remuneration
very inadequate for the duties he had to perform. But
he (S. Gen.) would observe that he had two years ago,
presented a similar petition, from the Post Master of
Harbor Grace, whose duties had much increased since
the salaries were fixed for Harbor Grace, Carbonear and
Brigus. Special mails were now received and dispached on the arrival of the mail Packets
from Halifax, and
the system of money orders was also introduced, which
had caused a great deal of additional duty which the
Post Master had to perform, and for which he did not
receive one penny. When he was appointed to the othce,
he was merely to receive the mails from St. John's, and
dispatch the return mails. The system had since been
much extended. He (S. Gen) regretted the Post Master General was not in the house.
He could testify
to the efficiency of the Post Master at Harbor Grace,
and the inadequacy of his salary. Harbor Grace was the
only Post Office out of St. John's that paid its expenses,
which was evidence of the extent of duty there compared with other offices.
Mr. RORKE quite agreed with the Solicitor General,
that the Post Mſ.ster at Harbor un ace was not sufficiently
remunerated; but at present he would urge the prayer
of that petit on on the favorable consideration of the house.
Public servants, who performed their duty faithfully,
should be properly remunerated.
Mr. MOORE supported the claim of the Post Master
of Harbor Grace for an increase of salary. His present
salary was in no way adequate to the duties he nad to
perform. These duties were increasing every year; and
all he (Mr. Moore) wondered at, was now it was that he
should have been kept so long doing such onerous duties
at so inadequate a salary.
Dr. WINTER—While he admitted the claims of the
Post Masters of Harbor Grace and Carbonear to the
consideration of the house and the Government, he
would call attention to that of the Post Mistress at Trinity also to an increase of
salary. Without desiring to
prejudice the claims of others, he hoped that the importance of Trinity would be taken
into consideration, and
adequate remuneration provided for its Post Mistress.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table.
The hon Acting Colonial Secretary, by command of his
Excellency the Governor, presented to the house the
following documents:
Statement of the General Water Company for the year
1864.
Report of T. Dwyer, Esq., Inspector of Weights and
Measures for St. John's.
Ordered that these documents lie on the table.
On motion of the
hon ATTORNEY GENERAL, pursuant
to order of the day, the house resolved itself into Committee of the whole on the
further consideration of the
Confederation of the British North American Colonies,
Mr. Knight in the Chair.
Mr. GLEN rose to say a few words on this important
question, though, he felt much diffidence in saying so,
after the very able speeches of the hon members, Mr.
A Shea and the hon Attorney General. He would say
those speeches would have been listened to with satisfaction, even if they had beer,
delivered within the walls
of the Imperial Parliament. He differed with them,
however, on many points, and as he could not attempt
to follow them in their aerial flights, so visionary and so
speculative, he would address the house in a more practical, and he believed, more
trustworthy manner. With
regard to the Report of our Delegates, as to the amount
of money we are to receive, he would say that it was not
correct. He told them so at an early stage of the proceedings; but they paid no attention
to it. When,
therefore an important document of that kind was placed before the house and found
incorrect, parties would,
he thought, be cautious in putting much faith in any of
their future statemen's, There were errors in
the documents. He would only point out two of them,
one of £500 for the Receiver General, which sum was
already provided for in the appropriation for the Customs
Department. So with the Post Office Department, they
put down the whole expenditure, say £3.281, but gave
no credit for £1000 revenue received by that department.
After examining the financial details submitted by the
Delegates I confess I am far from being satisfied with
them. The tariff that will be introduced into Newfoundland will be the Canadian one,
in my opinion a
most oppressive tariff, 25 per cent on all wearing
appareal, boots, shoes, &c., and 20 per cent on all woollens, cottons, linen, leather,
cordage, &c., in short, a
high protective tariff, to shut out, if possible, the cheap
manufactures of Great Britain, in order to encourage
their own manufactures. We want no protective tariff;
what we require is to purchase our fishery supplies whereever we can procure them
at the cheapest rate, but
Canada will not permit us to do so, if she can prevent it.
Her high protective tariff, she expects, will keep out the
cheap manufactures of Great Britain. Such an attempt
I protest against as injurious to the interests of our fishing population, and of
our fisheries. It is said the Canadian tariff will be reduced. Will any one believe
it will
be reduced after the confederation of the Provinces?
In my opinion the tariff of duties must be raised higher,
to provide for their vast expenditure, they must Support
a large militia force, build fortifications, in fact the country must be put in a
plete state of defence, costing
millions. Then their inter-colonial railroad, reconstructing their canals, costing
more millions, besides providing for their future army, and navy. Taxation
must, therefore, be iucreased as they must have a much
larger revenue to meet their enormous expenditure. In
fact the Canadian tariff of duties, was increased only last
year, which does not look much like reducing their tariff.
We will have to pay our proportion of all that vast outlay,
but we'll receive no benefit whatever from it, and as the
Canadian Government will, after the confederation, have
the power of taxing Newfoundland by all the other modes
and systems of taxation, I much fear, looking at their
future vast expenditure, that Newfoundland wil be made
to feel the power the General Government will have after
the union of taxing us for ever. The power of taxing
Newfoundland for ever, by all methods and systems, is
in my opinion too great a power to give the Canadian
Government. It has been said that manufactured
goods will be imported into Newfoundland from Canada,
and be sold cheaper than British goods as Canadian manufactures will be imported here
free of duty. I do not
believe it, for this reason, that British manufactures are
imported largely ($16,000,000 last year) into Canada,
notwithstanding their high productive tariff of 25 and 20
per cent, and can undersell them in their own market.
Now if they cannot compete with British manufactures,
how can British goods be kept out of Newfoundland,
when Canadian manufactures will be subject to the additional expense of freight, insurance,
commission, &c. It is
evident that British goods will be better able to compete
with Canadian goods in Newfoundland; and as British
manufactures are sold cheaper than those of Canada in
their own inaiket, it follows they will also be sold cheaper
in Newfoundland, notwithstanding the high protective
duty of 25 and 20 per cent. It is also clear that we will
have to pay those oppressive taxes; and the misfortune is, the increased revenue will
go for Canadian improvements. I do not like the idea of being a party
to a protective and hostile tarif agilist Great Britain,
our best friends, and certainly our only protectors. It
does not look well. It may be all very well for Americans and Canadians to do so,
but for Newfoundlanders to
act in that manner would be most ungrateful. Besides
there is the ridicule of the thing, that of submitting to a
tariff at the command of Canada, not only hostile to
Great Britain, but a protective taritſ, "
with nothing to
protect." I would rather have a hostile tariff against Canada
than against Great Britain. As I said oefore, we know
them as our best friends, and our only protectors, in the
hour of danger. What does Mr. Gladstone say about
these protective tariffs? He says, "We have given to our colonies practical freedom.
I am not prepared to
say that we have not something to rectify on the other
side of the account. We observe a disposition on the
part of some colonies calling themselves our own, to set
up against the industry and productions of England, the
mischiefs and obstructions of an exploded productive
system." Now, I say again, I object to being a party
to the mischleis, and o structions of an exploded protective system, Newfoundland
having nothing to protect,
our annual expenditure, taking the average of the last
eight years, is £113000 stg. The General Government
of Canada give us £112,000 stg., so that we nave less
by £1,000 than the amount required to pay our average
expenditure. What a miserable bargain for Newfoundland; and for any improvements we
may require in
future, we must get them by direct taxation, as the
General Government have told us that they will give us
no further assistance, beyond the £112,000. Now is
it fair that we should only receive £112,990 stg. whilst
they would collect from us, under the Canadian tarif,
at a very moderate calculation, £145,000 stg.> (The
actual amount by the Customs Returns is £160,000 stg.)
—We would send them annually £33,000, and
in ten years they would receive from us the large
amount of £330,000 stg. What improvements we could
make in Newfoundland wih such a revenue. The road
and education grants we could then give would benefit
our country to a great extent; and every one that
wished would get constant employment. But, unfortunately, all that large revenue abstracted
from us, will be
sent off to Canada, and Newfoundland would be left
lamenting over such a bargain. The principal question
after all is what effect the Confederation will have on
our fisheries and fishermen, for the very existence of
every one in Newfoundland, from the highest to the
lowest, depends, on our fisheries. It is true, our
fisheries have been unsuccessful of late years, and
great distress prevails amongst our fishermen and
others throughout the Colony. But it has not
yet been shown by any one how joining the Confederation will benefit our fisheries,
or how it will relieve our
fishermen from their distressed condition. In my opinion, joining the Confederation
on the terms proposed,
will add to thei distress, by the great increase of taxation, particularly as they
will derive no benefit whatever
from the additional taxes imposed upon them, as the
revenue received from these taxes will all be sent off to
Canada. I have no objections to taxation if the revenue
was spent in Newfoundirnd, for the benefit of our own
people, but I have every objection when the revenue
will be carried away, for the benefit of the Canadians.
I notice by the Canadian tariff, that French fish will be
admitted free into Newfoundland. Our fishermen
cannot compete with the bounty-protected fishermen of
France. For every quintal of fish they will sand into
our market they will receive a large bounty of eight or
nine shillings per quintal. Our fishermen receive no
bounty. They will therefore be undersold in their own
market; and I believe this will complete the ruin of our
fishing population. This was guarded against, as the
Hon Attorney General is aware of, by placing a duty of
five shillings per quintal on foreign salted fish. The
reason for doing so was that we could not compete
with French fish, unless the French Government gave
up their system of bounties. They will not give up the
bounty on fish, therefore we put on a duty of five shillings
per quintal to protect our fishermen. The Canadian
tariff will leave our fishermen unprotected. Such will
be the effect to Newfoundland, if she joins the union.
And will any one favorable to the Confederation say we
ought not to have better terms than are now offered us,
and perfect security for all our reasonable demands
before we think at all of joining the Confederation?
What a mess we would have been placed in had the
Legislature affirmed the Resolutions of the Quebec
Delegates, as was contemplated by some of our Representatives. We must have better
terms; and every
reasonable security we ought to have. No promise of
what the General Government intend to do should
satisfy us.- Every thing should be put in the New Constitution. No pledge, no promise,
should be taken on
such a subject as this. Scotland made terms before
entering into the Union with England, and was benefitted
by it. Ireland made terms, but took the word of the
Government, that, if she joined the Union, Catholic
emancipation would at the same time be granted. Ireland
was deceived; she joined the Union, but Catholic
emancipation was refused although the English Government had pledged themselves to
grant it. So much for
trusting to promises, and it was only through the exertions, many years afterwards,
of Daniel O'Connell, that
Catholic emancipation was granted to Ireland, from fear
of a rebellion- what was refused to the justice of the
case. If Newfoundlaud trusts to promises and fine
speeches, we will be looking, in a few years, for another
Daniel O'Connell. What do we actually receive from
the General Government by the resolutions agreed to at
the Conference of Delegates at Quebec, forming the
bases of the proposed Confederation? All Newfoundland is to receive is £112,000 stg.
Nothing more.
And what does Newfoundland actually give up to the
General Government? 1st. She gives up her revenue
under the Canadian tariff of £145,000 to £160,000 stg.
2-yd. She gives up all her ungranted Lands, Mines and
Minerals.-3rd. She gives up to the General Government of Canada, the power of making
laws for us.-4th.
She gives the General Government of Canada the power
to regulate our fisheries.—5th. She gives the General
Government the power of taxing our fish and oil.–6th.
She gives them the power of raising money in Newfoundland by all modes and system
of taxation,-7th. French
fish, with eight shillings bounty, will be admitted free
into Newfoundland, to the injury of our fishermen. Will
any one in Newfoundland say, we ought to join the Confederation on such terms as these?
I should think not.
We must, in my opinion, have better terms, not only as
to money matters, as we receive nothing in comparison to
the amount they will get from us; we should also
have the sole control of our fisheries, without any reference the Canadian Government.
We should allow no
taxes to be imposed on us whatever in Newfoundland.
The tax on imports we cannot avoid, if we join the
union, as there must, of course, be a general tariff of
import duties for the whole Confederation. But we pay
"
double per head in Newfoundlanand" to want they do in
Canada of import duties. Why should Newfoundland, a
poor country, pay double import duties, as compared with
Canada, which is said to be a rich country, and receive no
fair equivalent? This is not just or fair. To enter the
Confederation on the resolutions agreed to at the Quebec
conference, would, in my opinion, be ruinous to Newfoundland, and I hope it will not
be agreed to. Let us
at least have fair terms, without perfect security I think we
should not enter the union. No one in Newfoundland
would, I think for a monent agree to join the Confederation, on the ruinous terms
proposed by the Delegates at
the conference at Quebec, on the 10th October, 1864.
The hon member, Mr. Shea, based his calculations on
the tariff of 1863, because it, answered his purpose, as
the revenue that year was only £94,000, instead of taking the year 1864, which was
a fair average of our revenue for the last 9 years, being a little over £100,030.
His friend Mr. Galt, of Canada, acted differently. He
does not like to take 1863 for the basis of his calculations,
as there was a deliciency in the account of amount a million of dollars. So 1893 would
dot do for him; he likes
1864 better, as he had a surpius that year
for the first
time. So you see how cunningly the two great financers, manage with the years 1863 and
1864. Mr. Galt
says let us take 1864 for the basis of our calculations,
as I have a Surplus revenue that year for the first time,
and it will look vetter than taking 1863, when there was
a deficiency. It may answer you to take 1864 for your
basis of calculations, but it will not answer me, says
the hon member, Mr. A. Shea; for if I take 1864 for
my basis I will snow an increase of duties of £60,000
stg. No I must take 1863, to show a less amount of
taxation. The hon member puts down £10,000, as an
asset for steam communication from Canada to Great
Britain, (calling at Newfoundland.) There is no
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
2
guarantee in the Quebec resolutions for anything of the
kind, he has assumed £10,000 as an asset, on a mere
promise, which is really absurd; and shows he is unable
to make a statement that would oe satisfactory to this
house. He therefore, is obliged to have recourse to the
delusion of making the £10,000 appear as an asset, and
on the simple promise of so me one (of course of hign
standing,) in Canada. I say nothing is to whether the
steam communication, when we get it, would be really
worth £10,000 to this country. So we might think
£10,000 could be better appropriated. I merely wish to
state that putting down in his statement £10,000
as an
asset, on a promise that steam communication may be
granted us by Canada, is a delusion of a kind that I really think will not take in
any one. The hon member
says, the amount of duty (£7004) that would be colected on Bread under the Canadian
tariff, is a mistake, as he has Mr. Galt's word that bread will be put
down in the next tariff in the free list. I can only say
that by the present Canadian tariff, bread is subject to a
duty of 20 per cent. Mr. Galt also informs the house
member by telegraph that the Canadian tariff will be
revised to the satisfaction of the Lower Provinces.
