2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
TUESDAY, Feb. 28.
The horse met at 3 o'clock.
On motion of the hon ATTORNEY GENERAL, the
house resolved itself into committee of the whole on
the further consideration of the Confederation of the
British North American Colonies, Mr Knight in the
chair.
Dr. WINTER.—That was a subject of the deepest
importance to the county, and to which every hon.
member should devote his greatest attention, and consider in all its bearings. He
fully concurred in the
testimony borne by the hon Attorney General to the
manner in which the Delegates had discharged their
duty at the Conference at Qnebec. They did credit
to themselves and the colony they represented, as well
as to the government by whom they were appointed;
and the part they took in the deliberations of the conference secured them the respect
of the delegates from
the other provinces. With regard to the Report of
the conference, there was much difference of opinion
respecting its details. He (Dr Winter) would not
enter into a review of the arguments of hon members
who had spoken in opposition to the report, many of
whose views were entitled to consideration. The hon
member for Placentia, Mr Shea, assured the House
that steam communication would be provided for us;
but he (Dr. Winter) would like to have a guarantee
for it before entering into the confederation; both for
a second postal steamer, as for steamers to Canada,
and steam communication with Great Britain. That
was a matter which was too important to be left for
future arrangement. With respect to our representation in the Federal House of Commons,
he must say
that he did not see that our interests were safficiently
protected. We were to have only 8 members in the
House of 189, Prince Edward Island, seeming to be
decidedly hostile to Confederation, might be left out.
The representation was to be adjusted every ten
years, according to the census, population being taken
as the basis. The other Provinces, especially Upper
Canada, increased, much more rapidly in population
than we did, so that we would lose members, while
Upper Canada got an increase every ten years. Taking
Lower Canada, under Confederation, as one of the
maritime provinces, as that province is interested in
the fisheries, he still found that, according to the ratio
of increase between 1851 and 1861, Upper Canada
would, at no very distant period, have a larger population, and consequently a larger
number of members
than all the maritime colonies reckoned together.
He looked upon Lower Canada as being a maritime
Province; but still that was not sufficient to maintain
the balance of power against the increasing numbers
of Upper Canada. That province increased every ten
years at the rate of 40 per cent., while the ratio for
Lower Canada was under 26 per cent, for the same
period. Now Lower Canada was always to have 65
members, and as the Upper Province progressed at
the rate of 15 per cent for every ten years, over the
Lower, it would receive an accession of members
every ten years. When he came down to Newfoundland, he found that by reference to
the increase of our
population between the census of 1845 and that of
1857, the increase, reduced to a period of ten years,
was slightly under 20 per cent. Taking the relative
population of the several colonies as at the census of
1861, and looking at Lower Canada as having fisheries
and other interests identical with Newfoundland and
the other maritime colonies.
He at first considered that
the combined influence of these colonies would be
sufficient to
protect them in the Federal Parliament;
but looking to the future, he apprehended that would
not be the case. The arrangement, so far as related
to the representation given to Upper and Lower Canada, appeared just, but its application
to the maritime
colonies would have the effect of lessening their numerical as well as their relative
representation, to such
an extent, that in a short period, the majority of 25
over Upper Canada, given to Lower Canada and the
Maritine Provinces, exclusive of Prince Edward
Island, on entering the union, will soon become,
"small and beautifully less," until, in 36 years hence,
Upper Canada will have a majority of 20 over all the
other Provinces of the Confederation combined. This
would be seen on reference to the tabular statement
which he held in his hand, and which he would read
to the house. (Here the hon member read the subjoined tabular statement.) That statement
was based
upon the census returns of the several Provinces, for
1851 and 1861, the latter of which was taken by the
Conference as the basis on which they apportioned the
representation of the several Provinces, the average
population for each representative being about 17,000.
In 1871, the average for all the Provinces, taking
Lower Canada, with 65 members, as the basis, will be
21,495 for each member. In 1871, the total number
of members will be 196, Upper Canada gaining 9 members and Nova Scotia and Newfoundland
losing 1
member each; the total population being 4,226,949,
five per cent. on which is 211,347, which divided by
196, the number of members, will give 1078 as the
five per cent. to each member. Newfoundland, to hold
her 8 members, will require 8 times 21, 495, the basis
of increase with 65 members for Lower Canada, or a
population of 171,960; but as the population of Newfoundland will be only 154,227,
which divided by 8,
gives only 19,278, or a decrease of 2,217 for each
member—whole decrease 17,733,—which being more
than 10 per cent, or over double 1,078, "relatively
to the population of the whole union;" consequently,
by the operation of the 21st Resolution of the Conference, Newfoundland will lose
one member, and Nova
Scotia one, without taking into account the gradual loss
of influence arising from the rapid increase of the Upper
Canadian section of the union. He (Dr Winter) was inducted to go so much into detail,
as there existed a
difference of opinion as to the construction of the 21st
resolution, more from a desire to elicit the logical
opinious of hon members, than with the wish or intention of pronouncing dogmatically
on the point.
However, in the mulitude of counsel which surrounded him, it was not too much to expect
that he
would be more correctly advised, and that if his views
were not tacitly assented to, they would be "let down"
gently by those hon gentlemen who differed from him.
By referring to the tabular statement, it would be
seen that Upper Canada enters the confederation with
82 members, Lower Canada and the Martime Provinces (not including Prince Edward Island),
with a
representation of 107, being a majority of 25 members
over Upper Canada—total 189 members. In 36 years
from, this time the additional increase of population in Upper Calada will be 3,921,477,
which will
give her 42 additional members, in all 124 being a
majority of 20 over Lower Canada and the other
one provinces whose increasel population of 2,635,302 will have 3 members fewer than
the number
allowed to then (107) when they enter the Confederation, or, in other words, 4,567,644
in 36 years
hence, will have 104 members, whilst in 1861 when
their whole population amounted to only 1,822,384
they were alotted, on entering the Confederation,
107 members, there, giving Upper Canada a majority of 29 over Lower Canada and the
other Maritime
Provinces. Surely if Upper Canada's increase of 3,921,477 gives her 42 additional
members, or 1 to
93,361 the increase of Lower Canada and the other
maritine provinces, (not including Prince Edward
Island,) of 2,635,362, ought to recieve 28 members
at the same rate of 1 member to 93,361, making a
total of 124 for Upper Canada, and 135 for Lower
Canada and the maritime provinces being 259 in
all, 36 years hence. Even this would reduce the majority of Lower Canada and the maritime
provinces
from 25 to 11, and be a gain to Upper Canada of 14.
With regard to the observations of some hon members,
that Canada had to apprehend the hostility of the
United States, and that thus we would be involved in
a large expenditure, which we might avoid by keeping
out of the Confederation, and that our young men
would be drafted to defend the frontier of Canada, he
did not attach any importance to that matter. If
there should be a war with the United States, of
which he (Dr. Winter) was not apprehensive, it would
be a war between England and the United States, in
which we, as a Colony of England would, in any case,
be involved. Confederation or no Confederation, it
was our duty, as well as our interest, to aid in protecting ourselves. . He (Dr. Winter)
felt convinced that
the House would not adopt the Quebec Resolutions
in their present shape; but he had no doubt they
would be so modified as to meet the views of the Provinces generally. He had, therefore,
much pleasure
in supporting the resolution before the chair, that the
matter be referred to the constituencies before any decision shall be had in the matter.
Tabular Statement of the population of British
North America, (P. E. Island not included) with
the rule of increase, and apportionment of members
by the Quebec Conference, with the future re adjustment of the representation, on the basis of 65 members
for Lower Canada.
Ratio of increase in ten years, according to the last
and preceding census.
| Upper Canada ................. |
39 |
7-10 |
per cent. |
| Lower Canada ................. |
25 |
8-10 |
" |
| New Brunswick ................ |
30 |
|
" |
| Nova Scotia .................. |
20 |
|
" |
| Newfoundland ................. |
19 |
8-10 |
" |
1861.
|
Population. |
To each member. |
No. of members. |
| Lower Canada, |
1,119,644 ........ |
17,086 |
........65 |
| Upper Canada, |
1,396,091 ........ |
17,025 |
........82 |
| Nova Scotia, |
330,857 ........ |
17,413 |
........19 |
| New Brunswick, |
252,047 ........ |
16,669 |
........15 |
| Newfoudnland |
128,736 ........ |
16,092 |
........ 8 |
|
3 218,375 |
|
189 |
1871.
| Lower Canada, |
1,397,190........ |
21,495 |
....... 65 |
| Upper Canada, |
1,950,339........ |
" |
gain 9—91 |
| New Brunswick, |
328,165........ |
" |
........15 |
| Nova Scotia, |
397,021........ |
" |
loss 1—18 |
| New Foundland, |
194,227........ |
" |
" 1—7 |
|
4,226,919 |
|
196 |
1881.
| Lower Canada, |
1,757,664........ |
27,041 |
........65 |
| Upper Canada, |
2,724,708......... |
" |
gain 10—101 |
| New Brunswick, |
427,271........ |
" |
........16 |
| Nova Scotia, |
476,433........ |
" |
loss 1—17 |
| Newfoundland, |
184,764........ |
" |
........ 7 |
|
5,570,840 |
|
206 |
1891.
| Lower Canada, |
2,221,141........ |
42,793 |
........65 |
| Upper Canada, |
3,806,419........ |
" |
gain 11—112 |
| New Brunswick, |
556,303........ |
" |
........16 |
| Nova Scotia, |
581,720........ |
" |
........17 |
| Newfoundland, |
221,331........ |
" |
........ 7 |
|
7,366,964 |
|
271 |
1901.
| Lower Canada, |
2,781,615........ |
42,791 |
........65 |
| Upper Canada, |
5,317,508........ |
" |
gain 12—124 |
| New Brunswick, |
724,309........ |
" |
" 1—17 |
| Nova Scotia, |
685,065......... |
" |
loss 1—16 |
| Newfoundland, |
265,637........ |
" |
" 1—16 |
|
9,776,214 |
|
228 |
Increase for Upper Canada,
8,921,449, average 93.361–42 members.
Increase for Lower Canada and Maritime Provinces,
2.635,262, average 93,361—no members.
The above ratio of increase would give 28 members.
Loss of Representation by the Maritime Provinces, at
the same average increase by which Upper Canada
would gain 42 members,
| Due Lower Canada and Maritime Provinces...... |
28 |
| No. given by Conference...................... |
107 |
|
135 |
| Representaion of Upper Canada................ |
124 |
| Total............. |
259 |
| Difference........ |
11 |
1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Thursday, April 13, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
TUESDAY, Feb. 28.
(Continued.)
Mr. WHITEWAY had heard the remarks of the hon.
and learned member for Trinity, who had just spoken with
regard to a decrease of our representation, which he seemed to fear would take place
in the course of time, in the
lower branch of the proposed confederate parliament.
He (Mr. W.) must confess that he failed to comprehend
the hon gentieman's long array of figures. The resolution in the report of the Delegates
referring to this
subject appeared very simple. It was this—"No reduction shall be made in the number
of members returned
by any section, unless its population shall have decreased
relatively to the population of the whole Union, to the
extent of five per centum." Now, to illustrate the case,
assuming the whole population of the Union to be 4,000,000, (which was near the present
numbers) five per cent
on this would be 200,000. Our present population
must therefore decrease 280,000 before we could be deprived of a member. Our population
was now only
130,000, therefore the Island must be depopulated before we could lose a representive.
But he (Mr. W.)
would read what Mr. Galt said upon this subject, when
addressing his constituents at Snerbrooke, C. E.; and
surely his was an opinion on the construction of the
resolutions which the hon member for Trinity would
respect. He said, "The house would never have less
than 194 members, but it would increase at a very slow
rate, &c." There was no ground for anticipating that
our representation would ever be reduced below 8. If
he (Mr. W.) concured in the resolution now before
the house, he should probably at present offer no obser
vations upon the subject inasmuch as it proposed to
postpone the consideration of the question of confederation for a twelvemonth, until
the next session
of the Legislature, and as there appeared to be a majority of the house favourable
to that view, he deemed it
would be a wise policy to avail oneself of all the time
thereby afforded, reserving his opinion until called
for. But he differed from hon gentleman as to the
advisability of adopting this resolution, for reasons which
he would state presently, After the very ab e argumentative
and eloquent speeches which he had heard within the
last two or three days, from the hon the Attorney General and the hon member for Placentia
and St. Mary's,
Mr. A. Shea, it would seem at first almost impossible for
any one entertaining a favourable opinion of the proposed
scheme for confederation, to discover any topic connected
with the subject which had not been fully treated by
these gentlemen. They had reviewed and discussed it
by the light of history, political philosophy, and the laws which govern
marked in their relations to each other individually, collectively and as nations. Reference
had been made to the solid advantages
inveriably derived from the union of petty states on fair
and equitable terms under one firm and enlightened
government. We had heard every union spoken of,
from the days of the Saxon Heptarchy down to the
union of the two Canadas. They had treated it in its
moral, social, physicial financial and commercial aspects.