These fine promises do not suit us. I have no doubt
they were thought sufficient by Mr. Galt to make us
jump into the union at once. When all the fine promises
and persuasive speeches failed to make us see the beauties
of the confederation, on the terms agreed to at the
Quebec conference, the hon member threatened us with
the high displeasure of the British Government, that we
would be left without any protection, and of course, be
a prey to any power that might wish to take possession
of our country. I do not believe that Great Britain will
refuse to continue her protection to Newfound and. She
will not feel insulted at our desire to obtain better terms
before entering the confederation. " In all probability
Newfoundland will be the last place of America, where the
British flag will wave." Such is my opinion, I will now
read the following statement:—
Statement of our Financial Affairs, if Newfoundland
joins the Confederalion.
| EXPENDITURE. |
| The annual expenditure of our
Government, taking the average of the past eight years,
is |
|
£113,000 stg. |
| INCOME. |
| Charges payable by the general
government of Canada, as
per statement of the Delegates |
£32,000. |
|
| Assets applicable for the purposes of our Government, as
per statement of the Delegates |
£80,000. |
£112,000 stg. |
| Balance against the Colony
Such is the bargain made of our
momentary affairs, Say
£1,100 less than our average
expenditure. No future improvements can therefore be
made but by direct taxation.
It is said we would receive
from the general government more than our average
revenue. This assertion is
mere delusion, for our revenue under the Canadian
tariff, at a very moderate
estimate, would yield at least |
£140,000. |
|
| (The total revenue is £160,000)
The general government of
Canada gives us only |
£112,000. |
|
| Newfoundland will send to Canada yearly |
|
£33,000 stg. |
| The General Government
would receive from us, in
one year £33,000 stg., which
in ten years, would amount
to £330,000. |
|
|
Why should Newfoundland accept so small a sum as
£112,000 stg., and the Canadian government take from
us the large amount of £145,000 stg. to £160,000 and
that we should give then also all our unaranted lands,
our mines and minerals, the power of making for us
what laws they like, the power of regulating our fisheries,
the uncontrolled power, for all future time, of taxing us
as they please, and the power of raising money by aſ the
other modes and systems of taxation, so well known to
the Canadian Government, and admitting French, bounty fish free. (8s. bounty.)
Before thinking of entering the Confederation we
must have better terms, and everything guaranteed to
us in the new constitution. If we cannot get better terms,
we should remain as we are.
The general government of Canada leave us our local
revenues of £2,000 a year, but they take care to carry off
£2,000 a year of our Savings' Bank profits, and £1000
a year of our Postal revenue to repay themselves.
T. GLEN.
Hon. SOLICITOR GENERAL-The Resolution before
the chair was one which, he was happy to say, no hon.
member could find fault with; and much credit was
due to the hon Attorney General for the course he had
adopted in the matter now before the chair. Wnen
the scheme of confederation was first spoken of, he
(S. Gen) regarded it with a great deal of distrust,
snd considered that we ought to be very guarded in
the course we should adopt in respect to it. He was
then opposed to confederation; and had listened with
great interest to the arguments of its supporters, if
they could show that the country could benefit by
the scheme. The Goverument appointed two delegates to the Conference held at Quebec
on this question; and be must say that they did their work well
there, and represented the country efficiently , and
both the hon members, Mr. Shea and the hon Attorney General, made excellent speeches
in support of
the measure. He regretted the course which was
rendered necessary for him to adopt, as he differed
entirely from these hon gentlemen. It was for the
supporters of confederation to show what were its
advantages, and it was for us, who differ in opinion
from them to show the fallacy of their reasoning. The
hon member, Mr. Shea, had endeavoured to prove
that we would derive great benefit f on the proposed
connexion with the confederate provinces; and the
supporters of the proposition, who appear to be in
extacies with what they call a grand idea, would induce us to believe that, by its
adoption, this country
would be largely benefitted. One would suppose,
from the picture painted by them,that a howling wilderness would be turned into a
garden of Eden—a Paradise, but he thought it would be a Paradise lost—
that we would have a little Heaven here below; and
be, in all times to come in a perfect state of beatification. But he (S. Gen.) could
not see all these
good things in the same light as some hon gentlemen
did, but regarded the scheme as one calculated to do
much injury to the country, and now proposed to
argue his side of the case with hon gentlemen. No
doubt the connexion would be beneficial to New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia, which were contiguous
to Canada; but our condition is very different, and
the rule , which may apply to them may be most
prejudical to us. If we were connected with Canada
by land, we could avail ourselves of the advantages
which would result to us from her railways, ber manufactures, and her public institutions,
but being
isolated as we are, and in effect, farther from Canada
than from England; the case is very different. It is a
fact that we can go to England almost every day,
whilst, for at least, four months of the year Canada is
inaccessible to us except through the United States;
and in summer we have very little intercourse or business with that country, compared
with what we have
with England. We are at present connected with
Britain by the most tender ties—we are her sons—
she is the home of our forefathers—we are one of her
oldest and most Inyal colonies; and he (S.Gen.) would
not be one of thase who would adopt a course calculated evidently to make us independent
of that
great nation, and estrange her maternal affections
from us. A great deal had been said about the existing distress of this colony—that
we have resources not availed of, which might be developed,
and which would afford employment to our people; and this has been urged as a reason
for our entering into the union. But whilst he admitted that
there was much distress at present, and that the country was not in that prosperous
and wholesome condition, that might be desired, yet the supporters of
Confederation had failed to show how the proposed
scheme world remedy these evils, how annexation to
Canada would make the country more prosperous,
while notoriously great evils would result from the
connection. There must ne a great increase of taxation,to defray the necessary expenditure
of the confederation; but how we should receive commensurate benefit from our connection
with Canada, had
not been shown to his satisfaction. Hon. gentlemen
say—" Our people are poor and in distress. Allow
us to tax them some £50 or £60,000 per annum more
than at present—to abolish our Legislature—to hand
over the right of universal taxation to Canada—in
fact, to yield up ourselves and our country, and that
will be a
panacea for all our ills. He (S. Gen.) did
not see how the poverty of our people would be lessened by further taxation, or now
we were to improve
by yielding up our birthrignt. We are told that factories would rise and that sources
of employment for
our people would be opened up; but it was only assumption, that by going into Confederatiou
we would
possess these institutions, whilst it is a fact, that if we
dared, in our Legislature, to tax the people to the extent proposed by the Confederation,
we would our.
selves have the means of fostering and encouraging
all those institutions which would give employment
to the labouring classes, at that season of the year
when such is required. The hon, member, Mr. Shea,
said that entering into the Confederation we would
have a line of steamers to Montreal, or some other
Canadian port; and that the Canadian steamers, to
and from England, would call here; but he (s. Gen.)
did not see that in the Resolutions of the Conference.
This too was assumption.—Another great benefit to
flow from Confederation was, that we were to have
eight members in the Federal House of Commons,
and all our young men who could not find employment here to their satisfaction, could
go to them,
and they would procure situations for them in
Canada, and that our people would find employment on the railroad which was to connect
Canada and New Brunswick with the port of Halifax.
If it could be stown that manufacturing capitalists
would come amongst us and establish factories—that
new resources would be opened to us
in our own
country which would give employment to our increasing population, it would be something;
but to say
that we would by benefited by our people leaving us,
and the country being depopulated, was to him inexplicable, and an argument which
he did not understand. We were told by the advocates of Confederation of these advantages,
but he could not see them
whilst its disadvantages were certain. This House is
the guardian of our public rights. Let us go into
confederation, and what would we have to look to?
The privilege of governing ourselves would be transferred into other hands, and gone
from us. He (Sol.
Gen) believed this discussion about Confederation had
inspired the people with more confidence in the House
of Assembly, as the guardian of their rights, his
House was looked to to maintain the rights of the
people of Newfoundland. If we entered into, the proposed Confederation, they would
be gone. We would
have no independent Legislature; and what could
eight men sent to Canada do to protect our interests?
We had thirty members in this Assembly, of whom
seven were residents in the outposts; and what influence had they? They had been urging
morning meetings of the house, so as to get though with the public business to a reasonable
time, that they might go
home to attend o their own private affairs; but they
could not carry it. The St. John's men were too powerful for them. They attended to
their business during
tne day, and came to the house after dinner; and it
any member had anything of interest to attract him
in the evening, there was an early adjournment, and
the outport members had to submit. if the voice of
7 members in 30 has such slight effect, what influence
would 8 members have in a House of 194, to protect
our interest in Canada? If confederation, was carried
out, this House would become a nudity, and we would
have the representatives of Canada, New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia legislating for us and making us at
their will, for our 8 members could only offer a feeble
resistance to what they might disapprove of. At present we are legislating in the
face of our constituents,
having an election every four years; and if we oppress
them or overtax them they can supply our places wish
those men worthy of their confidence. But it we
united with Canada we would have no redress, for
Canada would make our laws and do with us as she
pleased. What influence would 8 men have to prevent our taxation being doubled? At
present our import duties are about 13 per cent in the aggregate.
The duties in Canada are 20 per cent; and when Confederation is carried out there
will be an assimilation
of tariffs, as is admitted, and that would add 50 per
cent, to our present taxation, as had been snown by
the hon member Mr Glen. What was the object of
England in recommending Confederation for Canada?
Was it not that she might be relieved from
the expense of detending that province, which involved
a heavy expenditure? And would not the military
protection of Newfoundland be discontinued by England, if we entered into the union?
And would they
not have an army and a navy to provide ior the protection of the confederated Colonies?
And still, we
are told of a reduction to be effected in the existing
tariff of Canada. In place of reduction, that taxation
must be raised 100 per cent. And how will it be
raised? The Quebec Resolutions answer that question. They give unlimited powers of
taxation to the
federal government and legislature. They could tax
our fish, our oil, our houses, lands, horses and carts,
and all other property, and we could not resist.
Besides, they are to have full control over our fisheries. How would our fishermen
and planters like that?
But then we were to give up to the federal Government all our ungranted Crown lands,
with our mines
and minerals,and we had a gentleman from Canada last
summer examining our mineral resources. We did
not well know what they were; but Canada seemed
to know well, for part of the bargain was that we were
to give up our mines and minerals to then. He (S.
Gen) spoke of these matters as he believed them. This
was his native country; and if he thought it would
be benefited by confederation he would go into it. He
had a large family, and it he thought it would promote
their welfare he would gladly embrace it. But he
could not see that the proposed union would benefit
this country, but the reverse. There was another
matter. It was said that England would continue to
extend to this country a helping hand. There may
be no doubt of that. Still there would be a disruption
of those maternal ties that bind Great Britain to this
her most ancient Colony. At present we have England and her army to protect us. who
are her children, and if a foreign foe touched a rock of Newfoundland, England would
immediately demand reparation
for it. It might be said that we will still have her
protection; yet if so, she would be removed from us
in feeling, and in course of time, she may be altogether estranged from us. It was
said that the people
of England complained of the cost of protecting the
colonies, and that they must get rid of the burden;
that Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and all the other
colonies must provide for their own defence, or pay
for the troops employed in their protection. Well,
he did not say that it was unreasonable that we should
pay our proportion of the military defence of the
empire, if required, including, of course, the colonies.
He did not suppose our share of it, according to
population, would exceed £5,000 a year; but if it
were twice that amount, he would rather pay it than
incur the burthen that would be entailed on us by
Confederation. And besides, Canada and the United
States are contiguous; and we do no know the moment when there may be war with the
United States
or some other power when we would have to bear
our proportion of the cost of the war, whatever
it might come too; and if troops were called for, for
the protection of the Canadian frontier, we would
have to proceed to its defence, as was the case now in
the United States, where the citizens throughout the
union were drafted, and had to join the army. If we
united with Canada, and there should be war with the
United States or any other power, we would be subjected to the draft tor the defence
of Canada, and go
we must. Hon. gentlemen had stated that we must
enter into the Confederation, whether we would or
not. He did not see anything in the correspondence
to shew that there would be any compulsion. England
did not desire that we should join, if we did not wish
it. The other Provinces took up the question, and
were about to hold a conference, which we were invited to join; and the Attorney General
said we should
send Delegates to see what was going on, and instructed them to da nothing binding
on this colony.
We have now their report; and it is quite another
matter to become parties to its terms. We were
never requested by the British Government to take
part in these proceedings, nor by the colonies, until
we invited ourselves. And because Canada and New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia, which are contiguous to
each other, are about to confederate, ought we, who
are 600 miles distant from the nearest point, to
join the union, if we do not consider it for our interest to do so? If he (S. Gen.)
were a representative
of Nova Scotia he would go for the union. But
although Nova Scotia would be benefited, still he
found by the newspapers of that Province that there
was much difference of opinion on the question, and
that New Brunswick was also against it.
Mr. SHEA—The hon gentleman should be careful
as to the accuracy of his statements. Mr. Tilly, the
premier of New Brunswick, was confident there would
be a large majority in the Assembly of that Province
for confederation.
The SOLICITOR GENERAL –One thing was certain,
if New Brunswick was not against it, at all events she
was not for it; and Prince Edward Island was decidedly against it, while that island
was much nearer the
other provinces than Newfoundland; and as to this
colony it was evident that with the exception of a few
who expected to benefit by it, confederation was unfavourably regarded. So far as
his vote went he was
inclined to remain as we are at present, for he did not
think confederation with Canada would improve our
circumstances, but on the contrary would be the cause
of oppossing our people with heavy burthens. He
would rather be the tail of England than the tail of
Canada; and living been born under the flag which
had braved for a thousand years the battle and the
breeze, he hoped to live and die under it.
Mr. MARCH must congratulate this House and the country on the Resolution proposed by the
hon Attorney General, complying as it did witn the unanimous
voice of the people. The people had been called wooden heads and chowder heads by
an hon member of
this house, as if they were not capable of giving an
opinion on a great question like this. If they felt no
interest in it, who did? They were bound to this
country by the strongest of ties. Their fathers had
died to establish its liberty, and he (Mr March) would
never consent, while a drop of British blood ran in his
veins, to yield up this country. which was one day
bound to be the most flourishing on the ocean, to a
parcel of Johnny Crapeaus or Dutch Canadians. We
were now part of the glorious British Empire; we
lived under the sway of our beloved sovereign Queen
Victoria, upon whose dominions the sun never sets.
Were we to leave the flag that had braved a thousand
years the battle and the breeze; be separated from the
glorious Empire of Britain, and place on a sandy,
muddy, tickety foundation? He (Mr March) indignantly protested against any such spoliation
of our
liberties. Hon gentlemen call this clap-trap. It was
no clap-trap—it was as true as Holy Writ. He had
a duty to discharge to his country, and he would
fearlessly and honesty discharge it. He would defy
any man to say he was wrong. He endorsed every
word that had fallen from the hon members, Mr Glen
and Mr Hayward.—Although they had not spoken
three hours, they had thrown a deal of light on the
subject, and had taken the part of honest man who
had the welfare of their country at heart. He
knew very well that if the delegates had not
been , feasted and gormandized in Canada, they
would have never signed that Report. Why,
if any of us got muddled, we would not know
what we were about. Who will deny that? None of
us was infallible. Human nature was frail. One
great man might be deceived. Aye, even two of
them. What would become of the country if the
wooden heads did not brave the dangers of the deepif they did not run out,like so
many squirrels, over the
rotten ice, and bring in their big loads of fat?– He
regretted that any disparagement had been thrown on
them. This is a question we would all differ on.
Honour to the Attorney General, the star of this country;—The bench shall be honoured
by him. If we
went into this Confederation and a war took place
with America, our best men would have to fight their
battles. He well knew that Canada had been a nightmare to the British Government,
and a drain on her
treasury. They say that the time had come when she
should bear part of the cost of her military defence.
Look at the immense sum of money it would take to
fortify Canada; and how could she defend herself
without means? She was now almost insolvent, and
wanted to pounce on Newfoundland like a hungry cat,
and seize her teeming wealth—her milions of money,
which were annually drawn from her waters, and replenish her own exhausted treasury
with it. Was this
country to be bartered away for a mess of pottage?
When the old Government had their seven years of
plenty, what did they do with it? Did they, like
Joseph in Egypt, lay it up? Look at our great
Northern Route; why, there is land there equal to any
in the world; and if the dogs were destroyed, and the
people encouraged to rear sheep, we would have our
woolen manufactories scattered throughout the land,
giving employment to the people, and providing them
with cheap raiment. Our country could rise like a Phoenix from its ashes, and amid
wealth, happiness and
prosperity, blossom like the rose. He had this from
Mr. Howe's lips himself, the greatest statesman on
this side of the Atlantic. Look at the Scotch farmers
who had left Nova Scotia, and settled at the Bay of
Islands, were there was fine land, with immense timber,
no dogs to worry the cattle or destroy the sheep. And
was this country to be sacrificed for a paltry £112,000
a year? Never, the people would go to the cannon's
mouth before they submitted to such a think. What
good were we to derive from railroads, their canals, &c?
The country was not asleep to these things. There
was no use thus to throw dust into the eyes of the
public. We wanted no hungry lawyers to guide us
in this matter. Common sense and honesty was all
that was required to carry on the Government. We
had our old mother England to protect us, with the
milk of human kindness in her heart. Did she ever
make serfs of us? No, her glory was to watch over
and protect us. He (Mr. March) would settle this
matter, supposing he had to go to London at once.-
Two or three years ago it was stated by men who
now make speeches of two or three hours in length,
that if we had only steam communication with Britain, this country would be turned
into a land of Goshen at once. Well, we had the Galway line, and
what good resulted from it? What had we to pay
for it? No less than £8,000 a year. They brought
the scum of society into this country, who, with their
bag pipes, danced their horn-pipes on the water pipes,
and we had to pay the piper. Facts are stubborn
things, and under this Confederation, if we had steam
communication, we would have to pay for it. Do you
think that if we have this confederation, capitalists
will come here and spread their money broad cast over
the country? It was a delusion, a mockery and a
humbug. If rich men wanted to come here, they
could come now; and Confederation was not going to
bring them. What object under heaven had he (Mr.
March) but what would tend to benefit his native
country? He remembered when 800 men were sent
from this to Canada; to fight , and how many returned; Why poor old Billy Boggs and
Johnny Martin. It was well for us to ponder what was in store
for us. He would tell the house what would raise the
country out of its present depressed condition. Let
us pass an Act to prevent the sale of bait to the
French. That was what ruined our fisheries. If they
could get no bait from us, they would be unable to
prevent the fish from coming in upon our shores.
He (Mr. March) heartily concurred in the Resolution
before the house.
(To be continued )
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER
2
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 22.
(Continued.)
Mr. PROWSE.-No man in this house enjoyed an
exhibition of this kind more than he (Mr Prowse);
ever, when the laugh was against himself, as it was
this evening, he had no objection to the serio-comic
performance; but he thought it would be very much
better suited for other scenes. If the hon member,
Mr March, would only act it elsewhere, for the benefit of the poor, he would do a
great service, these
bad times. Here it was out of place, and in the
discussion of a great subject like the one now before
us, most unseemly and improper. The hon member
says all we want in the discussion of this question is
common, sense and honesty; "we want no hungry
lawyers." Now he (Mr. P.) quite agreed with the
hon gentleman, that all he (Mr March) wanted was
common sense and honesty. He might have those
qualities separately, but after this last speech, he certainly could not have them
in combination. If he had
no common sense, he might honestly believe what he
and the Solicitor General said about our being separated from England and joined to
Canada alone; but
if he has any common understanding, he must see that
one of the primary objects of the Conference was to
connect us more closely with Great Britain; and that,
under confederation, we will be as much an integral
portion of the British Empire, or even more so, than
we are now. Confederation is a great thing; it has made
the Solicitor General speak, and the great argument
that he relies upon is the little influence our eight men:
would have in the general Parliament. See, says the
Solicitor General, how little influence the seven out
harbor members have in this house. Why they cannot get the St John's members to attend
to business,
and they cannot prevent them adjourning to go to
dinners. He (Mr Prowse) would like to know if
there had ever been any complaint made by the Solicitor General on this score, and
whether he was not
always the first to go to a dinner party himself? What
can eight members do? The hon and learned gentlemen forgets all the influence Sir
William Molesworth
and the philosophical radicals exercised in the British
House of Commons, though only numbering about a
score of gentlemen? But is it more of the results of
confederation that small states, like Rhode Island, for
instance, are crushed and tyrannized over by large
states like New York? Has the smallest Swiss canton the smallest complaint against
the larger cantons?
And why should we be afraid that Canada, Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick, and P. E. Island, should all
combine to treat us unfairly? It was very amusing
to listen to some of the arguments of hon gentlemen
on this question, The hon member, (Mr. March) and
the learned Solicitor General describe the wealth and
prosperity of this country in the most glowing terms.
She is like some fair and beauteous damsel, rich with
the spoils of the ocean, with no unseemly rents of
pauperism in her bridal attire, her wealth and her
beauty have attracted the covetous eyes of that old
brokendown, ruined,
spendthrift Canada, who wants to
inveigle her into Confederation, and then ravish her
of all her wealth. Do hon gentlemen know anything
about that ruined country, Canada? Why, Sir, these
beggarly Canadians have only 18 million dollars worth
of agricultural implements, 79 millions dollars of live
stock, and over 60 millions invested in railways and
canals. Any one hearing these hon gentlemen argue
this question, would think that the whole aim and
desire of Canada was to squeeze the last drop of blood
out of us, and that she was to recruit her ruined finances by grinding us down by
oppressive taxation. Now,
sir, this is a most unſair way of discussing this question. Canada is not going to
tax us. Whatever is
done in that way will be done by the General Parliament of the United British North
American Provinces.
But whatever hon gentlemen say about the Delegates
and Canadian politicians, the Delegates had at least
the satisfaction of knowing that their report and the
Proceedings of the conference had the high approval
of enlightened British statesmen, of the London
Times,
which is quite as high an authority on political questions as any of our intelligent
newspapers. That conference at Quebec, consisting of some of the ablest
men from each of the colonies, acted all through this
matter in the most able manner, and thoroughly in
the spirit of our constitution. The Delegates first prepared a draſt of the new constitution.
This draft, contained in their report, was then submitted to the different local Legislatures,
where, under the system of party
government, it would receive the fullest ventilation;
and each colony would discover how its particular
interest lay with regard to it. And finally there was
the last reference to the Imperial Parliament, where
the claims of each colony would be
[?], and
the reasonableness and justice of such claims decided
upon by the enlishtened statesmen of England. He
(Mr Prowse) considered that it was a matter of the
greatest importance to us that our reasonable and
moderate demands were to be decided upon by enlightened statesmen such as England
now possesses,
by such men as Lord Palmerston, Earl Russell, and
Mr. Gladstone, men whose impartialty was above suspicion, and whose political sagacity
and forethought
was above all praise. One of the great difficulties in
answering the objections of the opponents of this
great, measure was the great diversity and the conflicting character of the argumements
they used. One enlightened merchant, an opponent of confederation,says
we will be flooded with Canadian manufactures. So
also say the opponents of the confederation in Nova
Scotia; but the great Nestor of the anticonfederates
in this house, Mr Glen, says go. Canada is a large
importer of British goods, and this shows she cannot
manufacture enough for herself; and how, then, will
she be able to export manufactured goods to us? Now
if the hon gentleman's argument were of any weight,
any, ountry that imported largely of manufactures
could not export them. But unfortunately for his
position, England, which exports the largest amount
of manufactured articles in the world, also imports
manufactures to an enormous extent. France, the
largest exporter of light wines, actually imports large
qunatities of light wines from Hungary and Germany.
Don't we ourselves import dried cootish? But the
facts as well as the arguments are against hon members. The hon member for Carbonear,
Mr. Rorke,
has samples of Canadian leather as low in price as
American, and superior in quality. The produce of
the tanneries of Canada now amounts to more than
two millions and one half of dollars worth a year.
Canada also manufactures over a million yards of
woolen cloths, valued at less than one dollar a yard.
She has large iron founderies whose produce is two
and a half million dollars worth. Then she exports
furniture and boots and shoes to England. She has
large manufactures of carriages. Canada has thus
been shown to be in a position to export many kinds
of manufactures to us to a considerable extent; and
whilst labour is so dear there, it will pay them better
to end down the leather and woolens not made up,
and thus afford a good deal of employment to our un:
fortunate tailors and shoemakers, so many of whom
are now suffering great distress. But it makes no
difference how fallacious the arguments of those opposed to confederation may be shown
to be, the ready
answer to all reasoning is—"Oh, all you shew us in
four of confederation is purely speculative, wholly
theoretical." These gentlemen are not satisfied unless
they can clutch futurity in their fists and put it into
their breeches pockets... No political philosophy has
any reference to us... We have nothing to do with the
arguments and political economy of John Stuart Mill.
The experience we derived from the study of history
does not teach us, and he (Mr. Prowse) would ask
them,-where are we to go then for a parallel? Are
we to be guided by the political experience of the
King of Dahomey, or to follow the model of the King
question is theoretical; and must be to a great extent
speculative in its character. What other arguments
were used to prove the benefit that would result from
the Reciprocity Treaty, or from the introduction of
Responsible Government? It is singular, but true,
that precisely the same position which is now taken
up by the
opponent's of confederation was the one
assumed by those who opposed the union of England
and Scotland. But, says the hon member, Mr. Glen,
there is no similarity between that union and the com:
federation. To his (Mr Prowse's) mind, there was a
remarkable similarity. The pauperism of Scotland
was something frightful in 1707. Are not we in the
same condition? And what is her present position?
She has fewer paupers than any other portion of the
three kingdoms. She has whole counties with hardly
a single parish pauper. The union has accomplished
tenfold greater results, material, social and political,
than the wildest anticipations of those who labored to
promote it. But then we are told there is increased
taxation. This weighs down every advantage in hon.
gentlemens' minds; but he (Mr Prowse) would like
to know whether civilization, the moral and intellectual elevation of the people,
are not of far more inportance than an extra penny or twopence on tea, or
any question of tariffs? What is the present situation
of this country as regards education and enlightenment? We are like a lot of little
boys in the lowest
class of a country school. We have been using our
well-thumbed horn books so long that we have got to
think of nothing beyond them. But let us come in
contact with people who have a splendid system of
education, who are enjoying the advantages of railways and steamers, and who are in
a higher state of
civilization than we are; does any one suppose that it
we formed part of the confederation, we would have
been so long trembling on the brink of a great public
work like, Toad's Cove Breakwater or Flower Hill
Firebreak? Do you think we should have remained
go long satisfied with that wretched tub the
Ellen Gis
borne, or with the imperfect manner in which local
steam is at present carried out, or our present miserable postal system? No. we cannot
remain as we are.
Increased intercourse with or fellow, colonists, especially Canada, will have the
same effect on to that it
has everywhere else. We must improve. We never
can go back in the path of progress. No government
how dare do away with local steam. The whole country would cry out against the infliction
of such an injustice on the outports. But, say hon gentlemen, this
theory may be all correct; however, there is no community of interest between this
country and Canada.
She wants protection and we want free trade, she
must have a protective tariff. Now he (Mr. Prowse)
denied that the present Canadian tariff is protective.
It was put on entirely for the purpose of revenue.
It would not suit her agricultural population to
have a protective tariff on manufactures; nor
would it suit her best interests to place a duty
on foreign grain, a duty of a shilling a barrel
on flour, or sixpence a bushel on wheat from the
States, would make grass grow in the streets of
Montreal. It would render Canada's great canals
and railways, useless for the great design which they
were intended, namely, as the best and cheapest outlet of the produce of the Western
States to the Atlantic. Besides, it does not at all follow that the interests of the
majority of any country should guide
its fiscal policy. In England the majority, both in
wealth and population, are agricultural; yet England's policy and England's interests
have been found
to lie in free trade in grain; and it has been found,
too, that her agricultural interests are best served by
this polity. We will have besides in our favour the
fact that the interests of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are identical with our own.
Neither of them
produce their own food entirely. They are both
lurge importers of foreign flour and foreign manufactures; and over and above all
this, we have the
wood of Mr. Galt, that the present Canadian tariff
will be reduced, in order to accommodate it to the
interests of the whole Confederacy. Mr. Galt has
given us this pledge, in the most solemn manner,
through Lord Monk and our own Governor. It may
be all very well for hon gentiemen to sneer at Mr.
Galt and his promises, but it only betrays the lamentable ignorange of the history
of colonial politics. Mr.
Galt has shown himself an enlightened patriotic
statesman; and his reputation as a financier stands as
high in England as it does in Canada; and he (Mr.