But still, if every hon gentleman in the House had spoken upon the subject, it was
one of such vast importatice
and so varied in its ramifications, that he (Mr. W.) ventured to say there would remain
some point untouched.
He (Mr. W.) had heard the hon member for St. John's
West (Mr. Renouf) compare our position under the proproposed union to that of Poland
and Hungary under
Russia and Austria. Such a comparison needed no comment, and he could not believe
the hon gentleman was
sincere in comparing the union of free states on equal
terms, with equitable representation, with that which
was no union at all, but a compulsory binding of the
oppressed to the despot. He (Mr. W.) gave the hon
gentleman credit for sincerity in the determined
opposition he had shewn, and for the zeal and industry
which he had displayed; but in doing so he thought his
remarks, as applied to the hon Attorney General and
Mr. Shea, that "it must be a very bad cause which required to be advocated by such
long epeeches," were
peculiarly applicable to the honorable gentleman himself
or he had occupied the time of the House for a longer period than either of them.
He (Mr. W.) believed that
considerable advantage to this colony would result from
the free intercommunication which would be brought
about between the several Provinces now separated, and
to a certain extent antagonistic. Free intercourse with
our neighbours would tend to elevate our minds from
those narrow and selfish views which invariably prevail
with men living in an isolated condition. If it were
calculated to do no more than to raise our thoughts
above and draw them away from our present sectarian
differences, and give us something to think about outside
of ourselves and our petty disputes, it would be a benefit,
and promote social happiness. If we looked around
among those who had expressed opinions upon the subject, we shoula find but very few
who were opposed to confederation in the abstract; the difficulty seemed to be
altogether on matters of detail; and parties inside and
outside this house appeared dissatisfied with the Quebec
resolutions as the basis. A little time and reflection
would probably have the effect of doing away with many
of these objections: a reaction, to a certain extent, already had taken place in the
public mind. When the resolutions were placed on the table some gentlemen had
rushed fom the House, it may be actuated by political
motives, and endeavoured to alarm the people and raise
a popular clamour, saying that the government were
about to force the adoption of these resolutions upon the
House at once, that they were going to sell the country to
Canada, to forsake the British flag for a Canadian, &c., &c.
Great excitement prevailed for a day or two, and a public meeting was called, at which,
however, (the agitation
having been somewhat calmed) not a single objection was expressed as to the principle
of Conderacy
and it resulted in a petition in which time was asked
for consideration of the subject, it being new and of such
great importance to our future. This was a reasonable
request. Although he (Mr. W.) fully concurred in the
principle of confederation; he was, like many others,
not prepared to accept the report in its totality. He
believed it was laid duwn as a consequence necessarily
involved in the adoption of this report, that a uniform
tariff would follow. If such was the case, he felt hostile
to such a measure, for when we compared the condition
of the Canadian peasants who consumed but few dutiable
articles, with that of the fisherman of
Newfoundland, who consumed little else but duitable
articles, a uniform tariff would at first operate unfairly
upon our people. But whilst he entertained these views now
he was free to confess that in the course of time, when
Canadian manufactures found their way into our markets,
and we had our local manufactures this objection would
be overcome. Some parties had said that Canada could
not manufacture enough for herself, and that it was
absurd to suppose she could supply us. This certainly
contrasted with the outcry raised in Nova Scotia by the
anti confederates, where they seemed to be afraid of
being flooded by Canadian manufactured goods. We
had, however, heard undeniable proof from the hon
member for Carbonear, Mr. Rorke, of what Canada can
do as regards leatherware. But why should not Newfoundland become a manufacturing
country? We had
all the facilities for it. We had good water power and
cheap labour. Why should all our hides and seal skins
be exported? Although fer soune time he (Mr. W)
had been sceptical as to the bright prospects watch some
entertained respecting the number of sneep which might
be kept on the island, still atter the retuns which had
recently been obtained, it must be evident that by the
destruction of the dogs, the breeding of sheep could be
raised to an important interest. Supposing, for instance,
a million of sheep were kept, and this was a small estimate, we might calculate on
between three and four
millions pounds of wool. Why then might not woollen
factories be put in operation here to great advantage?
And why not cotton factories. We could import, the
raw material as cheaply as our neighbours. All we
wanted was a market, and this confederation would give
us. There were other portions of the report of the
delegates which he (Mr. W.) could not assent to. First
—it was resolved in the 66th sec. that Newfoundland
should cede all her Crown lands, mines and minerals to
the General Government, aud receive in lieu therefore an
annual allowance of $10,000 whilst Canada, New
Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and P. E. Island retained theirs
for the purpose of uneir local governments. Wny was
this distinction made? We were told that in the other
provinces the Crown lands, mines and minerals were
sources of revenue, which they could not give up, and
that in each of these provinces there existed systems of
direct taxation and municipal regulations, that the 80
cents per head mentioned in sec. 64, watch runs thus:
"64-In consideration of the transfer to the General
Parliament of the powers of Taxation, an annual grant
in aid of each Province, shall be made equal to 80 cents
per head of the population, as established by the Census
of 1861, the population of Newfoundland being estimated
at 130,000. Such aid thall he in full settlement of all
further demands upon the General Government for local
purposes, and shall be paid half yearly in advance to each
Province,"
was not enough for their local expenditure unless these
provinces were allowed to retain these sources of revenue.
Now we had no direct taxation, and at present were
deriving nothing from our mines; but all our expenses
were defrayed out of the customs' revenue, which we
were to give up to the General Government. 80 cents
per head for our population would therefore supply an
amount insufficient, by $150,010, for the wants for our
local, Government and it was proposed to raise this
sum by transferring our Crown Lands, &c, to the Confederate Government. It appeared
to him (Mr. W.)
to involve the conclusion that we must submit to be
taxed to the extent of $150,000, in order that we might
enter the Confederacy, on an equal footing with the
other Colonies, or, in other words, because we were taxed
relatively $150,000 less than the other Colonies, we
must give up our Crown Lands and mines; and henceforth we should be ever debarred
from looking to them
as a source of revenue, no matter what our requirements
might be. This was manifestly unjust to Newfoundland
which was made to suffer because not so heavily taxed
as the sister Provinces at the time of Union. It had
been said that our Crown Lands, mines and minerals
were worth nothing. If that was the case those gentlemen were correct, who said we
gave nothing, and that
the $150,000, was a gilt. But he (Mr. W.) differed
from these hon gentlemen. He believed them to be of
great value, and looked forward to the time when the
mines of this Ireland would be one of its riches resources.
It must be remembered that very lately attention had
not been directed generally to the subject. It was only
last year that the first money was voted hy this House
for a geological survey; and the report of Mr. Murray
gave us reason to believe we had much mineral wealth.
That very enterprising gentleman whom we all so highly
esteemed, Mr. Bennett, was the only one, until within
the last half dozen years who had done anything towards developing this resource;
and he (Mr. W.) believed that Mr. Bennett, now had fair prospects for an
ample return. Again, those parts of the report which
propose to define the powers of the General Government and those of the Local Governments,
were not
sufficiently clear and explicit. There seemed to be
ample room for cailving upon this point, and for a
conflict of opinion upon that which should be as clear an
the light. He (Mr. W.) observed that the London
Times had an article upon this subject, which we would
take the liberty of reading.
"But the most important clause in the whole Resolutions, and, unfortunately, by no
means the easiest to
understand, is the one which defines the powers of the
Central Federative Legislature. We have expressed
the opinion, which we believe is generally held in the
American Colonies, that while certain subjects should
be delegated to the Local Legislatures, the Central
Legislature should have full power of making laws on
every thing relating to the Federation, in strict anology
to the powers possessed by the Imperial Parliament; or
that if there be any exception to those powers, it should
be only with regard to those subjects which are especially delegated to the Local
Legislatures. We are
sorry to say that neither of these plans has been adopted. By Resolution 29, 'the
General Parliament shall
have power to make laws for the peace, welfare, and
good government of the Federated Provinces (saving the
sovereignty of England) and especial laws respecting the
following subjects.' Then follow thirty-six heads of
legislation, and a thirty-seventh, which is as follows:– 'And generally respecting
all matters of a general
character, not specially and exclusively reserved for the
Local Government, and Legislatures." We cannot find
that the Local Legislatures have any exclusive power of
legislation given them. They have power by the 43rd
Resolution to make laws respecting seventeen subjects,
the eighteen being—'And generally all matters of a
private or local nature not assigned to the General
Parliament.' It is exceedingly difficult to construe these
provisions. First, general powers of legislation are
given in the widest terms to the General Parliament;
then a power is given especially to make laws on thirty-
seven subjects, one of those being all matters of a general
character not exclusively reserved to the Local Legislatures. Nothing is exclusively
reserved to the Local
Legislatures, and it would seem, therefore, that the effect
of this clause is to cut the power of central legislation
down to matters of a general character—a most vague
and unsatisfactory definition, and one sure, if it be
retained, to produce conflict and confusion. In the
aaze way, what are matters of a private and local nature
not assigned to the General Parliament? We have
failed to discover any matters of a private and local
nature which are so assigned, and therefore the power
will be limited by the words 'private' and 'local;' so
that the effect of these clauses will be that, beyond the
subjects attributed to each, the Central Legislature will
have jurisdiction over general matters, whatever they
are, and the Local Legislature over local matters, whatever they are; while it is
in the highest degree doubtful what the Courts would consider general and what
local, and whether the Central Legislature, has any
concurrent jurisdiction over private and local matters
or no.
"The inaccuracies are probably the result of a succession of compromises, and we can
do ng better service to the Federative movement than by thus early
pointing them out. The Resolutions ask for the cooperation of the Local and Imperial
Parliaments for
the purpose of giving them effect, and we have no
doubt that, before they assume, the form of law, they
will have undergone consideration and scrutiny fully
commensurate to their importance. Of the wisdom of
the principle involved, we have no doubt, and we have
much pleasure in, giving our tribute to the ability with
which, on the whole, that principle has been worked
out, in spite of difficulties and oostructions, of which
our own negotiations for the union of Scotland and
Ireland can furnish us only with a very faint idea."
When, therefore, parties at a distance and disinterested
are at a loss to understand parts of these, resolutions,
framed by 32 of the leading politicians of the British
North American Provinces, in which there should be no
room for a doubt as to there meaning, our delegates
must not be surprised that we whose interests are so vitally affected, should narrowly
scrutinize every line of the
report, and see that our rehts were definitely protected
and secured. It in must be remembered that the hon the
Speaker and Mr. Shea, were delegated by our government
to proceed on their mission to Quebec, he (Mr. W. )
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
believed, at less than a week's notics. The subject of
Confederation was one which had not heretofore engaged much of the attention of the
public men of this
country, whilst it had been before the Legislatures of
the adjoining provinces for years. These gentlemen,
therefore, went under great disadvantages, but the
ability which they had displayed at the conference reflected credit upon themselves
and our Government,
in their judicious selection. The Solicitor General had
complained that our fisheries were to be under the
control of the General Government. He (Mr. W.)
considered it the best thing that could happen, Then
we might hope for some legislation which would result
in their encouragement and protection. We had attempted legislation as regards our
cod-fishery, and had
done nothing. We had enacted laws respecting our
salmon and herring fisheries, which were a dead letter
upon our statute book, because we had no means to
provide for sufficient superintendency and police regulations to carry these laws
into execution; and the result is that our salmon fishery is all but destroyed, and
our other fisheries are declining. How unfavourably
did our action regarding our fisheries contrast with the
policy adapted by Canada, notwithstanding that in
Canada they were only a minor staple ef industry,
whilst in this country our fisheries were all we had at
present to rely upon. A reference to the annual report
for 1863 of the superintendents of the Canadian fisheries will show their watchful
anxiety over this branch
of industry. The report is in a pamphlet of some 76
pages, closely printed, containing much that is of deep
interest to ourselves. Here we have from the pen of
one of these Superintendent's a scientific view—the
full description of every fish found in Canadian waters,
seas and rivers; accurate statistical information as to
the general products, and as to each particular branch;
vessels, boats and men, where and how engaged, and
in fact most elaborate details of ail that is interesting
concerning the subject. We find that the whole produce of the Canadian fisheries in
the Gulf and Lower
St. Lawrence in 1863, including seal and whale oil,
was $329,160, and that the amount expended in superintending, encouragement and protection,was
$30,658
or over ÂŁ6000 sterling, the amount paid by the Canadian Government in bounties, for
one year, is over
$9000. They have made Gaspe a free port, solely with
a view to the encouragement of their fisheries; in fact,
so fully alive do they seem tÂş be to the advantages
which must flow from a watchful care over this interest that nothing appeals left
undone in order to develope it. He (Mr W.) would take the liberty of reading
a paragraph from this report of Pierre Fortin, Esq.,
showing that although some in this country are under
the iupression that Canada can supply nothing for
our fisneries, the French and others are of a different
opinion.
"The port of Gaspé has had this year the visit of
three foreign men-of-war. First the French steam
corvette La Marceau, carrying 8 guns, Commander
Vavin, came during the month of July, to take on
board Mr. le Baron Gauldrèe Boilleau, French Consul,
who was proceeding to study on the spot the resources
of the country bordering the waters of the Gulf of St.
Lawrence, with the intention of creating, or rather
developing the trade with the French possessions of
Newfoundland; and it is by making better known to
the French merchants and outfitters the different kinds
of produce supplied by Canada and the other British
provinces, in order to supply the numerous wants of
their immense fisheries, and establishing the articles
the can give in exchange, that this desirable end can
be attained in a safer manner. There is no doubt but
that this trip of Mr. Boilleau, whose intelligence and
capacity have been so well appreciated in Canada, will
produce in a future period advantageous results to the
trade of our country, as well as to that of France.
"The United States, armed schooner George Magnum, Commander Collins, (carrying 7 guns and a
crew of 70 men), which, according to rumour, had
cruised during a while in the Gulf of St. Lawrence,
expecting to meet cruisers from the Confederate States,
also came in the basin of Gaspe, but remained only a
few days. This vessel was of nearly the same tonnage
as La Canadienne.
Lastly, his Majesty Victor Emmanuel's frigate, the
San Giovanni, of 28 guns, Commander Count Fraa
di Bruno, with a crew of 360 men, stayed there from
the middle of August till the end of September. The
populaticn welcomed this vessel with pleasure, for it
was seen that her presence was a proof that the principal branch of trade of this
part of Canada, that of codfish, had, since a few years, by its extensive development,
dawn the attention of foreign countries, and
especially Italy, where so great a quantity of our dried
fish is consumed.
"Already an Italian consulate had been established
last year at Gaspe Basin, and Mr. Horatio LeBoutillier had been chosen to fill this
important post. To
the advantageous information respecting our country
furnished by this gentleman to the Italian Minister of
Commerce, is mainly due the presence of the San
Giovanni in our waters.
"The communder of the frigate understood at once
the importance and wealth of our maritime fisheries,
and he intends to make them known to his Government in a special report, in which
he will show,
amongst other things, the advantage for Italian vessels
to come and purchase at our free port of Gaspe a part
of the codfish they require, and bring us in exchange
the products of their country, such as olive oil, dried
and preserved fruits, and especially hemp, which is
cultivated on a large scale in the centre of Italy, and
of which we already make a considerable use in Canada since the establishment of cable
factories.
"Mr. Horatio LeBoutillier had especially drawn
the attention of the Italian Government to the advantage or the war vessels of their
country, stationed on
the shores of North America, to buy their provisions
in our ports; this was done for the frigate San Giocanni, which bought at Gaspe or at Montreal, through
the agency of the Italian Consul, provisions, and a
good deal of other stores, for a six months' cruise,
amounting to $12,000; the good quality and cheapness of which was well appreciated
by the commissariat on board.
"The urbanity and politeness of the commander
Count Fraa di Bruno, and the steadiness of his crew,
won the esteem and the respect of the whole population of Gaspe, and he, the commander,
gave hopes
that our maritime shores, and especially the port of
Gaspe, would again, next year, be visited by one of
his Majesty's frigates; and no doubt that when the
Route will be so well traced, merchant vessels from
Italy will hasten to follow."
The report concludes as follows:–
"I will conclude by stating that our fisheries are,
compared to what they formerly were, in a state of
properity, thanks to the liberal encouragement and
effectual protection of the Government, and I hope
that this encouragement, either in the snape of bounties, or free ports, will not
fail, so that the fisheries
may soon acquire a development which will cause
them to be considered all over the country as one of
the largest and most productive industries of Canada."
The Canadians are fostering, in every way possible,
their fisheries, whilst we are asleep and allowing our
independence to be destroyed without an effort to
sustain it. Compare this able report with the meagre
documents which emanate from our friend who goes to
the Labrador in [?] every summer; and
the sum, apended by the Canadians, with the paltry
ÂŁ500 which is all we afford to lay cut in protecting
this all important interest. If then, the Canadians
now are so zealous in promoting their fisheries, was
there not ample reason to believe that the same policy
would dictate the action of the Confederate Government, particularly when we consider
how deeply concerned in the same direction are the provinces of New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia with their extensive fisheries. But out of the Confederacy,
what would be our
condition in relation to foreign countries where existed
our principal fish markets? Is it not likely that every
effort would be made to benefit so important an interest in the adjoining provinces,
when they would bring
the powerful influence of a great Confederation, backed
by Great Britain, to bear, in order to procure advantages; and is it at all probable
that we should be
admitted to share in those privileges whilst we
remained separate and opposed to them? We were
evidently impotent of ourselves, as to advancing this
interest; and the sooner we had assistance, the sooner
we should progress. It had been stated that this
project of Confederation had its origin in a fear, on
the part of Canada, of invasion from the United States.
Whether this was true or not, it mattered little what
was the immediate cause of the scheme. The time,
he (Mr. W.) believed, had arrived, when these Colonies were bound to provide towards
their defence.
Nay more, there was a resolution on the Journals of
the House, by which the country was pledged to do
so. But supposiog Canada was attacked, should we
not be bound at the call of Great Britain, to go to her
assistance, whether united under Confederacy or not?
Even, for our own safety, should we not be obliged
to do so? If Canada became a prey to the United
States, we may rest assured that we should soon
follow; and certainly, should we now refuse to adopt
a measure highly approved by the British Government,
and prefer remaining in our selfish isolation, we could
hardly expect that Great Britain would make such
exertions to preserve our Island, as some gentlemen
had said, "as a bright jewel in the Imperial Crown."
We, no doubt thought a great deal of ourselves; but
in reality, we were very small. Why, last year Great
Britain had sent nearly double our population as
emigrants to other countrys. In case of war between
Great Britain and the United States now; from
whence would we obtain our supplies of provisions?
Some would say—from Europe, as we did in days
gone by. But what would we have to pay for them?
By confederacy we were building up within ourselves
a grand emporium, from whence to supply our requirements, regardless of the tumults
which might
convulse other nations. He [Mr W.] would take the
liberty of reading articles from the Colonial Presbyterian and St. John N. B. Courier,
interesting upon
this subject. The former says—"In a political point
of view, every one will admit that, other things being
equal, union, unless physical and geographical considenatious hinder, would be desirable.
Now it cannot be denied, and no candid reasoner will deny, that
in Federation we should have to contend with serious
physical difficulties, but it might give the ability to
help to 'annihilate time and space,' and muke five
Federated provinces 'happy.' Defence must gain
by centralizition; it must gain by British cooperation
with colonial spirit and manliness, and, if need, be,
sacrifice.—We have a country which we should preserve from anarchy within, or aggression
without; we
have a noble free-hold domain, in which no hereditary
burdens need crush the efforts, blight the hopes, or
quench the aspirations of future freemen. This inheritance is worth the price of insurance,
even if that
should be high. The millennium has clearly not yet
arrived, so we must insure, be the cost what it may.
We do not know that any power will ever attack us;
we are not aesolutelp certain that we could, even with
British aid, repel all attacks without tearful loss and
damage to our cities and country, but it surely will
not be found easy to smite down, and keep down
millions of patriotic men, resolved to repel invasion,
in a country walled with gunboats and ships of war,
with an old, rich and powerful nation at their back,
fighting in self-defence, for national existence. On
our own account we should at least make the attempt,
on account of old England we should do so.—Those
who tell us that she is ready to part with her colonial
prestige may represent a certain portion of English
sentiment; but there is no reason to think they represent the views of the British
Government. English
statesmen are too wise not to recognise the fact that
British America, shielded in its youth, might, as its
millions increase to tens and twenties, and upwards,
to be able to rally to the defence of the old flag, should
the despots of Europe ever combine to trample it in
the dust. Here the navies, the armies of England
might find men and material resources, but if no spirit
of self-sacrifice can now be evolved, we would be of
little value to England, and do little credit to ourselves."
The latter, a paper which has always been remarkable for the moderation of its tone
in discussing public
questions, and holding a high position among Colonial
journals, says:—
"But why caval about a few cents per head in a
question where so many important interests are involved, and where the results are
calculated to affect
so vitally the future of these North American Colonies? The matter should be regarded from a higher
stand point than that of a few additional cents per
head of indirect taxes. The signs of the times porlend an early change in the position
of these Provinces. What that change shall be is within the power
of the people themselves to determine. Admitting,
as all will, that we cannot much longer remain in our
present isolated condition, on the confines of a warlike
neighbor, with different tariffs, different laws, and
different currency, there are but two alternatives open
for us, one or the other of which we must choose at no
distant day—we must either drift into 'the maw of
the great democracy,' or we must become a consolidated government, acknowledging allegiance
to the
Sovereign of the British realm, whose virtues we so
much revere, and to a government beneath whose
aegis the rights and liberties of the subject, whether
peer or peasant, are jealously guardsd, So circumstanced, there is little doubt as
to which of the two
alternatiaes the people of these Provinces, whose loyalty is proverbial, and whose
respect for British laws
and British customs is unsurpassed, will make choice,
and there can be little question as to which of the two
conditions would be most to our advantage. A few
cents per head in addition to the amount we now have
to pay, will be but a drop in the bucket compared with
the weight of responsibility and bebt we would have
to bear if annexed to the Republic. Having then
signified our preference for Union among ourselves
rather than to connexation to the States, the next
point to consider is the kind of Union we should
adopt. This is an important point, but it is one which
the careful student of past history and the thoughtful
observer of present realities will find little difficulty
in deciding. A Federal Union such as is in operation
in the States, where the powers oi the Central and the
State Governments clash, and where there is no Excutive responsibility, would not
work harmoniously;
nor would a Legislative Union operate satisfactorily
over a wide extent of territory and among people
whose interests are so diversified as those of the
British Provinces. What we require is a Union that
will give to a Central Government the control in matters of general interest; and
leave to the Local Legislatures the power of regulating matters of a purely
local character; the former body to take cognizance
of all new matters for which special provision has not
been made. This appears to be the kind of Union
which is developed in the Confederation scheme, and
it is the one most likely to meet the approval of the
whole people. There may be some defects in the
details; there may be sone inequalities which will require rectifying; but shall we
neglect the scheme on
that account? As yet the opponents of the sheme
have not pointed on better or more equitable; whether a further sifting of the question
will enable them
to do so we leave time to determine."
He (Mr W.) was surprised at the statement of the
hon member for Ferryland, Mr Glen, that our expenditure for the last 8 or 10 years
averaged ÂŁ13,000.
He (Mr. W.) believed that statement to be incorrect. The hon member had applied the
present Canadian tariff to Newfoundland, and had told us that,
under it, our revenue would be ÂŁ145, whilst we
should only receive from the Confederate Government
ÂŁ112,000. It was not fair to apply the Canadian tariff. He may just as well apply
the tariff of
New Brunswick or Nova Scotia, and tell us what
our revenue under these would be. The Confederate tariff would be altogether a new
one, adopted by
the Confederate Parliament, having due regard to
each part of the Union; and when we saw that Canada,
New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia produced within
one-fourth as much fish as we did, and the desire
evinced by Canada to promote her fisheries at present,
we might fairly augur well for the protection of our
fishery interest. Would not the prosperity of Newfoundland be the prosperity of Canada
also. Could it
be supposed for one moment that a policy would be
would be adopted mimical to the interest of any one
province? Of what advantage would it be to the
whole, to work an injury to any of its parts? Is not
the prosperity of Burged and LaPoile, although far
away from St. John's,the prosperity of Newtoundland?
It has been said that Newfoundland is too remote
from the seat of Government to profit in any equal
degree with the other Provinces; and hon gentlemen
who are opposed to Newfoundland entering the union,
say it would be of advantage for the other Provinces
to do so, because they are on the main, but we are
isolated. He (Mr. W.) believed that we were not
nearly so much isolated from QUebec as the district
of Twillingate and Fogo is from St. John's. With
Quebec we now have means of communication, and
under confederation facilities would be afforded by a
regular line of steamers in summer, and by steamers
and railroads in winter. But as regards Twillingate
and Fogo, during the winter months we could not
even convey a letter thither; and although he (Mr.