P.) would as soon expect men like George Brown,
L. A. McDonald, and Mr. Galt, to return to the exploded theory of protection as he
would expect them
to defend the Canadian frontier with bows and arrows. Hon. gentlemen may say, of course,
it they
choose, that Mr. Galt's statement, made through
Lord Monk, is a lie; but he (Mr. Prowse) thought
they would find very few to be.ieve them. Any one
who has read Mr. Galt's pamphlet or this question of
Confederation must have been struck with the clear.
honest and candid statement of facts it contained. He
made no attempt to conceal the Canadian difficulties,
out of which this idea of union originated. And what
stronger arguinent can there be in favour of Confederation than the desire of these
enlightened statesmen
to retain this union of Upper and Lower Canada, at
any cost? These loading statesmen of two powerful
Colonies, like the Canadas, actually forced themselves
upon the Charlottetown Conference of the smaller
colonies, in order to sustain a union which was an
on air one in its commencement, which was forced
upon Lower Canada by the British Government, and
which is most unfair at present to Upper Canada, a
large majority, of whose population is unrepresented.
But unfair and unequal as that union now is, still it
has been productive of such benefecial results to both
colonies, that they would submit to almost, any inconvenience sooner then again be
separated. Another
argument, which hon gentlemen who oppose Confederation have relied upon is, that as
the general Parliament has the power to tax our exports, they will lay
a duty on the exports of our fish and oil. He (Mr.
Prowse) admitted that if such a thing were attempted
it would be a serious loss to this colony. But the
very idea of such a thing was absurd. The fisheries
of colonies are equal to three-fourths of
ours; and their fishing interest; are more nourished
and protected than our own. The leading statesmen
of Nova Scotia declared they would protect every
hook and line, bob and sinker, which Nova Scotia
threw into the water. Canada too expends a large
amount every year in protecting and encouraging her
fisheries; and an export tax would be almost the ruination of the fishing interests
of those colonies, which
had to be so cherished, and nurtured in order to
raise up a maritime population, which Nova Scotia,
and especially Canada, considered so recessary for
their Colonial prosperity. If the provinces comprised
in the proposed Confederation were the only exporters of codfish, if they had no rivals
to compete with
in foreign markets, he (Mr. Prowse) would consider
an export duty on fish and oil might possibly be im
posed, aod it would not be so wholly unfair. But
when our fish was being driven out of Spain by the
fish from Norway, Sweden and Iceland, when, at the
present time, our export to Spain alone had dwindled
down to less than one-third of the whole consumption
of the Peninsula, where, less than thirty years ago,
Spain and Portugal, did not receive ten thousand
quintals from any other country but Newfoundland;
when we had such rivals as the French and others
driving us out of the Foreign fish markets, it would
be a suicidal policy thus to destroy, at, one fell blow,
these great maritime interests which Colonial statesmen had laboured so long and energetically
to promote. In the present day an export is an exploded
fallacy in political economy; but he (Mr. Prowse)
felt sure that, as the interests of the Canadas
and the maritime Provinces were identical with
our own in that respect, it would be very easy to
obtain the same guarantees with respect to our
fish and oil, which was given for the coal of Nova
Scotia and the lumber of New Brunswick. As regards
the financial view of the qmestion, he (Mr Prowse)
considered that the fixures by which his hon friend the
member for Placentia, Mr. Shea, had shown what
would be the result of the Canadian tariff of 1863 as
applied to this countly, were unanswerable. He would
not dwell up on this point, which was so ably discussed
by that hon gentleman. He (Mr. Prowse) had heard
many intelligent influential gentlemen who were opposed to confederation say that
Mr. Shea's statement
was under the mark, rather than over it. One argument, however, was used until it
became stale, nauseeating, that is, that in the event of the other colonies
joining the confederation without us, Great Britain
would make us her pet colony, that she would hug us
to her heart as their most cherished offspring. He
(Mr. Prowse) would like to know if this was the
usual course in human affairs. Do we generally reward those most who give us most
slaps in the face;
and after you have given the Right Hon. Edward
Cardwell a moral kick, spurned the advice of Her
Majesty's government, which is tantamount to a command, the Imperial authorities will
be so delegated
with your conduct in this respect, that they will pass
over all the other colonies who have followed their
advice, and single you out for all their favors.
Does any hon member of this house believe
that this will be made a Naval port by Great
Britain, if we refuse to go into confederation, or
that England will do anything at all for us? If any
hon gentlemen does believe such a thing, all he
(Mr. Prowse) could say was
that he envied their
faith. Hon gentlemen who argue thus against Confederation, would try and make us believe
that we
are being separated from Great Britain, and in the
event of war, our men would be drafted to defend the
Canadian frontier. Now they must know that in the
event of war, the moment Canada was attacked, we
would be attacked too, no matter whether we were in
confederation or out of it. Talk about the defenceless position of Canada, there was
no country so open
to attack as this colony; not a man could be spared
from here to defend any other part of the union.
Picture to yourselves what one federal
Monitor would
do, if she opened her guns on the capital. Look at the
position your Banks and all your institutions would
be in. He (Mr. Prowse), would remind hon gentlemen that they had a little account
to settle with the
British Government with reference to payment of their
share of the thirty thousand pounds stg., which the
troops cost here. This would doubtless be presented
immediately they refused to enter confederation; and
he would remind them they had made a promise on
this matter, which they would have to keep. He (Mr.
Prowse) considered we were bound by every tie of
gratitude for the countless favors which we have received from the mother country,
to consider her wishes in this matter, and to give them the most serious
consideration. As regards England's position with
the confederation, he (Mr. Prowse) considered that
every province in that confederation was bound to
afford assistance to the mother country, whenever
their services were required, and Englind was also
bound in honor to support the Confederacy when
attacked. He (Mr. Prowse) felt the importance of
this great, subject. He felt there was a tremendous
responsibility cast upon every representative who had
to decide upon a measure involving such tremendous
consequences to the present and future welfare of
this colony. It was quite possible that many of the
theories and anticipations put forth on this subject
would not be realised; and he (Mr. Prowse) believed for himself, that the beneficial
results would far
exceed their most sanguine anticipations; perhaps
they would not do so in the way hon gentlemen had
predicted. He felt very strongly on this subject of
confederation,and he regretted that in the heat of debate he had perhaps been too
personal; but however
strong in his opinions, he would not accept confederation on its present basis, without
a guarantee for
local, direct, and intercolonial steam. If our other
demands were moderate and reasonable, he (Mr.
Prowse) considered that we would obtain them; and
he thought that, on those terms, our union with the
British North American Provinces would be the greatest boon, that could be conferred
on this colony.
It would be the proudest event in the life of every
man who had helped to secure that union on a fair
and impartial basis. He (Mr. Prowse) for one would
never regret the curtailment of the power of this
house, however much hon gentlemen might talk about
the value which the country set upon it. If they did
so it must have lately come to them. But a few years
before, the Solicitor General said he was out, it an
unseasonable hour, at a fire, and when the burning
house tumbled in, an independent voter in the crowd
said he wished " them blackguards of the Assembly
were under it." Has there been such a complete
revulsion of public feeling since that the public are
now delighted with the Assembly and the council,
together speciding nearly as much as the whole education grant The public indeed.
They wouldn't
care a straw, if your whole paraphernalia of Speaker
and Sergeant-at-Arms, Clerks and Messengers, Mace
and Members, were swept away to-morrow. There
would neither be lamentation nor weeping nor great
mourning, except, perhaps, on the part of the few
small politicians who suffered by the change. He
(Mr.Prowse) trusted there would be no silent votes on
this question; but that every member would state
the reasons which influenced his views, so that our
constituencies will know now to deal with each one of
us at the next general election.
The house then adjourned until 8 o'clock to-morrow.
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER
2
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY
FRIDAY, Feb. 22.
The house met at three o'clock
Mr. E. D. SHEA presented a petition from William
Kelligrew and others, of Kenews, which was received
and read, praying for the passing of a law prohibiting
the use of bultows in the fishery.
Mr. SHEA, in moving that the petition lie on the
table, would observe that it was a very important
subject, and the petitioners considered that it was one
in which the Legislature ought to interfere, otherwise
that the fishery would be destroyed. He (Mr. Shea)
regretted that the bill brought in by the hon member
for Carbonear had not been proceeded with. Although
some portions of that bill were considered objectionable, still the measure was called
for; and he (Mr.
Shea) trusted the hon member would yet proceed
with a portion of the bill, or that some other hon.
member would take it up. We could not afford to
ing. They have the fishery destroyed by such practice.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table
Mr. RENOUF presented a petition from Thomas
Wythicomb and others, of the South-side of St John's,
which was received and read, praying for a grant to
repair the road westward of the premises of Messrs,
N. Stabb & Co.
Mr. RENOUF, in moving that the petition lie on the
table, said the road was giving way in the locality
referred to, and he trusted that we would have such a
road grant as to enable the members for the western
division of St. John's to appropriate a sufficient sum
for its thorough repair.
Ordered that the petition lie on the table.
Mr. MOORE presented a petition from James Drover,
constable, of Upper Island Cove, which was received
and read, praying for grants to open and repair roads in
these localities.
Ordered that these petitions lie on the table.
On motion of the
hon ATTORNEY GENERAL, pursuant to order of the day, the house resolved itself
into committee of the whole on the further consideration of the Confederation of the
British North American
Colonies, Mr. KNIGHT in the chair.
Mr. RENOUF said he had much pleasure in giving
the Resolution his warmest support, because it was
of that character which met the views of the people
generally on this most important question of Confederation. There can be no doubt,
however much
some hon members may now say to the contrary,
but for the firm and independent stand taken by the
few hon gentlemen on both sides of the house, susstained by public opinion out of
doors, as expressed
at the public meeting held a few days ago, we should
not now have before us the present modified Resolution to speak to and vote on; but
the Resoolutions
adopted at the conference of Delegates held at Quebec in October last. An affirmative
vote taken on
those Resolutions, would doubtless have the effect of
binding us to this proposed Confederation, without
giving a majority of the people, whose best interests are so deeply involved in the
mighty changes
contemplated, an opportunity of understanding the
merits or bearings of the case, or expressing their
opionons thereon. This matter was new to this house
and the country, and he (Mr. Renouf) felt that we had
no power delegated to us by the people to entertain
this vital question either affirmatively or negatively,
until such times as the constituencies should decide at
polls in the general election to take place in a few
months, this being the last session of this term of
the Legislature. The Resolution, therefore, accomplishes all that can be fairly desired
for the present;
and it would be for the members of the next Assembly
to carry out the well understood wishes of the people,
who would have to bear all the responsibility which
this complete revolution in our affairs would bring
about, in the event of Confederation being desired by
them. This question of Newfoundland entering into
a Confederation with the British North American
Provinces, is, without doubt, the most important that
has ever agitated the public mind in this country,
since the advent of representative institutions. If we
look to the sister Provinces, contemplated to form a
part of this union, we find there the same strong
manifestations of public opinion in favour of this
momentous change in our constitution being decided
by the people at the polls. This great question is also,
with them, as it is with us, the subject of all engrossing importance, deep interest
and thoughtful consideration, which, in the event of a union being carried,
is to decide, not for a year, but for all time, the weal
or the woe, the happiness or misery of those Provinces, which are at present governed
by their own independent legislation. The abstract principles of
confederation have, under peculiar circumstances,
much to recommend them; and more especially when
the terms are based on justice and equality, where
small states become closely allied to a strong central
power, possessing all the materials of strength necessary to imparta tone and vigour
to the whole body,
for purposes of trade, commerce, and protection,
without at the same time unduly restricting their
liberties and privileges, or imposing upon them a too
heavy burthen of taxation. It, therefore, becomes our
solemn duty, as the custodians of the rights, liberties
and priveleges of a free people, to clearly understand
how far those elements of success and future prosperity
for this country are contained in the terms proposed
by the Quebec Report, and which can only be fairly
arrived at by the calmest enquiry, the most mature
consideration, and the deepest investigation. It was
to him (Mr Renouf) and his hon colleagues, and to a
majority of the house, as it wasto the people generally,
a source of congratulation that the Resolution was of
that temperate tone, which neither affirms nor negatives this Confederation; but goes
to the country for
its opinion, thereby giving authority to the next
Legislature to give effect to whatever decision the people may arrive at. The advantages
of such a course
of action would be manifest. The people of the remote
outports may of whom have yet scarcely heard a word
about this Confederation, will, in the interim, have
frequent opportunites of coming into close communication with those who have heard
its merits discussed;
and who have carefully studied it in all its details. The
debates on it in this Assembly will go on the wings
of the press to all parts of the island; and hon members who may go to theur constituents
for re-election,
would have to make this question the principal plank
of their political platform, would have ample time and
would feel the imperative necessity of educating the
public mind, honestly, fairly and impartially, so as to
enable it to arrive at a right decision on this, the greatest political, social and
constitutional question that has
ever affected our general interests. He (Mr Renouf)
had listened with the deepest attention to the speeches
delivered by the hon Attorney General and the hon
member for Placentia and St. Mary's, Mr Shea, one
of the Delegates, who opened the debate on this
Resolution, and he (Mr Renouf) could not deny the
great ability and ingenuity displated by each of those
hon gentlemen, in placing this Confederation of the
Provinces in the most captivating manner, in the most
favorable light before this Assembly; and in the accomplishment of which they certainly
never laboured
harder on any question, since they had the honor of
seats in the house, to bring conviction to the minds of
their bearers of the inestimable benefits that might
possibly flow from this union. All that ingenuity;
tact, imagination, speculation and sophism could possibly accomplish with a bad case,
was resorted to "to
make the worse appear the better reason," in pointing
out those purely imaginary benefits of Newfoundland
under Confederation. The hon gentlemen failed to
point to one single
positive benefit that would accrue
from this union. They dealt chiefly in hyperbole and
speculation; and on those unsound theories and Utopian schemes, built their splendid
superstructures of
greatness and prosperity for our country and people,
for all time to come. It is not very difficult to construct the most splendid superstructures
on supposition
by the rule of False Position; but such foundations
are less reliable than those of sand are the most
aerial conception, which the gentlest breath at once
dissipates; and with them all those fancied visions of happiness and unrealized benefist
for the
people; and
"Like the baseless fabric of a dream,
Leave not a wreck behind."
If Newfoundland enters this Confederation, he (Mr
Renouf) trusted it would be on certain fixed and well
defined principles, with material guarantees: and not
on the vague speculations and unauthorised promises
held out by our Delegates, to induce, if possible, a
compliance with their wishes, which they doubtless
led the Canadian Delegates, and those of the other
Provinces to believe they would have sufficient interest and influence to realize.
The Quebec Resolutions
clearly define the terms, on which we may enter this
union; and the hon member, Mr. Shea's, clumsy attempt to cajole this Assembly and
the country, by
patching those Resolutions, agreed to, and signed by
the thirty-two Delegates at the Conference, and which
our Delegates have not the slightest power or authority to alter, is too transparent to deceive the people.
By intelligence received yesterday by mail, we have
learned that Nova Scotia does not view this change
as at all favourable to her interests, on the plea that
they are very well off as they are. New Brunswick
was also divided upon this question, and her Legislature was dissolved, to go to the
country on its
results. If those Provinces, whose connection and
interests would be so closely interwoven with Canada, and more particularly after
the completion of the
Intercolonial railway, running from Canada, through
New Brunswick and terminating at Truro, in Nova
Scotia, feel cautious in adopting this scheme of Confederation, how much more so ought
we to be, who
are so remote and isolate, and who must necessarily
remain so, who cannot participate in those improvements, and who can have no reciprocal
interchange of
commodities? Even in Canada matters did not run
so smoothly as was expected; the opposition to the
scheme was much greater than was at first anticipated: dissentions existed amongst
the supporters of
that government; dissolution of their parliament was
looked for, to make an appeal to the people. Prince
Edward Island, like ourselves, being isolated from
sharing in the continental improvements of Railroads
and Canals, was also showing decided opposition to
the scheme, with but a faint hope of her adopting it.
There can be little doubt that our Delegates represented
themselves to the Canadian government as the chosen
agents of our people, the duly authorized exponents
of their wishes, desirous for this union, and with
high position and commanding influence to carry it,
whereas they proceded on their mission of enquiry
only, not clothed with official capacity by resolution of
this house and not authorized to sign any convention
which certainly led the Secretary for the Colonies,
Mr. Cardwell, to believe that the acts of our Delegates
would be ratified by this Assembly and the people.
Our Delegates went and came, and the majority of
the public were ignorant of their mission; and now
that their views are fully before this house and the
people, on this question of union, are repudiated on
all sides. The history of Canada, since the union of
the two provinces, and more especially of late years,
would show how necessary Confederation was, in order to remove the political difficulties
which are embarrassing her, and which have, in several occassions,
led to a dead lock in her government. This is difficulty arises from the number of
representatives to each
province being equal - 65 members; which was
agreed to at the time of the Legislative union; when
Lower Canada had the larger population of the two;
but now as Upper Canada has an increase of about
500,000 over Lower Canada, she claims an increas of
members on the basis of population; and which being
resisted by the Lower Canadians, the government
was unable to hold power longer than a few months,
and upon one occasion lately, only a few days. The
hon George Brown, the leader of the dominant party
in Upper Canada, has admitted that the great object
to be gained by Confederation with the maritime provinces, would be an increas of
Representatives; to
enable them to shake off the thraldom in which they
have been kept by Lower Canada, and from which
there was no possible chance of escape but by the
proposed Union. The representation of Upper Canada on the basis of population, however,
had not been
lost sight of by Mr. Brown at the conference; and
by calculations correctly correctly made, it was clearly shown,
that at each decennial arrangement, owing to her
large increase of population over the lower Provinces. she would be steadily gaining,
and that in 36
years hence, she would have an increase of 66 members over the number she had on entering
the union,
thereby giving her a total of 148 members against 116,
or a majority of 36 members over Lower Canada,
New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, P E Island, and Newfoundland. The agricultural interests
of Upper Canada would then certainly rule the commercial and shipping interests of
the lower provinces and any influence
our eight members could have in that Legislature was
an absurdity, even to think of. However beneficial
Confederation might be to New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia, whose general interests are more identified
with Canada than ours can ever possibly be, who form
part of the same continent and may be closely connected by railways, there are no
possible means of making
those improvements subservient to our interests, of
reducing the distance of over 600 miles we are from
the nearest point, Halifax, or removing that barrier
of ice, which, for five months of the year, completely
shuts us out from Canada for any purpose of trade.
Our poverty has been used as an argument by our
Delegates, why we should be anxious for Confederation with the rich, prosperous and
powerful country of
Canada. Did our delegates use this argument at the
Conference, as a reason why we ought to be admitted into the union? Did they speak
of the poverty
of Newfoundland at the Conference, and at the public
entertainments given them by the Canadians, on the
termination of their labourers? Certainly not. They spoke
of our great resources, healthy state of trade, sound
public credit, flourishing revenue, most valuable fisheries, furnishing inexhaustible
mines of wealth, from
which, from time to time, immensely large fortunes
have been drawn, and that Newfoundland would not
enter the Confederation empty handed; but could do
so in the character of independence. Those were the
arguments used by our delegates in Canada; but the
moment they return, and came before this Assembly
with their views on this question, what "a wonderful
change comes over the spirit of their dream." Our
country is altogether different in every aspect to
what they represented it in Canada; and they have
now the effrontery to characterise it as beggarly, half
starved and pauperised and which ought to be glad of
the chance of getting so good a stepmother as wealthy
Canada. Such fraudulent inconsistency, on the part of
our Delegates, for purposes, no doubt, best known to
themselves. needs no comment; and carries with it
the condemnation it deserves. Our fisheries certainly,
for the last three or four years, have not been prosperous; yet our merchants have
been able to hold their
own, and still issue supplies on an extensive scale. Our
people are, no doubt, suffering much from those bad
voyages; but it is not the first time in the history of
the country that we have had, several years in succession, bad fisheries, and yet
managed to retrieve
our position without Confederation; and he (Mr. Renouf) would ask, what position would
Canada be in,
had her crops failed her for the same number of years?
To be continued
1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Thursday, March 30, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
FRIDAY, Feb. 22.
SPEECH OF MR. RENOUF.
(Continued.)
Would her finances or her population be better off than
ours are to-day? It is idle to say that this Confederation would make good any shortcoming
in our prosperity
created by bad voyage. Without good fisheries, which
are our principal mainstay, any union can do but little
for us; and, under Providence, with returning prosperity,
and the properly directed efforts of our people, we shall,
have no occasion to sacrifice our country and all that we
value as free men, because of our present distressed state,
to enter into a union, whose grandest feature is the
wildest speculation. The hon member, Mr. Shea, has
told us that history pointed to Confederations as being
generally beneficial to the interests of states so connected, and referred to the
time of the Heptarchy in England, and Henry IV. of France, to show the good effects
of such combination of states, as a principal argument in
favour of our joining the proposed Confederacy. But he
(Mr. Renouf) failed to discover the sightest analogy in
our position and the countries referred to. Neither the
petty kingdoms of the Heptarchy, nor the privinces of
France were separated from the provinces of this
intended confederation. The kingdoms of the Heptarchy and the provinces of France
were closely interwoven with each other, and had a complete identity of
interests for trade, commerce and defence, and mutuality
of wants, which we cannot possibly have with those provinces we are sought to be allied
to. The inion of England is also pointed to, as an evidence of
the necessity of our entering Confederation. Here again
there is not the slightest analogy, and of the means used
to bring about that union, he (Mr. Renouf) would not
speak, but [?] has no isolation from England, but
is closely connected by sailways, which bring the capitals of the two countries into
the close proximity with
each other. Scotland had no navy, and it was a great
object with her to have the protection of England for
her commerce in all parts of the globe; and [?] has
greatly conduced to her advancement and prosperity since
the union. History also pointed to other Confederations,
which the hopn member, Mr. Shea, studiously avoided
naming; such as the union of Poland with Russia, and
Hungary with Austria, whose histories are written in
characters of blood, from the crueities, oppressions and
barbarities, which make humanity shudder, practiced
against a brave, and generous people. The union of
Ireland has also had reference made to it; but it is a most
unfortunate one for the hon member. We have but to
refer to her splendid public buildings in decay, her
commerce destroyed, her nobles and landlords
absent, her tenantry evicted from their holdings and
starving on the road side, her brave and noble sons
expatriated, her taxes made oppressive for another's
benefit, and her virtuous peasantry flying frem the land
of their fathers as from a plague-stricken country, to
seek a home in the United States, and we have the
honest reply as to what Ireland has gained by her union.
The repeal of the union, the late lamented O'Connell,
Ireland's liberator, laboured with all his ability and
eloqueuce to accomplish, until under the burdens which
are unseprable from the reponsible position he had
assumed, he sank into almost a prenature grave. To
enable him to carry that repeal, and consummate his
wishes; patriotic Irishmen in all parts of the globe
enrolled themselves as Repealers, and deeply sympathized
with him in his efforts to accomplish the wish nearest his
heart, and the hearts of all his true countrymen. The
hon member, Mr. Shea, said it was only better terms
the Liberetor sought for Ireland. No doubt better
terms they procured and exterted from England's fears,
but nothing less than a repeal of the Union, which would
restore to Ireland her own Parliament, would have been
sufficient to satisfy his intense love for the freedom of
his country. The United States, since the time of the
Confederation of the thirteen colonies, which the necessities of their position for
mutual protection and defence,
forced upon them, at the time of their separation from
Great Britain, have greatly increased in population,
wealth and commerce, far beyond elder countries in
Europe or America. Her unrivalled position in the New
World, her natural resources—genial climate and the
great fertility of the soil, and her mild laws and free institutions afforded all
those advantages and inducaements
for settlers from different nations of Furope, who brought
with them to the new republic, that varied ability,
intelligence and industry, which has contributed so
largely to her general prosperity. With all those advantages, we have for the last
four years, beheld with horror the most gigantic struggle of the Southern Sales to
secede from the union, which being resisted by the
Northern States and the Government, had led to the
most disastrous consequences with excessive taxation and
an immense national debt. The high productive duties
in favour of the manufactures of the Northern States,
against the producers of the South, have contributed
largely to bring about this revolt, which is decimiting her
people by tens of thousands, devastating her fertile lands,
and destroying the land marks of her advanced civilisation. The prosperity of Canada
since the union of the
two provinces, about twenty-five years ago, has also been
referred to us in glowing terms by out Delegates, as an
evidence of what we should necessarily become under
Confederation. There can be no doubt that Canada has
certainly much improved since the union, but she should
never have been sparated with her distinct Legislatures,
&c., where there was not even a natural or immaginary line to point the demarcation
of the separate
provinces. It is not because the one land, intersected with railways, canals and rivers,
and having
interests immediately and closely interwoven with each
other, should confederate, that there could be the slightest analogy in her position
and ours, or that we could
directly paticipate in the railways and canals which so
closely bind the interests of thos; formerly separate Provinces, any more than we
could paticipate in the Railways and canals of England. But with her progress,
we must not be forgetful of her large indebtedness since
the union, to a great extent brought about by the grossest corruption and jobbery
of her government, which
cannot he more clearly shown than by the following
quotations from a lecture delivered in England before
the Society of Arts, by a well known Englishman, Mr.
Ashmore, who said:—
"In the period which has elapsed since the Provinces
of Upper and Lower Canada were united, the public
debt has been increased from one million to fifteen millions sterling, meanwhile the
expenditure of this money
has been lavished in every discription of loans and advances on colonial credit, made
to the municipalities and
for public works. The members of the House of Assembly being returned by the municipalities,
give their support to the ministry on the condition of the advance of
some loan to their constituents for a speculative object
of local improvement. The loan is sanctioned out of
money which has been raised under public guarantee.
It thus happens, not unfrequently, that the money so
easily obtained is wasted or applied to an unprofitable
purpose. The inhabitants cannot or will not pay the
rates imposed to defray the interest, and the public
treasury is hence called upon on the guarantee." "The
municipalities, being in this unpleasant condition, are
now appealing to the provincial Parliament for aid, upon
the ground that, having given them these large powers,
they are implicated. Such disclosures do not give up a
favourable estimate of Canadian public morality, and it
will be important to consider what may be the result of
corruption in the representatives, and no immediate
check between the demands of the constituencies and
the public exchequer." "We have already stated that
the public debt of Canada has increased from one to
fifteen millions sterling, and we may further observe
that along with this continued borrowing, the Canadians
have gone on increasing, year by year, the taxes on our
manufactured imports, to pay ourselves the interest.
The rates of customs duties levied upon imports
range from 10 to 100 per cent. and within the last
twelve years, there have been to fewer than seven
changes of the tariff, increasing the duty upon British
manufactures, variously from 19 per cent to 20 and 23
per cent."
That quotation carries with its own commentary on
Candian political morality, more powerful than any language which he (Mr. Renouf)
could apply to it. The
hon member, Mr. Shea, has stated that in the event of
the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States being
repealed, notice of which intention has been given by
that government, in a fit of petulance, owing to the
conduct of Canadian officials in the matter of the St.
Alban Raiders, no retallatory measures would be adopted
by Canada, and that he, Mr. Shea, spoke advisedly,
having received a telegram on this subject from Mr.
Galt, finance minister of Canada. It is the meerest absurdity on the part of the hon
member, Mr. Shea, to
expect that this Assembly will accept either his, or Mr.
Galt's opinion in this matter as a gaurantee for what
the general Government might do. It is not by such
ad captandum statemeats in argument that we are to
be led into compliance with the ardent wishes of those
gentlemen; who would not be the sole arbiters on this
important question of commercial policy. It is porbable
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
that with the Reciprocity treaty abolished, and a heavy
duty reimposed on the produce of those provinces in
the United States,the General Government would admit
the produce of that country into her markets duty free,
and all for the purpose of showing a good example?
He (Mr. Renouf) had not the slightest faith in the carrying out of this one-sided
doctrine of extreme liberality on the part of the Confederate Government.