W.) had been for the last four sessions urging upon
the government the establishment of a system of
couriers for the conveyance of mails through the
country to these external districts, he had always been
met by the cry of poverty and of inability from want
of funds to carry out his views. A change of some
whether it was confederation or something else, was
devously to be wished for. It had been also stated
that Canada wanted our revenue to enrich her impovarished exchequer. Nothing could
be more ridiculous.
Canada with her $60,000,000 of debt, was better off
than we are with our small debt. There they have
large public inprovements to shew for it; while ours
has been incurred in the relief of poverty, without a
single vestige of improvement remaining to the country. Canada, in return for her
debt, has 2000 miles
of railway in operation, which have cost $100,000,000
—one bridge alone has cost £12,000,000; she has
4500 miles of telegraph wire, over which three quarters of a million of messages are
annually sent; she
has 250 miles of canal, which cost $16,000,000, and
through which 3,000,000 tons of freight passed last
year; she has 15,000 miles of mail routes, 2000 post
offices, the income of which exceeds the expenditure.
This is what Canada has to show for her debt. What
have we to show for ours? No one who has ever
visited Canada but has been astonished at her inmense resources, and the opportunity
which is everywhere presented for the investment of money, Why
is it that her debantures are at a discount? Simply
because no one is desirous of investing money at 6 or
7 per cent. when there are opportunities in all directions for investing it at from
14 to 15, upon excellent
security. Here the reverse was the case. We had no
means of investing our money in any direction, and
were glad of the opportunity of paying a premium of
4 to 5 per cent. for the privilege of investing it in 5
per cent. debentures. A party with a few hundred
pounds here was afraid to lend on mortgage. Our
landed property had become so frightfully depreciated, and there was no sign of improvement.
Our
public debt had increased, since 1855, from ÂŁ111,000 to ÂŁ213,000, and what public
works had we to
shew? One vast pile of pauperism. We had spent
our reveaue in relieving the distressed, and now poverty had become an institution
in the country; and
this was all we had to shew for our debt. Could the
hon. the Solicitor General, or other gentlemen
who opposed the principle of confederation, point
out a remedy for our difficulties? Each party had
been in power during the last nine years, and he has
been associated with both; yet he had failed to
introduce any measure calculated to remedy the
evils which exist. Our middle class and our tradespeople are fast disappearing. He
says we want good
fisheries and factories; but can we expect large factories to be establishment when
there is only a limited market? The difficulties which manufacturers have
to coutend with, was aptly illustrated in the case of
Mr. Wall's bakery at River-head. Such was the prejudice in favour of Hamburg bread,
together with
the limited market in which he could operate, that it
took him years before he could convince the people
that he could give them as good an article, at a cheaper rate, than they could import.
None but a man
of Mr. Wall's indomitable perseverance would have
overcome these obstacles. Now we have several bakeries established, and most of the
bread used is made in
the country. Had no benefit been derived therefrom?
Had Mr. Wall at first a more extended sphere for action, his success would have been
more rapid, or competition would have been produced, resulting to the
public good. Complaints were frequently heard that
capital realized in this country was withdrawn from
it, and expended elsewhere; and that as soon as a
man had made a little money he always left us. Well,
every man had a right to spend his money where he
pleased; but if we could afford inducement for men
of means to continue among us, by offering them opportunities for political advancement
as our representaatives in the Confederate Parliament, is it not probable that, in
course of time, it would have the effect of
retaining capitalists in the country? They would prefer such positions to retirement
and private life on
the banks of the Clyed in England. No doubt this
scheme would be opposed by those who were desirous
of perpetuating our present Local Legislature, in all
tsthis little grandeur, for the sake of the simall crumbs
that might be picked up within the circle of its patronage; for under Confederation
the business of expending the ÂŁ79,000 we should get from the General
Government, which was, after all, more than our
present revenue, would be done by a much smaller
body than our present very expensive Legislature;
but it would be at less cost, and consequently there
would be more money for public improvements. It
should be remembered that this subject did not come
before us without authority. It had been approved of
by the first satesmen in the worid, and strongly re
commended; among whom he might name Lord
Durham who was most eminently qualified to give an
an opinion. He advised Union of the Provices, and
he (Mr. W.) might refer back as far as 1814, when
the father of Her Majesty, the Duke of Kent, had, in
a letter to Mr. Sewell, then Chief Justice of Lower
Canada, highly approved of a similar proposition.—
Again, the Duke of Newcastle urged the accomplishment of this grand idea. We also
saw the leading
Colonial politicians in each province, burying their
party differences, and anxious to promote the general
good, by carying the union into effect. We saw it
among ourselves. Our leading politicians, men generally opposed in their politicial
views, and representing various interests in the country, were agreed upon
this subject, and he (Mr. W.) thought that the opinion of men of this stamp, both
out of the country and
in it, would have a little more weight than those who
raised the cry that the country was going to be sold
to Canada. The project for confederation received
his firm support; but not upon the terms of the Report of the Delegates. He (Mr. W.)
thought better
terms might be obtained, and he was opposed to a
postponement of the consideration of the Report until
next year. He thought we should now be engaged
in discussing the details and the conditions upon
which we were prepared to enter the union,and having
come to an understanding upon these points, we
should adopt resolutions expressing our views,
and containing our reasons; and the Government
should be authorised to take such steps as may be
expedient for protection our interests, in the shape
of a delegation to the Imperial Parliament or otherwise, as occasiou required. Canada
had already adopted the report; New Brunswick would in all probability do the same,
and although Nova Scotta seemed to
be hesitating, there was every reason to believe that
it would be carried in the Legislature of that Province by a large majority. What,
then, would be
our position, should they go to the Imperial Parliament for an act to perfect the
union during the present
session, after this house had been dissolved? Our interests would be neglected, and
he (Mr. W.) thought
we should be recreaut to the interests of our contituents, if we did not arm our Government
with power to
act upon any emergency that might occur. He was
sorry that in the discussion of this matter allusion had
been made to the depressed coniition of the Colony.
It made us feel ashamed at our poverty; but it was
absolutely necessary that facts should be stated. He
trusted that we should embrace the opportunity now
afforded us, of rising from our degrafed and isolated
condition, that we should extend the hand of friendship to our brethern in the sister
Provinces, and unite
in forming the nucleus of what, not long hence would
be a great and powerful nation.
1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Monday, April 17, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
Tuesday, Feb. 28.
(Continued.)
Mr. LEAMON.—That question had been debated with
a great deal of ability, and very little was left for him to
say upon the subject. Still , he would not give
a silent vote upon it. In his opinion a union with the
other colonies, on fair terms, would have a tendency to
better our condition. We want other means of employing and sustaining our people besides
the fisheries; and
he (Mr. Leamon) concurred in the views of those who
believed that Confederation would give us these means.
Here we are with a small cod fishery, which if not declining, is certainly not improving,
and with those, who
are supported from it increasing in numbers. And notwithstanding all that had been
said against it, and the
discussion in that house and the evidence taken upon the
subject, still they were hauling caplin for manure, which
rendered the fishery still more precarious; and there
was no legislation to prevent it. The caplin went into
deep water, where the codfish were glutted with them,
regaining there and not coming in on shore as formerly.
If fish were as abundant as formerly, then our people
might be supported comfortably by it; but now it was
impossible. It was the same with the seal fishery. Halt
the men had not got berths this spring. There were
not sufficient vessels to to take them; and if all the vessels going out came in loaded,
what good, would that be
to those who had remain a shore, many of whose families
were in a condition of severe destitution? And how
could the government carry out improvements, with a short
revenue, and so much distress to mitigate? In his opinion
we could not to hetter than enter the confederation,
and he only regretted that, the resolutions were not, to
be at once taken into consideration, that they might judge
whether they would be accepted as they stand, or that
some other stipulation should be insisted on; and then
let them be sent to the constituencies for their decision
upon them. These were his opinions, and they were
entirely based upon the presant state of the colony, and
the impossibility of our people going on much longer, as
at present, while the other colonies were propetous. Our
able bodied people would leave us, and, we would
have the aged and it firm to support. Better see if
we could now improve the circumstances of all, so that
there should not be inducements for any to go away.
These were his sentiments. Let his constituents judge
of them. He believed, as the question was more fully
discussed and better unuerstood, it would the more conmend itself to the people of
the country. For his (Mr.
Leanon's) part, he never indulged in clap-trap. He approved of confederation, and
he did not hesitate to say
so. Whenever small states had been united, on fair
terms, it was found that general properity was the result;
and why snould it not be so in this instance?
Mr. E. D. SHEA said that although on a former occasion he had expressed his views on the subject
of Confederation, there were a few points that had come out in
course of the discussion, on which he would now offer
some observations. This Resolution of the Attorney
General, postponing to next session any final decision of
the quation, seened to him (Mr. Shea) to have operated
like a spell in the extraordinary effect it had produced on
hon members. He was at a loss to understand how it
was that the framer of this resolution had contrived to
impart a magical influence to words which of themselves
presented no unusal or striking characteristics. But the
effect was plain, and not a little remarkable. Up to the
time that this wonderful concoction made its appearance,
we who were favourable to the scheme of confederation,
were threatened by our opponents with the direst consequences if the question were
continued to be pressed upon
the public mind. It was declared to be a theme hateful
to the people, because it bodied, nothing to this country
but the most hateful results, and the aunthilation of all
those privledges and possessions which we most prize and
cherish. But the same hon gentlemen who uttered these
wholesale sweeping condemnations, are now found joined
hand in hand with us on the other side of the question
in praying only for a little time to enable the people to
consider the subject and pronounce their verdict upon it.
The most unquiet spirits had suddenly been hushed to
tranquility by a few scratches from the pen of the hon
mover of this resolution; and the dread convulsion of
of the country was marvelously averted. He (Mr. Shea)
had heard of a quack who had advertised pills, which,
he said, were good against earthquakes, and he was now
reminded of him by this prescription that had saved us
from the political earthquake which was to have been our
punishment. Now if there was a particle of sincerity in
the denunciations of hon members on Colonial union,
how was it that they have so soon come round to the
notion of making it a question of time and conditions?
He could clearly see why those who favoured the measure
approved of the present resolution, because it only embodied the view they had expressed,
since the opening
of the Legislature. But how it had come to take the
uncompromising opponents of the proposal from
their very high ground of opposition was a problem
yet to be explained. Was it because they had lost
their guide, philosopher and friend of the
Bullfrog,
who, it was said, had become a
unionist? Or was it
that changes of opinion had taken place nearer home,
and even amongst the constituences of hon members
in this town? Was it the influences of the late public
meeting that was acting upon their minds—that meeting which, got up against Confederation,
had resulted
in making many converts to the measure? It was
notorious that the gentleman who advocated Confederation on that occasion had received
the best and most
attentive hearing from the audience; and so chagrined
were some anti-confederation members who attended
that meeting, at seeing that the feeling of the people was
in accord with our view, and that they only asked time
to think the matter over, that these hon members had
actually allowed their friends of the meeting to fall into
the absurd mistake of presenting a petition to the House
which the house could only receive as the petition of the
two persons who signed it though it was intended to be
the petition of the citizens of St. John's! It was well
however, that the wholesome agency of public opinion
had brought hon members into acquiesence in this
reasonable proposition, and that they had been shown
how far behind the views of their constituents were the
stand still, do-nothing notions which they themselves
entertained on this subject. Much stress had been laid
by some hon members on the motives and objects of
Canada in deserving Confederation; but he (Mr. Shea)
thought these were points which it did not at all concern
us to consider. What we had to reflect upon was not
whether it might suit Canada to further union, but
whether it did really suit our own interests to enter into
it, and to govern our decision by regard to our own
peculiar case and circumstances; for though it might
prove highly beneficial to Canada, it did not follow from
this that it would be on object the less beneficial to us.