The hon member, Mr. Shea, also said he did not believe the Reciprocity Treaty would
be abolished. He
(Mr Renouf) held a different opinion, which was sustained by facts, and would quote
from a debate before
the senate at Washington in November last, on this
matter, as follows—Mr. Summer stated, "On an estimate founded on the trade before
the treaty, Canada
would have paid to the United States, in the ten years
of the treaty, at least $17,373,800, which she has been
relieved of. This sum has actually been lost to the
United States. In return Canada has given up only
$2,650,890. being the amount it would have collected
if no treaty had been made. There is consequently a
vast disproportion to the detriment of the United
States. During the ten years of the treaty the United
States have actually paid in duties in Canada $16,802,962, while during the same period
Canada has paid in
duties to the United States the very moderate sum of
$330,445." The foregoing facts and figures are certainly more reliable than mere speculative
opinions,
without any sure foundation; and the public will have
no difficulty in deciding which of the two they will
accept. We have been further told that England will
no longer, defend us unless we agree to enter this
Confederation; and he (Mr Renouf) supposed on the
terms of the Quebec Resolutions. This is another of
the wild speculations of our Delegates, for we have not
a single word in the Despatch from the Secretary for
the Colonies, Mr. Cardwell,on this subject, that would
lead us to infer that the oldest and most loyal colony
of the British Empire would be discarded, unless she
sacrificed her best interests to gratify the inordinate
ambition of a few, to the great injury of the whole
country and people. Our defence must be a naval
one, and such as England and not the Confederate
Government can afford to give us. If England made
a present to the general government of her fleet on
the North American station, have our Delegates
counted the cost of its maintenance in a state of efficiency; and also the additional
heavy tax that would
create, our proportion of which we should have to
contribute? The assertion had been made that there
is to be no navy—not for very many years to come,
but in view of the fact that the United States intend
placing six ironclad steamers on the lakes, for defence
of her territory against raiders from the Canadian side,
must not Canada meet the emergency by equipping a
similar armament? And is it likely that the British
Government will defray the expense? If the United
States expand $10,000,000 on her Lake defences;
must not Canada be also up, and doing? And he
(Mr Renouf) would like to be informed by our Delegates, who must also be sound authorities
on naval
and military matters, how far will the $1,000,000 go,
being the amount set down by the 32 delegates to build
up a naval and military defence, not for Canada alone,
but for all the Provinces and Colonies in the Confederation? Our Delegates have also
said that Newfoundland, being no longer a benefit to the British Navy,
as her extensive commerce furnished a nursery for
seamen to man her Navy, she cared little about us,
and might throw us off withont hesitation. But he
(Mr. Renouf) had greater faith in the justice of the
mother country, who could not forget that the Banks
of Newfoundland contributed to a large extent the
seamen who helped to win her most important naval
victories. If the Confederate Government is not to
have no navy for many years to come, how are the
maritime provinces to be defended from without? But
the 13th Section of the 29th Resolution of the Quebec
Report admits it, and the hon the Speaker, in his
reported speech at the de jeuner at Toronto, said, when
speaking of the wants of Canada, as follows. "You
want the maritime element, and we are able to give it
to you. You may by and by require seamen to man
your navy, and where will you be able to obtain them
more readily than in Newfoundland?" So that, in
the event of a war between Canada and the United
States, and Newfoundland in this Confederation, our
fishermen could be drafted to fight the battles of a
country in whose quarrel they had no interest. It is
very evident that that speech, made by the hon the
Speaker at Toronto, was after the champagne began
to circulate freely, from the very remarkable fact of
his forgetting all the good things he said in behalf of
his native land in Canada, and which, since his return, he was altogether oblivious
of, his opinions having
undergone a radical change, Newfoundland being only
a paltry, poverty stricken, and pauperized country, in
the estimation of the hon and learned Speaker. The
allusion to the rendezvous of the Russian fleet at New
York, two years ago, for the purpose of proceeding to
the Pacific, to pounce upon and destroy the Australian
colonies, in the event of England interfering on behalf
of Poland, was merely an opinion, and not sustained
by any information which leaked out from the Cabinet
of St. Petersburg! and even if the report was true,
it could not be applicable to our position, which
would at all times be free from any attack by the
Russians. As regards taxation, he (Mr Renouf)
would admit that where it was relatively applied, it
could not fail to be of general advantage, as in the
construction of public works and improvements of a
reproductive character; thereby giving remunerative
employment to our operative population; and in this
sense it might be said that taxation and civilization
went hand in hand. What was the condition of this
country thirty-five years ago, when we had no taxation,
and before we had representative institutions? Almost
in a state of wilderness. Now we have roads, bridges,
educational establishments, colleges, steam and
telegraph communications with the outports and
provinces and United States, and many other improvements which characterize the advanced
civilization of more favoured countries. But the increased
taxation which, under Confederation, we would
have to bear, would not be for our local improvements,
but for the extension of railways, bridges and canals
in Canada. The hon member, Mr. Shea, stated that
the people of Canada paid less taxes per head than
ours. He (Mr Renouf) admitted that fact, because
our taxes are made upon imported goods, which are
the necessities of all classes of our people, whereas the
agriculturists and others in Canada supply their wants
with coarse articles of clothing of their own household
and do not require to purchase every imported requirement, as is the case with us.
But what about the
other heavy direct taxes which the people of Canada
have to pay to meet the reckless extravagance that
has been practised by successive governments in the
administration of their public affairs, and which has
helped to create their huge debt of $64,000,000? If
we are now taxed $4 per head of our population, it
would not probably be less than $6 under Confederation, with the present Canadian
tariff, which would add
nothing to the 12s. per head which the people of Canada now pay. Any reduction that
was promised in
that tariff by our Delegates, which is also speculative,
would still have the effect of lessening the taxation in
Canada and increasing it in Newfoundland, providing
it was recuced from its present 20 and 25 per cent to
15 per cent, which is the highest rate we pay on imports. Reference was made to the
poverty of our outports, to many of our houses being unoccupied, and
many with bad tenants,and the alarm of our landlords
from fear of increased taxation, which would flow from
this measure. As regards the fears of our landlords,
they have good reason to dread increased taxation,
and feel alarmed too. The present heavy water tax,
which owes its parentage to the hon member, Mr.
Shea, has given them a foretaste of what they may
expect, if the General Government gets the power of
taxing them. And in what manner Confederation was
to reduce the poverty of the outports, and procure
good tenants for our empty houses, and turn out the
bad ones, he has not ventured to touch upon, or even
to make a promise. He (Mr Renouf) did not believe
this Confederation scheme would be such a potent
remedy for our ills, but would be somewhat like a celebrated quack medicine which
promised to cure every
thing, even earthquakes, but after being tried was
found to be only an in position for getting money.
The hon member, Mr. Shea, also referred to the
tradesmens' petition, which he (Mr Renouf) presented
to the house a couple of years ago, the prayer of which
was protection for their industry, and to prevent them
becoming paupers on the government. The principles
of protection which he (Mr Renouf) then advocated,
in regard to that petition, he was prepared to advocate
again; but what support did the hon member, Mr.
Shea, who now seems to be a convert to their views,
give to that petition? He turned a deaf ear to it; but
now tells us that our trades men can get, under his
darling scheme, Confederation, all they petitioned for.
And why? Is it that there is a brighter vista of future
greatless in store in Canada for others than our
tradesmen, that he now condescends to notice their
wants and wishes. Where is the employment for our
people who are not engaged in the fisheries; and even
for our fishermen and their families during the intervals between the voyages? Where
is the employment
for our youth of both sexes, who crowd our thoroughfares, and are constrained to live
in idleness on the
earnings of one or two earners out of each family?
Employers they cannot procure, because there are no
workshops, and many articles are imported ready
made at low duties; which, if made up in the country,
would give employment to thousands, many of whom
have to take their industry to the United States,
or remain here in, a half starving condition, and
not unfrequently a burthen upon the public funds
of the colony, which should be appropriated
to purposes of public improvement and general benefit. Why do our government send
orders to other
countries, which give employment to their people at
the sacrifice of our own, for many articles which could
be manufactured here, and then accuse them of their
poverty, and drive them to apply for poor relief? Is
such the case in the other Provinces? No, whatever
the skill and industry of their artisans can accomplish,
finds a ready market with them. How different is the
case here? Many articles that could be manufactured
by our tradesmen, and required for our public institutions, could be supplied both
good and cheap; but
there is no protection for home manufactures. Many
articles that we night supply are imported and made
a job of, the government preferring to make paupers
of our artizans, rather than encourage and stimulate
their industrial pursuits. Our Delegates who are
now such ardent admirers of Canada and her protection for her manufactures, should
look at home; and
if she has, by such means, risen to this great state of
prosperity, what is there to prevent the application of
the same means to the industry of a large portion of
our people, to make them happy and prosperous; and
without Confederation? But it appears that what
benefits Calada cannot benefit us, unless we sacrifice
ourselves to Confederation, which is set forth to be the
great panacea to cure all ills, and leave us nothing to
desire after it would be effectuated. The hon member,
Mr. Shea, said he referred to the tradesmen's petition, merely to show the inconsistency
of hon members,
then supporting its principles, and now repudiating
them when they have the power of giving them effect,
of coarse, only under his darling scheme of Confederation. He (Mr. Renouf) had no
doubt that the hon
memer fancies he can lay the "flattering [?] of
his soul," and pride himself on his political consistency on all occasions, in this
Assembly and out of it also;
and that all reliance could be placed on his fixed principles. When this important
question of Confederation was slightly touched upon, in Committee on the
address in reply to His Excellency's speech at the
opening of this session, he (Mr Renouf) referred to
the Canadian tariff of 1863 as applied to our imports
for the same year, which would give an increase of
taxation of about £40.000. The hon member, Mr.
Shea, in preparing his financial statement under Confederation, to place before the
country, applies the
Canadian tariff of 1863 to our imports, instead of the
tariff of 1864, the former giving a smaller aunount of
increased taxation, a luxury wich the hon member
knows is not over palateable to the people, from the
experience they have had of the Water Company's
tax, which the hon member led the house and the
country to believe, when he introduced that measure,
would be scarcely felt. The hon member has told us
that the Canadian tariff of 1854 was increased for
special purposes, which being now accomplished,
would be again reduced. There can be little doubt
that it was increased for special pulposes, to raise a
sufficiency of revenue to meet their extravagant expenditure, which for seven years
prior to 1864 was,
on an average, $2,914,756 per year over their income,
so that there is little chance of the present tariff being
reduced. In the space of twelve years, Canada has
had no less than seven tariffs on the ascending scale,
and it was only last year, and owing to unusual prosperity, that shs had an excess
of revenue over expenditure. He (Mr Renouf) held in his hand a Customs'
return, of the application of the Canada tariff of 1864
to our imports. whicn would give a total increase of
taxation of £64,570, dedicted from which, a total
decrease of £17,413 on some articles, would leave a
nett increase of additional taxation of £57.156.—The
increased taxes would be on the following principal
articles, viz. rum £803; molasses, £3,585; sugars,
£2200, coffee, £568; tobacco, £3,141; soap, £1 114;
boots and shoes, £7,162; wearing apparel, £1,331;
leather, £2,401; manufactured goods, £23,732; cordage, £3,280; bread, £7,181; Guns,
powder and shot,
£482; paints, &c., £332. The decrease would be on
the following principal articles, vz., wniskey, cordials,
gin, brandy and wines, £2,756; teas, £702; fishing
tackle, £1,318; canvas, £990; salt, £336; dried
fruits, £187; rice, £123.−He (Mr Renouf) had
prepared a statement (which appears below) which
could show pretty fairly what Newfoundland would
have to pay under Confederation, and not including
what may be raised in case of emergency, by direct
taxation, which power the General Government would
pessess, by the 5th section of the 29th Resolution of
the Quebec report, as follows−"the raising of money
by all or any other modes or systems of taxation."
This Assembly would, no doubt, hesitate before increasing our taxation to the figures
as shewn under
the application of the Cauadian tariff, which increase
we could apply to the purposes of local improvement,
developing and working our minerals—and opening
up new sources of industry for our people, Yet this
power, which we are tearful to exercise ourselves, we
are willing to transfer to the General Government, for
the extension of railways, canals, and other improvements in Canada and the other
Provinces, which would
be about as beneficial to our direct interests, as the
railways and canals of Great Britain. He (Mr.
Renouf) would now refer to our exports of fish, oil,
herrings, salmon, skins, &c., which by the 2nd section
of the 29 Resolution of the Quebec report, would give
to the General Government the following powers: viz.
"the imposition or regulation of duties of Customs on
imports and exports, except on exports of timber, logs,
masts, spars, deals and sawn lumber, and of coal and
other minerals." There can be little doubt then, that
our exports would be liable to the risk of taxation, in
case of emergency, notwithstanding all our Delegates
might say to the contrary; and to place the matter
beyond the reach of doubt, suspicion or dispute, they
should have stipulated that our exports should form
an exemption, as well as the timber, &c., of Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick. An export tax of 5 per
cent on our shipments, would raise another pretty
item of revenue for the General Government, of about
£60,000 a year, a very small portion of which would
fall to our share for local improvements. The hon
member, Mr. Shea, calculates there would be a credit
balance of $783,471 in favour of the General Government, after detraying all expenses,
providing in the
amplest manner for the defence of the Confederated
provinces; which item of defence was put down at
only $1,000,000, an amount barely sufficient for
Canada alone, and to which might safely be added
another $1,000,000 for the other Provinces. Again,
would not the promised extension of the canals of
Western Canada absorb the credit balance referred to,
to pay interest on monies to be borrowed for that purpose? Mr Brown, in his speech
at Toronto:—"I am
happy to say, that with the unanimous consent of the
Delegates, we have agreed to the extension of the
Canal system of the West," which would certainly
cost many millions of dollars, and would be a set off
against the Intercolonial railway for the improvements of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia.
The 69th
Resolution promises that the North West territory is
to be opened up, when the finances would permit;
but poor Newfoundland was to be left out in the cold,
and have no place in the grand arrangements which
are to secure such prosperity to the other Provinces.
He (Mr. Renouf) was not singular in his opinion,
that the improvements and necessities under the General Government woull leave no
credit balance, but
a deficiency of over $2,000,000, applying the present
Canadian tariff to the maritime provinces, and which
deficiency must be met by increaed taxation; and
whether indirect or direct, on property, income, back
stock, bills of exchange, &c., is no bugbear or claptrap; which hon members who do
not agree with the
views put forth by our Delegates, on this question,
are accused of resorting to. But this question of increased taxation, was the pith
and marrow of the
scheme, so far as the interests of Newfoundland are
concerned; and must form the basis of negotiation in
the matter. We have heard a great deal about what
Canada could do in supplying us with manufactures of
woolens, cottons, boots and shoes, &c., cheaper than
we could import them from Great Britain. How is it,
then, that she has not taken advantage of our market up to this time, which is as
free to her as to the
mother country? How is it also that our merchants
and shopkeepers do not import from Canada, in preference to Great Britain, it the
articles are as good
and the terms better? Great Britain supplies all the
markets of the world, and successfully competes with
all countries in the quality and cheapness of her
manufactures, owing to improved machinery and
cheap labour. Canada is a very large importer of
manufactured goods from England, amounting, last
year, to $16,000,000, and, in spite of 20 and 35 per
cent duties, England was able to undersell them in
their own markets. The United States, with her extensive manufactures, imports largely
from Great
Britain also; and even the raw cotton and other materials which England imports from
America, she is
able to tranship manufactured, and compete with her
in price and quality in her own markets. The hon.
member, Mr. Shea, asks, is not Britain also an importer to some extent, from France?
Certainly she
is; of the finer quality of silks, gloves, lices, &c.,
which we can well dispense with, and is not a paralel case. The infant manufacturies
of Canada, with
high priced labour, aro not yet, if they ever will be,
in a position to supply us and the other provinces on
as good terms as we at present enjoy. By a report
made to the Executive Council of Canada, and signed
by the hon W. P. Howland, Receiver General, it
would be understoogd to what extent, and in what
articles of manufacture, she could supply our wants.
It is as follows. "With a more extended trade between Canada and the Lower Provinces.
We should
compete in their markets, not with the productions of
Great Britain but with those of the United States,
These consist mainly of agricultural produce, in raising which we excel, and of articles
the manufacture
of which is rapidly increasing here," and that a large
proportion of the goods which the maritime provinces
now buy in the States could be supplied by Canada.
That report fully disposed of the delusions manufactured by our Delegates on the subject
of Canadian
manufactures. We have the assertion of the hon
member, Mr. Shea, that the tariff of the General
Government will be revised, to meet the wishes of the
lower provinces; and he has that assurance from
Mr. Galt, in a telegram lately received. It must be
evident that Mr. Galt, who is so very anxious for
the consummation of this scheme, would make promises ad libitum, by Telegraph, to induce us to look
more favorably upon it. But would the General
Government, not yet in existence, feel itself bound to
act on the unauthorized promises of Mr. Galt;
Those important points should not be left to the uncertainty of telegrems between
Mr. Shea and Mr.
Galt, a mode of doing business neither safe nor satisfactory. Once in the union, our
wishes would have
to be subservient to Mr. Galt, and the Canadians,
who would have the power to make them so Another
grert consideration urged by the hon member, Mr.
Snea, in favour of our becoming a part of this future
great empire that is to be, is, the line of ocean steamers connecting us with the
mother country and with
Canada; and also another steamer on the Western
postal route. The hon member is very strong on
this quession of steam, in which he takes the deepest
interests; but he (Mr. Renouf) failed to discover a
single word about it, in the form of a promise, in
the Quebec Resolutions; where it should properly
appear; and not be left to vague speculations. It
may be well to ask how it came that our Delegates
did not secure these advantages for us at the Conference, and have a guarantee for
it in the Resolution, as
well as the opening up of the North West territory
the extensions of the Western canals, and the laying
down of the Intercolonial railway. The hon member being forced to admit a large increase
of taxation
under Confederation, asks if this line of ocean steamers that is to be is not worth
£10,000 a year to us,
and modestly places it in his financial statement, as
one of the assets against the new taxes. That was
certainly a dexterity in managing finance questions,
unrivaled by even the great Finance Minister of
Canada, Mr. Galt. A line of ocean steamers was
all very well in its way; but, in view of the Cape
Race telegraph station, it could never be worth such
an amount to this country, where the carrying trade
was well supplied by our own first class clipper vessels. It would be, without doubt,
a great convenience for wealthy persons, to enable them to travel
comfortably and expeditiously across the Atlantic, beyond whom the great bulk of the
people would derive
little or no benefit. If we had £10,000 to spare, after
providing for the public service, would we be justified in
voting it is a part subsidy for ocean steamers, and
particularly after the Galway line failure? Would
this Assembly agree to it, in view of the many more
useful purposes to which it might be applied? A
year or two ago, this house was cejoled into giving
£5,000 of our revenue to the Galway Company;
and how much did it benefit the country? And it
was given at a time too, when our languishing resources, required sustainment. That
money was
recklessly thrown away, to carry out a visionary
speculation, which was to lift up the country by the
introduction of large capital, thereby infusing new
life and energy into every branch of our trade and
business. We could afford to throw away £10,000
on the Galway line of steamers, but could not give
one penny to develope our mineral resources, or encourage our Bank, Mackerel and Herring
fisheries,
which are successfully prosecuted by strangers, at our
own doors, or encourage agriculture, all which would
have the great effect of striking at the root of that
gigantic evil, pauperism. Then, there is the other
steamer, that is to be running between the capital,
western outports, and Canada; which has no place
either in the Quebec Resolutions, and is set down to
us at the annual value of £4,000, on the same
sound principle as the £10,000 for ocean steam. That
our tradesmen, labourers and fishermen, when times,
would be depressed, and their circumstances poor
could take passage in these steamers for Canada,
where there would be plenty of employment for then
at high wages, is another of the arguments used by
our Delegates, although we understood at first there
was to be no more depression in circumstances or
povery amongst the people, after we joined this Confederacy.
(To be continued.)
1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Monday, April 3, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
Friday, Feb. 22.
SPEECH OF MR. RENOUF.
(Continued.)
federacy. How our people are to find the means to enable them to get away to the great
country, they have not
yet informed us; or how are we to carry on the buisness
of the country with only the aged and the infirm left
behind. Again, how is the money that is to be earned
by our people in Canada, and spent there to benefit the
country? And will the government here have to provide
a maintenance for their families during their ansence, and
should they not return with golden harvest to gladden
their hearts? This is indeed a novel way of making
the country prosperous, by depopulating it of its hardy
population, which we were so anxious to increase only a
few years ago, when we expended £1,000 in brigning
emigrants from Boston and Ireland into the country.
Then the public works going on in Canada would give
employment to our people if they could get there. But
how was it when the public works were going on, which
created the debt of $64,000,000, that our operatives did
not move in that direction for employment? There is
no scarciry of labourers in Canada, to meet the demand
for their services? In the summer, and during shipping season, the wants are supplied
by thousands of emigrants arriving daily while the navigation is open, from
England, Ireland, Scotland and Germany. Some of
our tradesmen and others who were induced to try their
fortunes in that countrym had to return, and by no means
in improved circumstances. If Canada is this great country to give employment to all,
is it not a remarkable
fact, that of the many who left this country the last four
years, they give a preference to the United States, with
all the risks appertaining to the time of war? Are
there not thousands of Americans in Canada at present,
who went there to escape the draft, and whose labour
has over supplied the market? The hon Attorney
General supports the Canadian employment argument,
by pointing the vast number of Irish reapers who go to
England in the harvest season and return with their earnings. But he forgets that
the distance is only a few
hours' dail, and the passage money not more than half
a crown. Therefore there is no analogy in the two cases.
The intercolonial railway, when finished, that is, in the
event of a union of a Province, may be of large advantages to them, although, even
in Canada, there are
some, whose opinions are entitled to great weight, who
are doubtful of the advantages to be achieved from its
completion; and he (Mr. Renouf) would quote from
Canadian statistics on this contemplated great undertaking:—
"It has been strongly urged by an influential portion
of the press of Canada, 1st, That the revenue is already
two or three millions less than the current expenditure,
and the expense of this undertaking would vastly swell
the deficit. 2nd, That besides the loss of the interest
on the capital sunk, the road could not pay the working expenses, thereby entailing
a heavy additional loss
upon the Province. 3rd, That the road is only necessary in winter, and during this
season the snow would be
required to keep it in running order. 4th, That the
freight traffic between Canada and Lower Provinces
is not of a description to pay railroad ra es, and would
continue to be interchanged almost exclusively by water,
as at present. 5th, That judging from past experience
in Canada, the construction of such a great work would
bring on a repeition of the corruption and jobbery which
have already exhausted the public [?]. 6th, That
the Grand Trunk Line form Richmond to Reviers de
Loup would be forced upon the hands of the Province,
and an additional outlay required to maintain this inproductive line. 7th, That as
a military road, it might easily be rendered useless, inasmuch as running for a con
siderable distance along the enemy's frontier, a few
squadrons of cavalry could, in a few hours, render it impossible.
The hon member, Mr. Shea stated that we have an
interest in the railways and canals of Canada, as they
improve the means of supplying us with cheaper provisions. But if we look to the transactions
of the past
ten years that we have had Free Trade, Canada has taken little or none of out products,
only a few thousand
barrels of herring from Labrador in the fall of the year.
And we have rejeived from her less than from any of
the other provinces, although she has the provisions we
require for the wants of our people. That universal
principle of Commerce, to buy in the cheapest, an
sell in the dearest market, has strongly operated in limiting our trade relations
with Canada, and in giving a
preference to the markets of New York Boston &c.,
where our merchants and Importers could procure better terms and greater facilities.
Large shipmehnts of
provisions have been constantly making, at all seasons
of the year, from the markets of the United States, on
consignment here and how very few indeed have we
received from Canada? The reason is apparent to all.
At the time of the Free Trade treaty going into operation, hon gentleman, who are
now the loudest advocates
for Confederation, told the same beautiful stories of grateness and prosperity in
store for the country, as the certain results of that measure, that every second shop
in
water street would be stocked with Canadian provisions
selling at fabulously low prices, that our deserted outports
would again become the marts of busy iudustry and extensive commerce, by the introduction
of new capital,
that the railways and canals of the American continent
would carry our products to the markets of the far west,
that pauperism would flee the land, and be only an evil
of the past, with many other grand promises; but to
what extent those great things have been realized for
the country, the people, who have been asked to accept
the latest scheme would be the best jodges. Then it
was free trade that was to do for the country; now it
is Confederation. The results of the former were
disappointed expectations; but of the latter, who
can say that it may not be our ensalvement?
There was no free interchange of products between
this country and Canada which has her own fisheries, not only to supply her wants,
but to enable her
to export largely, and complete with us in foreign markets. If she were a customer
for our products, our
vessels would return laden with her provision but it
would never pay to send our vessels in ballast; which
could only be in the summer season, up the dangerous
and expensive navigation of the St. Lawrence, while we
have the facilities of the American markets, where many
of our vessels discharge freights, on the return voyage
from Brazil and the West Indies. For the past five years
our average import from Canada amounted to only
£50,000 a year, while from the United States they were
£350,000. Our markets for Canadian products could
not be more free under Confederation, that they have
been under the Reciprocity treaty; and the same disapointment, would be the probable
results.—The intercolonial railway is to be the means of preserving us from
starvation in the event of war between England and the
United States, according to the views of the hon member, Mr. Shea; but, he (Mr. Renouf)
would ask what
force would be necessary to protect that exposed line of
over 600 miles, in some parts so contiguous to American
soil, or what would present its being destroyed by a few
squadrons of American dragoons, who are so well up to
such work? And how long would Canada be able to
resis the well disciplined, powerful invading armies of
the United States, in the event of such an unfortunate
war? We have been further told, that, without this
railway, the granaries of Western Canada, although full
[?] wheat, could give us supplies. But in the
event of a war, it is not difficult to forsee that not a single grain of that wheat
would reach the seaboard, over
that line, for our supply. In the railways of Spain and
Brazil we have positive interest, because those countries
are two of the best customers for our fish; and their
railroads facilitate the transmission of it to the interior;
where, a few years ago it was hardly known, thereby
largely increasing the consumption, and realizing higher
prices than formerly. Another false bacon held out to
the people, especially our ship carpenters, joiners and
labourers, is the establishment of a dock for repairing
large disabled ships and steamers, which, it was said,
now pass our own habor, owing to the want of such a convenience.—We have at present,
a floating dock capalbe
of taking up vessels of considerable size, that may be
disabled and make our harbor, and it has afforded to
those vessels, as well as to our own shipping, great
difficulties for repairs. When Mr. Newman brought the
matter of his large dock, by Bill, before this house two
years ago, it was presented in such a questionable form
as could procure it no support; and it was a very doubtful
as to the number of large distressed steamers, on a
yearly average, that would have necessity to use it, and
also that its object was to take up large and small vessels; and thus interfere with
the vested rights of the
present Floating Dock Company. The roads leading to
Placentia and Trepassey, the electoral district of the hon
member, Mr. Shea, were to [?] the market attention
of the Confederate Government; also the Northern Mail
route to Twillingate and Fogo, the electoral district of
the hon member, Mr. Whiteway, another pro-confederate. Hear that, ye men of Placentia,
St. Mary's,
Trepassey, Twillingate and Fogo; what the General
Government would do for you, if, next election, you
would only throw up your capsm and go in for Confederation. Our roads would still
have to remain under the
managemant of the local government; and should the
next ministry be unfortunately permeated with, and
adopt the very anti-civilized idea, that roads don't pay
how to fond hopes which the hon member is anxious to
raise in the breasts of the innocent outharbour people
will be disappointed. An army for the defense of the
Confederated provinces, we have been told, would consist merely of militia and volunteers
in the several provinces, the total expense of which was set down at $1,000,000. The
hon. Mr. Smith, of New Brunswick,
estimates it at $2,500,000, which is nearer the mark;
and we find, by imformation recieved by lost Mail, that
the equipment of the Militia of Canada alone, this year,
up to the 1st of May next, will amount to $1,000,000,
in anticipation of the trouble with the United States, owing
to the encouragement given to raiders into the union
from Canada. It was also said that a militia was not
applicable to the pursuits of our people, being engaged
in the fishery. Yet we could not forget the great excitement which prevailed in 1843,
when a militia Bill was
introduced to the Assembly, and would have been carried
but for the determined stand made against it by the
people, when it was withdrawn. The General Government, uncer Confederation, will have
the power of
passing the militia Bill, without consulting our Assembly, or the wishes of the people;
and in the event of an
emergency, would demand our quota of men and money,
to fight the battles of a country in whose quarrel we had
not the slightest interest. Who would have thought,
five years ago, that a military conscription, such as exists
in countries under despotic rule, would have been
resorted to in the United States, that country whose
proud boast was freedom, and whose motto was liberty?
Does not our humanity shudder at the hundreds of
thousands of her sons, drafted against their will, from
their homes and pursuits, who have perished on the
battle field, in prison and by disease? In the presence
of troublesome neighbour, such as the United States
would be to Canada, and more especially after the present war is over, she will always
require to maintain an
expensive Military Establishment, the cost of which
would be immense; and our proportion would have
to bear. This is one of her principal difficulties, which
she is anxious that we and the other Provinces should
share the burden of. The chief argument used by the
delegates in the neighbouring provinces in favor of confederation, is the necessity
for union, and natural protection and defence against aggression from their Republican
neighbour. But what protection or defence could
Canada give us? She would require it all for her own
indefensible, straggling 1400 miles of frontier territory,
without any resources to fall back on, save a wilderness.
Our natural defence and protection must be a naval one:
and that we shall receive, not from a union with Canada,
but from our present connection with that glorious empire
on whose dominions the sun never sets, and under the
aegis, "whose flag has braved a thousand years, the
battle and the breeze," we shall be free from all invaders.
Our merchants have been accused by the Delegates of
selfishness in their opposition to this scheme; and the
argument was, that they have been always opposed to
everything tending to the improvement of the country.