But hon members, in endeavouring to bolster up their
bad case, were driven to strange saifts and very garing
contradictions. Take, for example, their reference to
the Delegates. They had all told us that the conduct
of these Delegates in Canada had been must priseworthy,
that it had reflected the hightest credit on their characters as public men and, indeed,
that the country that
sent them, might be proud of them. But scarcely had
they exhausted the vocabulary of eulogium than they,
one and all exhibited those same Delegates as betrayers
and traitors who had done their worst to sell the country,
and blight for ever the prospects of her people. There
was a sample of the cousistency which marked the
opinions of hon members on his subject, and which
showed what weight ought to belong to their opinions in
the judgment of the public. He (Mr. Shea) had been
much suprised, by a statement put forward the other
day, that our expenditure for the last eight years had
been at the rate of ÂŁ113,000 per year, and it was urged
from this that we should gain nothing if we accepted
the ÂŁ112,000 proposed for us under Confederation, in
lieu of our present revenue. He could not see how it
was, if we had been spending this rate, that our debt on
current account was not much more than ÂŁ36,000. If
we had only received, in that time, ÂŁ100,000 a year of
revenue, and had spent ÂŁ113,000, we ought to be
ÂŁ104,000 in debt, instead of ÂŁ36,000. But assuming,
for argument's sake, that our expenditure had been as
large as was stated, what then? It told strongly against
the position it was intended to support. It was clear,
on this supposition, that we had been annually spending
a large sum of money which, was not our own, whereas
if we accepted the terms now proposed to us, and received over ÂŁ112,000, this together
with more than
ÂŁ4,000 of revenue from local sources, which we should
retain, would give us a surplus even over the assumed
expenditure of which hon members had spoken. It had
been said that the tariff of Canada was a protective one;
but experience had shown that it was no such thing, that
it was a tariff adjusted to revenue alone, and producing
only a sufficiency of means for the demands of the public
service. It was extraordinary that hon members conceived such, horror of this protective
tariff, as they
called it, and were so indiffernt about the danger of the
really hostile tariff which stared us, in the face if we
choose to stick to our present isolation, and forfeit all
claim to consideration from the neighbouring provinces
We were told that the Canadian tariff of 1864 must
necessrrily be imposed upon our trade by the Confederated Legislature and this statement
was repeated and
repeated, for want of argument, in the teeth of the explanation that, had been given
by the Delegates, who
showed that the tariff of 1864 was an entirely exceptional
one, that it had been so proved to them by the Canadian
Finance Minister, who declared it to have been raised
for special emergencies, and who also declared that it
would be reduced in the coming seesion of the Legislature. It was on this account
that the tariff of 1863 had
been selected as the fairest basis for their calculations.
But this basis did not suit the purpose of hon members
opposed to the principle of Confederation, and they
therefore refused to adopt it, But he (Mr. Shea) contended that it was a fallacy to
assume that either of
these scales of duty was to be outs under Confederation.
It was much more rational, inuch more in accordance
with all we had seen and heard, to believe that the
Confederation tariff would be a tariff revised and adjusted to the trade and circumstances
of the colonies
comprising the Confederacy, as a whole. This belief, he
said, was what common sense affirmed; for what possible object could the Confederate
Government have in
maintaining a tariff injurious to us or to any other portion of the league? Would
it not rather be its interest
to accommodate its legislation to our peculiar requirements? But in all they had said
on this, subject, hon
gentlemen had chosen to forget that change in our
trade under Confederation which would make it next
to impossible that we could raise the revenue they
spoke of even in the worst view of the case, it
the Canadian tariff of 1864 were put in force here.
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
They had ignored the fact that Canadian manufactures
of woolens, leather, hardware, &c., would be imported
here duty free, and that in proportion as we consumed
these goods must the revenue from the same class of
goods from England decrease. He thought we should
be gainers by our free importation from Canada, not
only in a fiscal point of view, but as affording employment to our women of the labouring
classes in spinning, weaving and making up matrials for clothing;
and any arrangement which wouid provide suitable
occupation for the female population ought to be welcomed by every one interested
in our common prosperity. It was impossible to believe hon members
serious in their apprehension on the score of taxation
in view of the necessary change of condition under
Confederation, and bearing in mind the interest of the
General Government in making as light as possible
those burdens which it would have to share. The assurance given by the Secretary of
State for the Colonies on this head, and the security we should have in
the watchfulness of members representing the other
maritime colonies, as well as of those who should be
sent trom Newfoundland, ought to satisfy hon members that there need be no anxiety
as to excessive taxation. It was very remarkable how nervous hon.
members became in mere anticipation of most improbable burdens, while they were willing
to bear actual
and heavy burdens of present taxation, in the shape
of puperism, depreciation of property, and other
evils that prostrate the energies of the country. And
they further seem to forget that, even if we take their
advice and stay as we are, we must submit to further
taxation, though only for the purpose of paying off our
existing debt. It had been pretended that Canada was
eagerly bent upon securing us to help to pay her
debt. The idea seemed to him (Mr. Shea) to convey
a bitter mockery of our financial position. It should
be first known that we could pay our own debts, before
its being at all likely that we could excite the cupidity
of other countries. And even if our condition in this
respect were improved, why, to talk of Canada having
designs upon us to help her out of any difficulties, was
as reasonable as to suppose that our own Government
should make a raid upon Quidi Viid, or Goat's Cove,
to compel the inhajitants of those classical localities
to discaarge our present liabilities. Great alarm
seemed to exist that we should part with the management of our fisheries; but a moment's
reflection would
show that our fisheries were more likely to he better
managed and protected by a powerful government
interested as well as ourselves in their conservation,
than by any small efforts of our own. We should then
have a chance of having our salmon and herring fisheries turned to good account; and
this surely would be
a vast improvement on the present plan of consigning
these valuable resources to neglect. But the hollowness of some of those outside doors,
who now made
stock of this cry about the fisheries, was manifest when
we remember that if these very people had their way,
our fisheries would long since have been wrested from
us by the French convention; for they had done their
worst to oppose that self-government which alone
gave us the power to resist the spoilation. The Solicitor General waxed pathetic over
what he called the
loss of our local Legislature, and told us the people
had much more regard than formerly for our local
institutions. The hon gentleman had related an instance of very hard things said years
ago by some
one he had met in the street at a very late hour of the
night. It must have been on some very rare occasion
indeed, to account for the Solicitor General having
been at large at an unseasonable time. But he (Mr.
Shea) much feared that if the people judged of the
Legislature by the amount of good of a practical kind
that we had since done for them, their opinion of us
would not be found much more flattering than that
which had greated the ears of the Solicitor General on
his nocturnal perambulations. The same hon gentleman had also ridiculed the idea of
our eight members
being effective in the Confederate Legislature. Well,
if they only exercised there anything like the influence
brought to bear on our own Governinent by one
member from Harbor Grace, we need never fear for
the sustainment of our interests in the Confederate
Parliament. Reference had been made to those political distractions in Canada which
had caused such frequent changes of government; but the hon member
who made this allusion should have seen that it only
told against his own view, because these differences
there would render the combined efforts of our eignt
members all the more powerful and available to the
interests of the colony. We were threatened with
losing the protection of England; but we had only to
read the views of British statesmen and the British
press to see that the union would cement and consulidate our connection with the parent
state; and that it
would be in rejecting it that we should run the risk of
forfeiting our right to Imperial consid ration. It was
plain beyond any possible doubt that Great Britain
earnestly desired this measure; and it was absurd to
suppose that we were likely to conciliate her favour by
flying in the face of her advice and admonitions. The
union with Ireland had been held up to scare us away
from this proposition. But had the Irish union with
England been a real and honest one, had Ireland only
been governed as was Yorkshire, Lancashire, or any
other county of England, the agitation for repeal would
never have been raised. That agitation was the result
of despair of a true union; and it was monstrous to
pretend any parallel in the present case, where there
were no causes existing, as in the instance of unhappy
Ireland, to prevent fulfilment of the union which we
were invited to enter. The horrors of the draft were
also pictured to our imaginations by hon members; but
they must be well aware that, in this respect, our position would not be in any degree
changed by Confederation. The draft was never resorted to but in those
extreme national emergencies which suspend even law
itself.—Any such crisis as regarded us was highly improbable. But if it ever arose,
even in our present
relations with the mother country, Great Britain herself would have that power which
we are now asked to
believe could only be exercised by the Confederate
Government. This was but another of the scarecrows
set up to alarm the people with imaginary dangers,
and turn their minds from the real evils of their present condition. Hon members had
argued that even
though advantageous to the sister colonies, union
could not benefit Newfoundland, so different were our
circumstances from theirs. He (Mr. Shet) regretted
to be obliged to agree with them, that our circumstances are indeed very different
from those of New
Brunswick or Nova Scotia; but this very difference, so
far from being a reason against Confederation, was a
strong one in its favour. These colonies were prosperous and progressing. Pauperism,
as it is with us, was
wholly unknown to them; and they could afford, it they
thought fit, to go on, as they have shown themselves
able to do, on their own account. Ours was a condition opposite of this—the Colony
had been for years
going down the hill; and the best of the labouring
classes were fleeing its shores to seek bread. Our
resources, though confessedly good, required an aid
that we could not give them; and a reliable prospect
of this and was afforded by our junction with older and
[?] thier cuminunities. If the measure suited the
other Colonies, it appeared to him that it was all the
more desirable for us, in proportion to our greater
need of a helping hand. We are told our isolation
is a reason against it. It is, if we desire to perpetuate
this isolation, which we all agree to consider so injurious to our interests. A poor
man offered a means
of living might as well say that while the offer might
suit his better off neighbour, it was useless to him,
because of his poverty. The steam communication to
be provided for us by the Confederate government,
some hon members regard as very uncertain. He
(Mr. Shea) did not so consider it. It seemed to him
to be a necessary consequence of the union; but on
this view he certiny would not rely altogether; and
ha would have steam secured by agreement, for he
regarded this as an indispensible condition. It was
supposed by some that we were not interested in the
railroads, canals and such public works of the other
provinces. But it must be evident, on a moment's
thought, that we had an important interest in whatever means tended to cheapen produce
and enhance
the value of labour. Oor mines and minerals, it was
still said, would be lost to us; but hon members knew
well that this statement was groundless, that these
mines would be always just as free and open to our
people as now, and with the greater probability, under
Confederation, of being made practically open and
valuable to them, instead of being useless, as they are
now, from want of means or enterprise to work them.
We were told of the all-sufficiency of our fisheries for
the support of the people; but the wretchedness and
want around us answered and refuted that grossest of
fallacies. Confederation was considered by some a
too speculative project for us to entertain. It was not
to be denied that about all such changes there was
something more or less speculative. None of us could
pretend to guarantee the beneficial operation of the
measure, no matter how just and strong were the
grounds of our expectations. It might as well have
been objected that Responsible Government, Free
Trade or any other change we have known, ought not
to have been advocated, because no security could be
given that it would realise its promises. In such cases we were compelled to rely
upon certain principles
the safety of which had been tested by the experience
of other countries; and these had been shown to be
conclusively in our favour on the subject under consideration. But he would remind
those who cavilled
about the point of a speculation, that not even this
mush could be said in favour of the course they had
recommended.—There was nothing, even speculative,
about the results of their choice to remain as we are,
for that plainly meant, to pass from bad to worse,
even into the slough of Despond itself. That was a
clear, inevitable certainly before us,—and yet it was
preferred to the proposed change, because we could
not guarantee that this change would work all the
good we anticipated from it. We are admonished to
trust to Providence; and far be it from him (Mr.
Shea) to gainsay this proposition, under any and all
circumstances, but let us well weigh its meaning.
Providence provides us with sense and reason, and, in
worldly affairs, manifestly intended these attributes
to be our guides as far as they can reach our requirements. If, then, we choose not
to use these guides,
and will run our heals against walls, can we complain
that our trust in Providence has been misplaced, it our
heads get the worse for the contact? To him (Mr.
Shea) it seened something worse than profane to talk
of trust in Providence to avert from us the consequences of our own deliberate and
designing folly. It was,
however, most satisfactory to find in all the allegations
put forward by the oppone its of union, how unsubstantial was all the material they
could urge against
it. The futility of their so-called arguments was so
far useful, that the country would see how unassailable was our position by any stronger
or more legitimate means. He (Mr. Shea) would now repeat the
challenge to hon unenbers oposed to him, to suggest
something better themselves, if they were determined
to resist the measure now offered to our acceptance.
It would not do to tell as we could stay as we were.
It was an itsult to the understanding of the public,
and it was a cruel insult to the thousands of our labouring population and our tradesman
of all sorts,
now piling away for want of employment. But, if it
turned
[?] that hon members were only aloud objectors, and were incapable of proposing one single
step
of themselves to which the country might look with
the faintest, hope, it would behove that country to
decide whether, in view of the circumstances around
us, it will accept the advice to do nothing but sink
deeper and deeper in wretchedness and degradation,
or whether, moved by manly energy and the progressive spirit of the day, it will put
fortn its best efforts
to emancincipate itself from the causes of desline, and
enjoy its place and share in the advanced civilization
of British North America. He concluded by supporting the Resolution whicn committed
this momentous
question to the muture reflection of the country.
Mr. MOORE.—A remark made by the hon member
who had just sat down (Mr. E. D. Shea) was that
Confederation would drive poverty from our
shores, and raise our people from their present state
of destitution to a state of prosperity. Now if these
prophecies of the hon gentleman should prove to be
not more correct than similar assertions made by him
and others on the introduction of Responsible Government into this country, certainly
Confederation
will be any thing but the boon represented; and will
fall far short of the sanguine expectations of those
who are so unuch in favor of it. What has been the
experience of the last ten years, since the establishment of Responsible Grovernment?