Admitting that such was the fact; do we not also find
that some of the strongest advocates in this house for
that great change, for instances, the hoº the Speaker, and
the Attorney General, have also in their day been the
deadly opponents of progress, from representatives institutions, responsible government,
&c? But now their views
have changed; they confess their polotical sins and solicit
absolution, on their sinners conversion. The latent fire
of patriotism, which has been so long smothered in their
bosoms, is now suddenly kindled, never more to be
extinguished—and is to be the future guide of their once
benighted minds;—and those who differ from them in
the speculative benefits to be achieved under Confederation, are, to their minds,
actuated by other motives than
the public good. He (Mr. Renouf) would give the
Delegates and hon gentlemen the full credit to which
they were entitled for patriotism; nor would he be inclined to take an uncharitable
view of things. Yet the fact
is very significant that one of the Delegates, the Attorney
General of Prince Edward Island, wrote a letter over
his own signature, in which he refers to the generalship
practiced at the Conference, where the business was
progressing very slowly until it received a wonderful
impulse, so soon as the decision was arrived at, that the
General Government would have the appointment of
local Governors, as well as Judges. A great deal has
been said about Canadian capital working our mines
which are now lying dormant, owing to our want of
means. But all that Canada could do, would be to
explore and survey which could be done by our own
government, when, if the prospects were good, capital
would be invited to work them; and it was to be regretted that no attention had been
given to this important
affair in times of prosperity. It however appers, that
the capital that is to come from Canada to work our
mines and give employment to the people, cannot be
found to work their own. He (Mr. Renouf) would quote
Confederation document styled the "Resources
of Canada," which said "The mineral wealth of Canada
is almost fabulous, and only awaits the introduction of
British and American capital to astonish the world. The
Acton copper mine in Lower Canada is among the richest
in the world. Although the operations of the present
proprietors have been partially paralysed by attempts to
do so much. The Lake Superior copper has become
already famous for the extent of the deposit and the value
of the ore, while Lake Superior and St. Maurice iron
need only to be mentioned to arrest the attention of
practical miners. The iron deposits of lake Superior
country are believed to be inexhaustible. The gold diggings of the Chaudiere and Gilbert
riversm in the Easter
townships, have truned out well, within the last two
years. Americans have taken large tracts of land there,
and a new company has been formed in New York with
a capital of five millions of dollars, to operate on the
Chaudiere." Those who expect so much benefit and
increased employment for the people to result from
Canada having possession of our minerals and waste
lands, should pardon seriously over the extract from the
"Resources of Canada," and they cannot fail to understand by whom clap-trap is resorted
to, to prop up a
scheme which has so few real merits of its own to sustain
it before the light of public examination and enquiry.
The hon Attorney General says we are asked to join a
great empire, which it certainly will be in fifty years
time, a rather long time to look forward to, with the
possibility of being swallowed up by the United States
before three years are at an end. We should have no
desire to separate from the empire which now protects
us, to become a fragment of a would-be empire, torm
asunder by poltival fractions, and unable to meet her
fictional engagements. The hon Attorney General
admits that the general government would have the
power to tax us directly when any occation arose to
render it necessary, for the protection of the whole.
There can be no doubt, then, that the necessities of this
grand empire would immediately commence, on the laying the foundation of her protection
from aggression on
the part of her American neighbour. And here would
be the beginning of the many necessities incidental to
extended territory. We have been reminded that England is anxious to rid herself of
the military expense of
the colonies; and that she would look coldly upon us
if we would not enter that Confederation on present
terms. It was an absurbity to think for one moment
that the handful of troops who occupy our garrison was
the sore point with England. No. It is the large
number of troops, Cavalry, Artillery, Engineers and
Infantry, which Canada requires for her defense, and who
are scattered over such an extent of country, that it
would render it impossible for them to combine for the
defence of any particular point attacked by the enemy,
that England feels alarmed at, in view of the immense
standing army which the Republic would maintain, at the
termination of the present war. England reminded Canada, a few months ago, that she
must prepare herself to
take the burden of a large effective military organizations,
owing to the unfriendly and warlike feeling manifested
towards her by the people of the United States; and not
without great provocation. There is not the slighest
evidence to show that England, although anxious she
may feel for this union, will coerce us into it upon such
unfair terms as are contained in the Resolutions, which
are not based on justice and equally, so far as Newfoundland is concerned. Another
great inducement
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
held out was the large field the Confederation would
give to our youth seeking that honourable and lucrative employment which was debarred
them at home,
owing to the limited field of operations. From that it
would be inferred that our sons are all to get situations
in Canada, and more particularly having eight members as their friends to apply to.
It might so happen
that our members would be so absorbed in their own
interests as hardly to bestow a thought upon the
wants of o hers; and we knew to a certainty that no
influence those members could possibly bring to bear
on the General Government would prevent the Canadians enjoying, as they do at present,
the patronage
of their offices to make place for ours. Here the Government and every officer under
it, the Legislature,
&c., are with a few exceptions filled by our sons; but
could this state of things continue under Confederation? We transfer our Customs,
Post Office, and
Lighthouses to the General Government, and in the
event of a vacancy taking place in either of these institutions, would not the appointment
be made at
head-quarters and not in favour of a native? The
curtailment of our Legislature alone would destroy
more patronage than we should enjoy at the hands of
the General Government. The hon Attorney General
grew a little facetious when he referred to the
sphere of advancement which Confederation opened
up to the hon member for Ferryland, Mr. Glen, in
the event of his being chosen a member of the House
of Commons at Ottawa, when he might have the
chance of holding the office of Receiver General, at
$5,000 a year. Politicians of Mr. Glen's great financial ability and incorruptible
honesty would undoubtedly be of great advantage to the new State, in place
of some of those whose political career was inseparable
from official corruption and jobbery; but he (Mr.
Renouf) felt confident that all the allurements so
blandly put forth would not have the slightest effect
in swerving the hon member from the honest and conscientious position which he had
taken on this momentous question. He, (Mr Renouf) it was further
stated, might also attain distinction in military affairs
under the General Government, nothing less than a
Field-Marshal's baton. Strong inducements, certainly, but very unreliable, like the
rest of the good things
that are in store for us. However, he (Mr Renouf)
would contentedly remain a Captain of Volunteers, in
defence of his own native land, rather than sacrifice
her best interests and the rights and liberties of the
people for self-aggrandisament. Our law students also
are to have, under Confederation, a large field and
every favour, with no end to the briefs and retainers,
and reminders too. Why it was only last year that a
lawyer from Canada came hera seeking his fortune,and
admitted that, bad as the trade was with us, it was far
worse where he came from, with 1,571 lawyers and
attornies, or one to every 1600 of the population,
against one to every 16,000 here, which speaks volumes for the honesty of our country.
So much for
the enlarged field for our lawyers. The hon Attorney
General used another very singular argument in favor
of Confederation, which was nothing less than that, in
the event of a bad fishery, we would have some party
to fall back upon or apply to for assistance—that we
could go to the General Government and ask them to
relieve our people in their distress. No doubt we
could make the application, but more than likely their
portals of charity would be closed against our appeal.
There is, to a certainty, one thing which they would
give us to relieve the necessities of our distressed
fishermen, and that would be direct taxation, as per
Resolution No. 29. Our political history since 1832,
with our elections every four years, is further evidenced
by the hon. Attorney General as a potent reason why
we should be in this Confederacy, as if every country
with representative institutions is not subject to the
same ordeal of excitement. Was there any exception
to this rule out of Newfoundland? Would the ascerbity of feelirg be less, with a reduced
House of Assembly, and with eight members to be returned for the
House of Commons in Canada? Was it less so even
in Canada or the other provinces? This is a specimen
of the humbug and clap-trap used by hon members
who favor that scheme; but the delusion was too
transparent to merit even serious consideration. Now
it was evident that certain hon members after selfishly
monopolizing for years the emoluments of office
amongst themselves and their friends, were anxious to
destroy our Legislature and sacrifice the liberties and
privileges of the people which it protects, that they
might on its ruins take splendid positions under the
new government. The hon Attorney General admits
that our population cannot increase very much, whereas that of Canada would double
and treble in a short
space of time, owing to the tide of emigration setting
in in that direction, and owing to natural causes. It
cannot be denied that such would be the case; which
after every decennial census would give an increase of
members to Upper Canada, that, in not many years to
some, would place her representation in excess of
Lower Canada and all the lower provinces combined,
thereby making her mistress of the position, while we
should still be confined to eight members. The representation scheme the hon Attorney
Generai considers fair, which it appears to be at first sight, but in
reality is not the case. Newfoundland, the key of the
St. Lawrence and the Confederation by sea, with her
valuable fisheries, rich minerals, extensive trade and
commerce, splendid harbours, and great natural advantages, would have only the same
representation as
a town with the same population in the backwoods of
Canada. It was not so much on the basis of population as by position and resources
that she was entitled
to a larger representation. It was admitted that the
Canadian frontier was long and straggling, and so was
that of the United States; but what comparison would
the means of defence, resources and supplies of Canada bear to those of the Republic,
which have been
proved to the mazement of the world during the past
four years? What were we going to do, was asked by
the hon Attorney. General and other pro-confederate
members of the House, if we don't enter the Confederation. In reply, he (Mr Renouf)
would ask, what
would we do it this grand scheme did not turn up,
this great panacea, according to our political doctors
for all our ills, bad fisheries and paupers? Trust in
Providence, and grapple with our difficulties with a
vigour and manliness equal to the emergency and the
means at our disposal. Could we do more in this Confederation, which to some hon members
seems to be
such a Providenial escape from our present temporary embarrassments, and is seized
by them with the
death grasp of the drowning maliner clinging to the
last plank of the wreck? There could be no doubt
that any change which would prove generally beneficial
to our country, is a consummation devoutly to be
wished for by all; but the extreme change contemplated by that union must not be based
on wild speculations and uncertainties, which would be sure to result
in bitter disappointment and degradation. On the
part of the people there could be only one universal
desire to embrace this Confederation, if they felt satisfied or convinced in their
minds that the objects to be
gained would be for the improvement of the country
and the amelioration of our condition. He (Mr Rennouf) had given to that ulmost important
question the
serious consideration which its vast importance demanded; and calmly and dispassionately
considering
it on its own merits, and in all its bearings in relation
to our necessities, and was now prepared to fearlessly
express his opinion before that Assembly and the
country, that for Newfoundland to enter the Confed
eration on the terms proposed by the Resolutions
adopted at the Quebec Convention, would not only
be politically, commercially, and financially to her disadvantage, but would, in all
probability, result in ruin.
Statement showing what Newfoundland would probably lose under Confederation.
| Assetts of Newfoundland for 1865, as per
Financial Statement of Receiver General
laid................................................. |
$492,500 |
| Increase of taxation under Canadian Tariff |
$228,627 |
|
$721,127 |
| Salaries payable by the General Government................................................. |
$149,288 |
| Interest on debt, allowance for mines and
Crown lands, and 8 cents per head on
the population of 130,000... ... |
369,376 |
| Total......... |
$518,664 |
| Balance against Confederation...... |
2 2,463 |
|
$721,117 |
3
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
the taxation of their vital energies, producing physical
and mental prostration, and raising well founded apprehensions of the next generation
being, to a fearful
extent, a generation of idiots. But some hon members
say the Canadian tariff, applied to our imports, would
add £50,000 to the amount of Customs' duties we now
pay. This is a very unfair way of stating the question. We have the assurance of the
Governor General
of Canada that the present Canadian Government are
not in favour of continuing the existing tariff after
Confederation is carried out; and with the interests
of the maritime Colonies opposed to may increase of
their present taxation, why should there be any apprehention of high Customs' duties?
But supporting
The Canadirn tariff were continued under confederation; he (hon R. Gen) agreed with
the hon member
for Carbonear, Mr Rorke, that many articles of Canadian manufacture, suitable for
our wants, would be
imported here, which would come in duty free, so that
the aggregate of our Customs' duties would not be
well that present, if so much. And it would be
well that persons of means who might prefer the finer
manufactures of Britain, should py something [?]
in the share of duty, which wound go towards relieving
our operatives from taxation. Who would day that in
that case confederation would not benefit our working
classes? Besides, as a natural result, our present
system of business would undergo a change, beneficial,
be trusted, to all interested in it. Capital would be
directed into new channels, introducing machinery into
manufactures and giving regular employment to hundreds of operatives, extending agriculture
and largely
increasing the comferts of the people. But hon members say we must defer to public
opinion. Certainly,
we ought and must do so. But public opinion should
be instructed on this important question; and who he
(hon R. Gen.) would ask, are to be the instructors?
Are they to be those who base the whole of their arguments against Confederation on
the assumption
that it will tend to sever us from the mother country?
Had these hon members considered the import of the
first resolution of the Quebec conference? Are the
instructors to be those who tell us that Canada, with
a revenue of over ten millious of dollals, desires to
get two hundred thousand dollars from us to bolster
up her credit? That is about the sun which those
who make such an outcry about the Canadian tariff
anticipate we would pay over what would be returned
to us; and the smallness of the sum compared with the
revenue of Canada; is sufficient to show the absurdity
of assuming that Canadian statesmen anything about it.
But the whole of this appretention about Canadian in[?] and Canadian cupidity, arises from not considering how the debt of Canada has been
incurred, and
what the cause of her large expenditure of late years
has been. If the liabilities of that province are large,
so are her public works, which have opened up that
country for settlement, and rendered its agriculture
[?]. Are the instructors to be those who
talk of the millions of wealth drawn annually from our
waters, while they forget that the people of the other
colonies have precisely the same fishing rights in those
waters as we have? Or is public opinion to be enlightened by those who build all their
hopes for the
country upon a return of good times, regardless of the
last that in proportion to the increase of our population, our resources are failing;
and who, at the same
time, tell us that this island was designed to be a fishing country? He (hon R. Gen)
looked for other instructors then such as these to enlighten the public
mind; and he believed that the prosperity of our people was to be promoted by providing
other employments for them besides the fisheries, important as
these fisheries are. A great portion of what is consumed in the country must be manufactured
by our
own people before we can look for any permanent
improvement in their circumstances. Agriculture
must be fostered, and especially the rearing of sheep.
We are not even now without instances were comfort
prevails in this district, as well as in the outports north
and south, the result of attention to agriculture. He
(hon R. Gen) had carefully considered all that had
been said in that house both for and against confederation, and had heard nothing
to shake to opinion he
had early formed on the subject;—that, with a modified tariff. Newfoundland had all
to gain by entering
into the union; and with these views he gave his cordial assent to the Resolution
before the chair, trusting
that the constituencies would weigh the matter carefully and dispasstionately.
On the motion of the hon Attorney General, the committee then rose, andthe chairman
reported progress.
—To sit again to-morrow; and the house adjourned
until to-morrow at 3 o'clock.
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