Why, we never
before had such, destitution amongst our operative
population, as during the latter half of that period.
He (Mr. Moore) did not wish to infer that the same
result would follow Confederation, if caried into effect,
nor did he say that Responsible Government contributed much to the depressed circumstances
of the
country, although well known to be too expensive a
machinery for so small a population as we are composed of. Neither did he think that
any system of
governmert would produce prosperity in the face of
prevailing bad fisheries. He (Mr. Moore) was not
opppsed to Confederation in the abstract. He believed it was a principal which must
be established and
brought about in the course of time. There were
causes in operation which would necessarily lead to
the burden of their defence being thrown on the North
American Colonies, to a greater extent than hitherto.
The British taxpayers are crying out for a reduction
of taxation. The products of the British artizans'
labour have no longer protection in the markets of
the more important Colonies; and they reasonably
object to be taxed for the protection of those who deal
with them only as far as it suits their convenience.
And why should the British artizan be taxed for the
benefit of the colonist, whose trade is entirely free,
and who, besides, is rolling in comparative wealth,
whilst many of the operative population in England,
Scotland and Ireland are struggling for the bare means
of subsistence? The statesmen of England see the
necessity of yielding to opposition raised against the
military expenditure in the colonies. Besides, there
is reason to believe that the expenditure has sometimes been largely increased by
the colonists themselves,in order that they may profit by it; for instance,
that the war in New Zealand was provoked by the
colonists, contrary to the desire of the British Government were involved in it, and
were in honour
bound to support the colonists, whether they were
right or wrong. But, for the future, it is evident,
from the tone of leading statesmen, if these colonists
involve themselves with the aborigines, or with any
neighbouring nation or people, on imaginary or
other causes, contrary to the policy of the British Government, they must defend themselves.
The same, in
effect, is now said to the North American Colonies.
From the fact of the Canadians countenancing, to all
appearance, the late raid across the United States'
border by Southern sympathizers, robbing the Banks
and firing upon and mortally wounding citizens of
St. Albans, Canada has now to turn out a portion of
her militia and Volunteers for the protection of her
frontier. The British Government very properly
said, if you conduct yourselves towards, your neighburs in such a manner as to excite
their hostility, you
must take the consequences. And there could
be no doubt that, for the future, these large
Provinces must make provision for their own defence;
by making their militia efficient, and that they will
also be called upon to contribute towards the maintenance of a regular army, and will
have to provide
themselves with a navy. He (M. Moore) did say
that in the face of circumstances involving such an
enormous expenditure as will inavitably be entailed
upon Canada, it would be unwise to pledge this colony to join such an alliance on
the basis proposed in the
report of the Quebec Conference Neither did he believe that Newfoundland was originally
included in the
proposed scheme, or expected to join therein. Nor
did he see that we would be benefited commercially by
entering into Confederation on such terms. The
geographical position of New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia, contiguous to Canada, placed them in a very
different and more favoarable position in regard to
Confederation than this Island; and still it was seen
that these provinces hesitated about entering the union
and taking upon themselves their share of the immense responsibility. And was not
that enough to
warrant us to keep back? It had been said that we
are not so far advanced in population, wealth, or
material improvement as the other colonies, and that
the union would confer great benefit on Newfoundland, that we would derive great advantages
from the
railroads, canals, and other improvements of Canada.
He admitted that we would, and will benefit, whether
we enter confederation or not; in the same ratio as
we have benefited, and will benefit by every improvement in other countries wherever
our commerce extends. For instance, by the extension of railroads in
Spain, which has tended to facilitate the transport of
goals and merchandise required for the interior of
that country, the article of codfish being largely consumed by the inhabitants. Hence
the facilities afforded by these railroads have greatly tended to increase
the demand, and enhance the price of that staple
product. Canada had constructed ber railroads
and canals for her own advantage —for the
conveyance of her produce to the seaports,
and of the produce of other countries into the interior;
also to induce customers from other countries to resort
to her markets to purchase of the abundance of her
products, in preference to that of the United Sates.
In this way Newfoundland will derive great benefit by
these improvements, without being compelled to pay
for them. We might, in the course of years, find it
for our advantage to go into the Confederation; but
would not now, under the constitution laid before us,
unless some far more favourable terms are offered
than the present. A great deal had been said about
steam communication. It had been a great boon to
every country; and he granted it would be good for
us if established. One of the arguments put forward
of the advantages of steam communication between
this Island and Canada was what it would affold facilities for our operative population
to proceed to Canada
where there was a field for their labour. But he did
not see how the prosperity of this country was to be
promoted by the more energetic of our working
classes leaving us, some of whom would no doubt
prosper in Canada. But it was not a portion of the
most energetic of our population going elsewhere and
prospering that would restore the prosperity of this
country. For the mater of any of our people proceeding to Canada, what is there to
prevent them
going now? The general colonial policy is to induce
people to settle in the respective colonies; but it would
seem, by what some hon gentlemen have stated,
that the policy of this unfortunate country should be
to banish and send our people out of it as fast as they
can go; and by their exertions in Canada we are to
be raised from our present depressed state. If we
require steam communication, it will be better for us
to pay for it directly, and then we shall have it; but
there is no guarantee in the Quebec resolutions that
we would have it under Confederation. The tariff of
Canada on which the calculations for the proposed
union were based, is protective. It was denied by
the hon member for Pacantia, Mr Shea, that the Canadian tariff is protective, or that
it should now be a
matter of consideration, as a different tariff would be
adopted by the Confederate Legislature. But he
(Mr Moore) could not look upon the matter in that
light. That tariff is protective; and he (Mr Moore)
considered it a matter of vital importance to this
Colony, that we should well consider and understand,
before entering Confederation, the position we would
be placed in with regard to it, and the affect it would
have on the country. A protective tariff would not be
beneficial to Newfoundland at present. For example,
our duty upon manufactured leatherware, at present,
is 11 per cent; but under the Canadian tariff it is 25
per cent. Would not this difference of 14 per cent
be a bounty to the Canadian manufacturers? It was
idle to say that they would not take advantage of it.
Another consideration—supposing the question of
union had not been thougnt of, and that our government proposed a tariff similar to
that of Canada,
would it receive any support in this House? He
believed no government in this colony would dare to
introduce such a tariff; and, if not, why should we
put it in the power of another government to do so?
That tariff would produce at least ÂŁ50,000 over the
amount guaranteed to us by the Quebec resolutions.
Why should we send ÂŁ50,000 a year to Canada, and
more than probable have to submit to a direct taxation of ÂŁ20,000 a year besides to
support our poor
and for other purposes? If Confederation would remove the barriers of ice that sometimes
block our
coast, regulates the winds, and give us more prosperous
fisheries, then that would be an advantage. Newfoundland requires free trade; and
can we have it to
a greater extent by confederation than we have at
present? The Canadian markets are as free to us now
as we can desire. Some few articles of Canadian
manufacture might suit us; but we cannot afford to
shut ourselves out from the British or any other market for the purpose of fostering
Canadian manufactures at our expense. It would be more for our advantage to continue
our present relation with Great
Britain, even if we should have to pay, according to
our population, a small amount towards the maintenance of a military force for our
defence. And when
the British government saw the desire of the people
of this Colony to establish Volunteer Companies, as
they are doing with such spirit and ardour, to be
ready to aid and assist in their own defence, they
would not compel us to join the Confederation contrary to our expressed wishes and
interests. What
the trade of Newfoundland requires is that we should
be as free to go to the markets of the world as possible, and with as little taxation
Ĺżaid on out imports as
practicable, and try to keep foreign markets open to
our exports-to-endeavour to encourage the people to
devote more of their attention to agriculture, which
must prove more profitaole to the contry than Confederation. The prosperity of the
country must
depend upon the energies of the people, and the re
sources within themselves, and not on the prosperity
or resources of another country. It is patent that
the fishermen generally have a reluctance to betake
themselves to agriculture, from the very nature of its
pursuits being so vastly different from the pursuit of
the fisheries. But necessity would show and teach
them that it is their best alternative; and from that
and other resources he anticipated more effective and
permanent relief for the present destitution of a
portion of our operative population, than from a
union with the other British North American Colonies.
On motion of the hon
ATTORNEY GENERAL the
Committee then rose, and the Chairman reported progress. To sit again to-morrow.
The hon
RECEIVER GENERAL, by command of his
Excellency the Governor, presented to the House the
following documents:—
Shipping returns for 1864.
Return of Imports and exports for 1864.
Ordered that these documents lie on the table.
The house then adjourned until Thursday at three
o'clock.
1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Thursday, April 20, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
TUESDAY, Feb. 28.
(Continued.)
Mr. WYATT was sorry that he was not present when
this Resolution was laid before the house, and that he
had not heard the speeches of the Hon Attorney General and Mr. A Shea. He also regretted
that he had
not up to this time seen a report of the hon Attorney General's speech. He (Mr. Wyatt),
felt that
on a matter involving such vital interests to the country,
it was necessary for every representative to give the
question his most serious consideration, to calmly weigh
every particular, so that he might be enabled to arrive
at a just conclusion. He saw that the hon member for
Placentia and St Mary's, Mr. Shea, found fault with the
hon Attorney General for saying that the advantages
which Confederation would bestow were entirely speculative. He (Mr. Wyatt) quite
agreed with the opinion
of the hon and learned Attorney General on this point,
and thought that before we hastily entered into any
great speculation of this kind, we should see whether
its working would be practicable or not. Now in the
return which had been laid before the House, shewing
the difference between the Canadian tariff and our own
he believed there were some mistakes. During then he
observed that no allowance had been made for the
difference between the Imperial and Old English gallon,
which would of itself produce a difference in the estimate of some ÂŁ3,000. Now it
was very clear that notwithstanding the advocacy that had been given to this
project by hon members, they were not agreed among
themselves as to the terms on which they would join
this union. There were very few who would accept
the report of the Conference as it stood, and there were
many others who had particular objections to each
paragraph in that Report. He (Mr. Wyatt) must say
that he felt some diffidence in standing up to speak on
so important a question as this, before gentlemen so accustomed to debate. It had
been stated that when these
Resolutions were laid before the House, some hon members were said to have rushed
out and clamorously informed the people that the country, was to be sold to
Canada, and the result was the public meeting which had
lately been held in the town. He (Mr. Wyatt) believed
that that meeting had only been called for the express
purpose of petitioning for a postponement of a decision
on this question. He had the honor of presenting a
petition from the Commercial Society, that, simply
prayed for a postponement. The hon the Speaker had
the second time thrown down the gauntlet to the merchants, and had singled him (Mr.
Wyatt) out as their
champion. Now he (Mr. Wyatt) was not there in any
such capacity, but merely as a representative of the
people of Bonavista Bay. As a junior member of this
house, he had waited for his colleagues to first express
their opinions on this question. He regretted that up to
the present time the Surveyor General had not placed
his opinions before the public. Now he (Mr. W.)
could not perceive what the advantages were which were
to be received by this country when we joined this Confederatin. It appeared, however,
that we were to be
driven into it by threats. It was stated that if we did
not join, we would be compelled to pay for our military
defences. In the event of a war under this Coufederation, would not Canada have quite
enough to do to
defend her own territory? Our share of the expense
of the new nation would be more than we would be able
to pay. He did not see, in the financial statements put
forth, an adequate allowance for the maintenance of an
army and navy for Canada. The hon member for Placentia and St. Mary's, Mr. Shea, would
lead us to believe that such would not be necessary. That hon member said—"As regards
the burdens the confederation
would entail, an army and a navy were held out in prominent relief, and the alarm
of tax payers is sought
to be excited. He had already on a former occasion
explained his views on this head, and they are not
changed by further consideration. The colonies are expected to assist themselves,
but no intention exists of
placing on them so great a burtheu as an army and navy
would create. While we are dependencies, manifestly
unable to sustain so great an obiigation, its imposition
would be imposed to all sense of justice, and the relation
we hold to the mother country. No doubt the day will
come when the Confederation will, from increase of
population and wealth, necessarily cease to be a dependency, and with the best wishes
of the mother country,
from which these colonies will never voluntarily separate,
an independent national position will be assumed. When
that time does arrive, an army and a navy, and the other
obligations of national existence will doubtless become
necessary, and the country will have the ability to sustain these burdens. But at
present we have no need to
deal with such considerations. Mr. Mill, the great
writer he had already quoted, though belonging to the
school that holds the colonies of light value to England,
yet admits that "as the mother country claims the
privilege, at her sole discretion, of taking measures or
pursuing a policy which may expose then to attack, it
is just that she should undertake a considerable portion
of their military detence, even in times of peace; the
whole of it so far as it depends on a standing army."
That this is the view entertained by H. M. present Government is evident from the
paragraph in Mr. Cardwell's dispatch:—
"A very important part of this subject is the expense which may attend the working
of the central and
local goveruments. Her Majesty's Government cannot
but express the earnest hope that the arrangements which
may be adopted in this respect may not be of such a nature as to increase, at least
in any considerable degree,
the whole expenditure, or to make any material addition
to the taxation, and thereby retard the internal industry
or tend to impose new burdeus on the commerce of the
country.'
These words would be an idle mockery if it were
contemplated to impose on the Confederation the heavy
obligation an army and a navy would involve. We
may therefore conclude that the just and equitable
policy which leaves this charge for the present at least
with the Imperial Government, is that which it is proposed to follow, and that we
need not indulge in any
serious objection on this account." Now how did that
agree with the statement in the speech of the hon
George Brown? He (Mr. W.) would read an extract
[?] New Brunswick [?] on this subject:
"In Mr. Tilley's estimate of expense nothing had been
allowed for the Army and Navy. The hon A. S. Smith
puts down its cost at $2,500,000 per annum". Mr.
Smith, states that he had examined the resolution of
the Conference carefully, and could find no such item
provided for, and, during all the discussions of Conference, he never heard it proposed
to establish an army,
and construct a navy."
"The Hon George Brown, at the dinner already referred to, at which the New Brunswick
Delegates were
present, said: 'I cannot conclude without referring to
some other things which have received the grave attention of the Conference. And the
first point to which I
desire to call attention is, the fact that the delegates have
unanimously resolved that the United Provinces shall be
placed at the earliest moment in a thorough state of
defence. The attacks which have been made upon us
have created the impression that those Provinces are in
a weak and feeble state; if, then, we would do away
with this false impression, and place ourselves on a firm
and secure footing in the eyes of the world, our course
must be to put our country in such a position of defence
that we may fearlessly look our enemies in the face. It
is a pleasure to me to state, and I am sure it must be a
pleasure to all present to be informed, that the Conference at Quebec did not separate
before entering into a
pledge to put the Military and Naval defences of the
united provinces in a most complete and satisfactory
position.'
"To prove the correctness of Mr. Brown's statement
we have only to refer to the Published Scheme, Article
13 is as follows: "Militia—Military and Naval Service and Defence," Mr. Smith then
was fully justified
in adding $2,500,000 for the Military and Naval Service."
The military and naval defence of the confederation
could not be provided for without very great expense,
of keeping an Army and Navy would be very large; and
we would have to pay our proportion of the cost. However grand the idea of Coufederation
might be, the true
basis of the question was the pounds, shillings, and pence,
no matter how much hon gentlemen might sneer at that
view of the question. Every one had admitted that
the expense of the new nation, at first, would be very
great. He (Mr. W.) considered that we were going to
obtain all our manufactures from Canada, was a purely
speculative one. We certainly had the testimony of
the hon member for Carbonear, Mr. Rorke, that leatherware could be imported at a cheaper
rate from Canada
than from England, and that the articles imported were
as good as the home manufacture. But again we must
not forget what had been universally admitted, that
during at least six months of the year the Navigation of
the St. Lawrence would be closed. And would hon
gentlemen say that that would not tell against us
Again, it was held out to as an inducement to join the
Confeueration, that the Canadians would establish a dock
here. He (Mr. W.) believed that if we had one, it would
be of great advantage to us. He, however, thought that
it was very questionable whether we would ever be
indebted to the Canadians for one Again, he thought
it would be years before Agriculture could be made
anything more than a mere auxiliary to the fisheries.—
And now, that the fisheries have been unproductive for
years; and although large prices have been obtained for
produce, those persons engaged in the fisheries who
have been only partially successful are in absolute want.
How would it be if we joined the confederation, and the
fisheries were unproductive? would we be able to obtain
a grant from the Federal Government for the relief of
our poor? Or would we not be compelled to raise the
means of relief by direct taxation? It had been admitted
on all sides that the system of local assessment for the
relief of the poor could now be carried out here. He
was surprised to hear the hon. the Speaker say that the
delegates had obtained as good terms for Newfoundland
as could be expected. He (Mr. W.) must say that it
these were the best terms that could be obtained for us,
we should boldly state at once that we could not join the
Confederation. The question had been proposed to us
at a very unfavourable time, when the country was to be
at its lowest ebb. He would like to know whether the
stamp tax which existed in Canada was to be applied
here? And if so, in what shape or form? The people of
this country could not bear direct taxation. See how difficult it was to collect the
present water rates. Wny.
in many instances, the ground landlords were compelled
to pay the rates, from the extreme poverty of the tenants.
Then it must be remembered that we would also have
to pay the sewerage rates, and further direct taxation was
out of the question, even in the capital; and still less in
the outports could direct taxation be resorted to. His
own impressions, from the first, were decidedly favourable to Confederation, which
he regarded as a very grand
and imposing question. But the terms proposed in the
Resolutions of the Conference at Quebec were not such
as he considered for the advautage of Newfoundland to
accept. So far he had seen nothing that could induce
him to go into it. He would be sorry to deprive his
constituents of any benefits which might flow from it,
if really there would be any to counterbalance the disadvantages under these Resolutions.
He was very glad
indeed that the Resolution before the chair had been
proposed, which provided that the question should be
submitted to the constituencies previous to a final decision being come to upon it.
He thought the aduministration of our affairs and resources would be much better
in our own hands than in those of any eght gentlemen
whom we might send to Canada. A delegation to England on that question had been suggested.
He was not
in favour of sending home a delegation; because he
thought the interests of the country were safe in the
hands of the gentlemen interested in Newfoundland
resident there, who had an intimate acquaintance with
our circumstances and wants; and who were deeply
interested in the prosperity of the country. They would
bring much parliamentary influence to bear on the question, and would watch the progress
of affairs. In the
meantime, until we had more reliable information, and
could obtain better terms, we had better abstain from any
proceedings committing the country to any course.
Holding these views, he had much pleasure in supporting
the Resolution before the chair.
Mr. McGRATH had listened with the greatest attention
to the speecres of hon members on both sides of the
House on the great and important question before
the Confederation of the British North
American Colonies. This was a vital and important
subject to the future interests of Newfoundland,
and one that he thought should be dealt with
houestly by every hon. member of the House. The question has been so ably and full
discussed that it was not
his intention to go into it at any great lengeth. After
listening to the many lengthy, able and eloquent speeches of hon. members who had
addressed the House,
[?]
for and against Confederation, he must say that, to his
mind, the arguments in favor of Confederation were the
more convincing. Still there were some modification
which he thought were most necessary before we should
agree to accept to terms of the Quebec Resolutions.
One most necessary condition he (Mr. McGrath) considered to be a guarantee for the establishment
of steam
communication, both with Canada and England. He believed hon. members were agreed
that without steam
communication with Canada, the Union could not be effectively or beneficially carried
out. He fully concurred
in the Resolution before the chair, that no decision become to on the question until
after it is submitted to the
constituencies. This would give the people ample time
for the consideration of the question, which would thus
be submitted to the whole country; and the House
would be relieved from tha great responsibility of deciding a question of such vital
importance to the present
and future generations. He, for one, could not have
agreed to any other course; for he would not have taken
the responsibility of voting for the union without its
being previously sanctioned by his constituents. There
was no anticipation of so important a question coming
before the House, when hon. members were returned by
their constituents; and therefore the electors throughout
the Colony should have the privilege of pronouncing
upon the question, previous to a vote of that House being
taken upon it. Looking at the present depresed condition of this colony, and contrasting
it with the general
prosperity prevalent in the other British North American Provinces, he (Mr. McGrath)
anticipated a favorable
result from the appeal to the people. He believed they
would be most anxious for union. He must say that
he could not see how otherwise this country was to be
raised from its present state of depression. The fisheries
were from year to year becoming gradually less productive, the country was falling
into debt, pauperism absorbing the revenne, and leaving no surplus to be applied to
public improvements and the development of
our resources. Taking these circumstances into consideration, one would imagine that
almost any change for
Newfoundland would be for the better. If we visited
many harbors along our coast, we would find establishments, once flourishing, now
falling into decay, the majority of the fishing population losing all energy, owing
to bad fisheries, and no appearance, as in former years, of
attention to agriculture or any other pursuit from which
they could gain an independent livelihood. Considering
all these matters, he thought a union with the other
Provinces afforded the best prespect of elevating the condition of the people and
promoting the best interests of
this Colony. But, as he nad already observed, the question was one for the decision
of the people themselves,
whether they would go into the union, or return a majority to the next House opposed
to Confederation. He
had, therefore, much pleasure in supporting the Resolution before the chair.
Mr. KAVANAGH rose, not for the purpose of throwing
any additional light on the great question now before the
country, but merely to show his constituents how he felt
in the matter; and it would be for them to judge of his
conduct. Many and powerful arguments had been put
forward, both for and against Confederation. He (Mr.
K.) was glad to find that the people were alive to the
question, in which their interests are so deeply involved.
The public mind was much agitated upon it, and jusly so,
for if that question of Confederation was carried, it might
entail great and permanent ruin on the country. He was
glad, however, that the decision of the question, was to
be referred to the people themselves. The whole country would thus have time for its
consideration, and its
discussion by the people would, no doubt, have the best
results. They would have an opportunity of considering
it deliberately and in all its totality. It would be well
that they should consider how far it would be prudent on
their part to transfer to strangers the power of enacting
their laws and levying upon them any amount of taxation they pleased; also to consider
how far it would be
wise to give up to Canadians the control of the Crown
lands, mines and minerals of this lsland, and more than
that, whether they would submit to additional taxation to
meet the outlay for improvements in the other colonies,
and for the military expenditure of the Confederation.
These improvements can be of little or no benefit to the
people of this Colony, while many improvements are urgently required here, which would
be of the greatest benefit to them. Would the people consent to their rights
and privileges passing from them for ever? Should they
consent to all this, they would deserve the blackest servitude. The British Government
had, in their wisdom,
conferred upon us a free constitution, fully satisfied that
we were able to manage our own affairs. Were we, then,
going to give up that great boon? He (Mr. K) said no,
Let our heart's blood flow to preserve our free constitution under the British flag.
Much had been said on that
great and important question. Some hon. members spoke
of the great benefits conferred on Scotland by the union
with England. No doubt Scotland was a great gainer
by that union. But he would ask permission to turn to
another question, and ask how Ireland has been under
her union with England? Had she gained any benefits
by that? How has it fated with that lovely land of the
sun, which might be said, or its fertility, to be flowing
with milk snd honey—that land whose sons are brave,
and its daughters virtuous, who sent forth saints and heroes to instruct man and combat
tyrants–heroes who
never struck their flag to an enemy, and the plains of
Waterloo could bear testimony to that fact, in the person
of the late distinguished Duke of Wellington, who was a
son of that misruled Island. He (Mr. K.) would ask the
question again.—Was Ireland benefited by the union?
On the contrary, she lost every thing that was dear to her
people. Let any person take up Sir Jonah Barrington's
Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation, read it with care, and let
him say what Ireland lost by her union with England.
No country ever rose so quickly, in the short space of
eighteen years—more that Ireland did, whilst she had
the full control of her own affairs. But when she lost
that she sank far below tue level of a petty province;
and is now steeped in misery and want; and her hardy
and industrious race deserting her every day, and leaving
her green fields a barren waste. All this must be
attributed to her union with England. With this fact
before our eyes, let us, in the name of everything that is
good, retain that great book which the mother country
besowed upon us; and let us look to a kind Providence
for better times.—Let the people stand firm together,
and preserve the freedom and independence of their
country: for this is not the work of party or of faction,
but the united work uĹż the country; and when a people
become blended and inseparable, their power cannot be
resisted, but must be acknowledged. Then before Newfoundland is committed, he (Mr.
K.) trusted that no
man would shrink from his duty. In supporting the just
claims, and doing justice to the people. And the man
that would, let him be branded as one unfit for the confidence of any constituency,
and let him be scorned from
power at the next general election; for the man would
willingly barter away the liberties of his country for a
mess of pottage, should not be tolerated. Then with his
whole heart and soul he (Mr. K) opposed confederation,
until the people are fully convinced that by entering
into the scheme their interests would be promoted. And
in doing do he based his objections on the following
reasons:—First, our
[?] and
[?]
pass away for ever from our hands, and must be entirely
placed under the control of the Federal Government,
which would tend to destroy the prospects of our people; and should it suit the whim
of the Federal Government, they would place such restrictions on our
fishing population as would entirely cripple our great
staple trade; and having no guarantee to the contrary,
such restrictions might be imposed. Secondly,–the
General Government will have the power of taxing to
any amount our imports and exports, even our houses,
lands, cattle, and all other property we possess, in order
to raise a revenue, which would press heavily upon the
people. The steam communication is named, but no
guarantee is given for its being carried into effect. We
have merely the promise of the existing government of
Canada for its being carried out. The regulation of our
trade and commerce would be under Federnl control,
and we knew full well, if the mercantile interests of this
Island came in contact with those of Canada, that ours
would have to give way. That, in itself, was a great
objection which had to go into Confederation. Our
Lighthouses, buoys and beacons would be under the
control of the Commissioners of the Federal Government; in fact every institution
now under our own sole
management would pass into Federal hands; and over
them we would not he allowed the smallest control. The
paltry sum of ÂŁ80,000, with ÂŁ32,000 assumed on our
account was all we were to receive annually, whatever
amount of revenue might be collected at our ports; and
with this sum of ÂŁ80,000 a year we would have to
defray the whole of our local expenditure, including the
making and repairing of local roads and bridges. If this
sum would prove inadequate, we must have recourse to
direct taxation. Then our Crown lands would pass from
under our charge, with our mines and minerals. A
Canadian Surveyor General would be sent down to take
charge of the Crown lands department, who would receive his instructions from the
Federal Government, and
have a regard solely to their interests and wishes in the
management and disposal of these lands as well as of
mining licenses. Considering all this, was it a matter of
surprise that there was such a strong public feeling
against Confederation? There was no guarantee, on the
other hand, that our circumstances would be in any
respect improved under Confederation; but, on the
contrary, he (Mr. K.) thought they would be much
damaged. Therefore he considered that Confederation
would not suit the country. But should the people
think otherwise, with them the decision would lie. Let
them declare at the approaching General Election in
favour of union, taking the responsibility on themselves;
and then no blame would attach to their representatives.
But until his constitueots were satisfied that it would be
for their benefit to enter into the Confederation, he (Mr.
K.) was determined to oppose it.
Mr. BARRON.—The subject of Confederation which
has been so long before the house and so ably discussed
on both sides, was now very nearly exhausted. He had
listened with great attention to the arguments which had
been adduced for and against the proposed union. But
notwithstanding the able and eloquent speeches which
had been made, he saw no reason to
change the opinion
which he had held for a long time, but had never publicly
expressed, that Confederation must prove of substantial
benefit and advantage to Newfoundland. The Resolutions of the Conference did certainly
seem objectionable
in some minor matters of detail. The most important
subject which he considered it necessary to refer to, and
without which, in his opinion, there could be no Confederation, because there would
be no reciprocity of interest or equality of benefit, was steam communication. He
saw that provision had been made for the intercolonial
railway, which, in itself, would confer more advantages
upon the sister Colonies than upon Newfoundland. He
thought, therefore, that we were entitled to direct steam,
and that a provision guaranteeing it to us should have
been inserted in these resolutions He, however, did
not see how it was possible for us to have direct steam
with Toronto. It must be evident to any reflecting mind
regarding the present condition of the country, and comparing it with its progress
and uncertain prosperity in
the past, that if we are left to our own unaided resources,
there can be no possible hope of our ever bettering our
condition, but that with the ever increating burden of
pauperism, and consequent social demoralization, national insolvency must inevitably
follow. We have nothing
to depend upon but our fisheries, which are of the most
precarious character; we have no other resource to emplay the industry of the people;
and when our fisheries
failed, we had nothing to hope for. Hon. gentlemen
had spoken about the good fisheries of the past; but
any one acquainted with them must know that if they
were good one year, they were bad the next. The history of the country, shewed a succession
of good
and bad fisheries; an he (Mr. B.) firmly believed that
twenty years hence, we would be in the same state of
poverty and degradation that we are in at present. The
great cry that was raised against Confederation, was additional taxation. He (Mr.
B.) believed that that was a
bugbear, a species of political clap-trap, that was only
resorted to, to mislead and deceive the people. He felt
assured that our imports from Canada, coming in duty
free, would more than counter-balance any increase in our
tariff. Hon. gentlemen who were opposed to this Confederation had taken the tariff
of 1864, and roundly asserved that it would be applied to us. Did they not know
that that tariff was an exceptional one, and that it was
to be remoddelled? Hon. gentlemen had also said that
the Reciprocity Treaty would not be done away with. He
(Mr. B.) knew that it would. He was as well informed
on this point as any other hon, member—the notice for
its abrogation had passed the United States Senate some
time ago; and a settled determination existed not to
continue it. From the time of its inception up to the
present, the farmers of the United States had always been
opposed to it; and now that the influence of the Western
States was more powerful in the Senate than formerly,
on account of the Southern Confederacy, there was no
possibility of its continuance, And the raids from Canada had so incensed the people
of the States, that they
were desirous of hasteniug its abrogations. The loss,
therefore, of the Reciprocity treaty must be regarded as
settled. It would be greatly felt by this Colony, which
had derived great advantages from it. It was necessary
therefore, that, in our present position, we should have
something else to depend upon. He did not see that we
could get terms much better than these offered to us.
We are not in a position to dictate terms. Poverty and
misery are rife among us, and unless we join in this Confederation, we could hope
for no improvement in our social coudition. He did no know much at out the value
of our mines and minerals; but as General Government were giving us the large sum
of ÂŁ37,300 per an num for them, he certainly thought that we should not
reject such an offer. These mines would then be worked, and as necessary consequence,
a new branch of industry would be opened up for our laboring population,
and great substantial benefit conferred on the country.
Up to this period our mines had been in the hands of one
[?]
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
of the country had been given to him, and in many places
the Agriculturist was precluded from settling on some of
the finest lands in the country, because they were in the
hands of a private individual, who had obtained possession of them. He perfectly coincided
with the wisdom
and prudence of this Resolution, which left the constitu encies of the country to
decide the question. Already we
found great change of opinion in the ranks of the anticonfederates. One gentleman,
who at the first was oppsed to the principle altogether, had now so modified
his views as only to object to the details. He (Mr. Barron) would have voted against
any Resolution that would
have operated to bind the country without appealing to
the people. He had only heard the closing remarks of
the hon. member for Bonavista, Mr. Wyatt. That hon.
gentleman had such an exalted idea of the power and in fluence of the mercantile body,
that he believes that in fluence will be sufficiently strong to snuff out all those
who have had the manly independance of fearlessly speaking their sentiments in opposition
to the opinions of
the merchants of St. John's, who are not themselves
agreed on the measure. That hon, member had indulged
in similar remarks before, and he had been very properly
snubbed for it. That should have taught him a lesson in
modesty. With reference to the suggestion that it
would be well to send delegates to England to watch
proceedings there, he saw no necessity for it, he would
oppose it. The Resolution before the house definitely
settled the question until the next session; and he conceived nothing more was required.
He had much pleasure in supporting the Resolution.
Mr. PARSONS.—The subject of a Confederation of
the British North American Colonies has now been
tolerably well discussed by this House; and no doubt
the effect of that discussion upon the public mind has
been useful, in enabling indifferent persons to arrive
at a satisfactory conclusion as to the advantages or
disadvantages—the good, or evil—which might result
to this country by forming a part of the proposed
aliance. Before I proceed farther, however, I should
like to inquire how this question has presented itself
for our consideration. We are aware that the Legislatures of the neighbouring Provinces
deputed each
several of their members to attend a Couvention held
last year at Quebec, to deliberate on the expediency
of uniting with the Canadas to form a Colonial Confederation. To this Convention the
Executive Govern ment of Newfoundland despatched two gentlemen as
Deleagtes. The Assembly was no party to the appointment. The people, or the representatives
of the
people, knew nothing of the mission upon which they
were sent. It appears, however, that a suite of Resolutions was drawn up as the basis
of a constitution for
the formation of a new nation to be created by a union
of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Priuce Edward
Island and Newfoundland with the Canadas. These
Resolutions were passed in secret, that is, the public
were not admited to the deliberations of the conclave.
The Executive Oelegates from Newfoundland sigued
these Resolutions, several of which were only carried
by a majority of one, ahd that one the casting vote of
an instrument of Canada, thereby pledging the Government of Newfoundland, whose special
plenipotentiaries the Delegates from this colony were, to all the
stipulations contained in them. Now, this being the
case, how came these Resolutions before the House
in the illegitimate shape in which they appear? The
act of signing these Resolutions was certainly the
act of the Government, whose commissioners the Delegates were, and the transaction
should either have
been rejected by the Government altogether, or have
been laid upon the table of the House as a Government measure. Had the Resolutions
at Quebec been
agreed to by delegates duly appointed by this house,
the matter would have been quite different; then their
Report would have come before the house in a constitutional manner, and might be ratified
as the act of
Deputies rightfully appointed to do certain things on
the part of the Assembly. As it is, it is well to disabuse the British Government
of any impression it
may entertain, that this house recognises, in any way,
the proceedings of the Delegates, or that their signatures commit them, in the sightest
particular to their
views; that, therefore, the question is an open one,
and that this Legislature is not in a position to come
to a conclusion upon it. With these views I heartily
support the Resolution before the chair. As to the necessity or expediency of this
Colony joining the proposed Confederacy, I am entirely opposed to it, on any
plea. It has been urged that we ought to do so, on the
score of self-protection. I deny that there is any fear
whatever to be apprehended on that point. We have had
in all the wars in which Great Britain has been engaged,
ample protection from the mother land; and is her
strength so decayed,that she cannot still throw the shield
of her defence around us, as she has hitherto done? I
do not believe it. I have that unswerving confidence
in her naval superiority, as to believe that she
is as able, and as willing now as ever she was, to protect us against her foes, no
matter from what quarter
they may come. Surrounded as our rock-girt coasts
are by the broad Atlantic, our soil is secure against
any invasion which could uot be successfully met and
rendered abortive by the navy of England. In the
name of the people Newfoundland, I therefore repudiate the idea that we shall be more
secure against agression by entering the contemplated Union with
Canada, than we are at the present moment, a colony with a millstone of forty millions
of dollars of
debt about her neck, whose credit is doubtful at home,
and whose debentures are at a discount in the foreign
market. Let me now call the attention of the house
to the moving causes which operated to induce the
Canadians to devise a union with the Mariine Colonies;
and I shall quote from a writer seemingly well posted
up in Colonial politics:—
"In Nova Scotia Legislature, last spring, resolutions were carried recommending that
delegates be appointed to consider the subject of a Union of Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island
(but not Canada) to be under one Government and
Legislature. Similar resolutions were passed in the
Legislatures of New Brunswick and Prince Edward
Island, and accordingly delegates were appointed by
the Provinces named, who, in September, met at
Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island. They were
either, unable to agree, or did not desire to carry
out the instructions of the different legislatures
which authorised their appointment.—Previously,
however, to the meeting of the delegates, a number
of leading Canadians arrived at Halifax, upon
the invitation of some of the people of that city,
and being very well treated there, fell into such love
towards that province as the crow is said to have for
the corrion. A few Haligonians, who imagine that
they can control the whole province, seemed ready
to sell us for to promise of an intercolonial railroads.
The Upper Canadians, a shrewd and calculating people, saw at once that the intercolonial
road would
be vastly more beneficial to themselves, and,
moreover, that if they could get Nova Scotia
with New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island,
under their control, they would materialy help to
prop up their tottering credit, and better still, enable
them to surmount the troubles and difficulties which,
for years, existed between Upper and Lower Canada,
and which destroyed the stability of their several successive Governments. What that
difficulty was it may
not be out of place briefly to mention. In 1827 the
population of Lower Canada, which was then and for
some time after a separate povince, numbered some
600,000. Of this number 525,000 were of French
descent, and professed the Catholic religion. With
upwards of five of French to one of British origin, the
number of salaried offices held by frenchmen was only
47, while the fraction (75,000) of British descent held
157 offices of emolument. This, with numerous other
grievances, produced the irritation and discontent
which resulted in the rebollion of 1837. In 1840,
after the rebellion was put down, as if to avoid future difficulty, the two provinces
of Upper and Lower
Canada were united under one government and legislature, both sections having an equal
number of representatives in the General Assembly. The popuIation of Lower Canada
about the time (by the census
of 1844) was 690,892, while that of Upper Canada (in
1842) was but 486 255, and it will be seen that if the
principle of representation according to population
were then adopted, Lower Canada would have a vast
majority in the House of Assembly; but that right was
conceded to Lower Canada. Upper Canada possessing
an extensive and fertile territory unoccupied, soon attracted a considerable stream
of emigration, and rapidly increased in population and wealth, so that now,
the population of that part of the country is 1,395,222
against the 1,166,148 of Lower Canada. Upper
Canada, therefore, now exceeds Lower Canada in point
of population, as much as the latter exceeded the
former at the time of the Union. No sooner did the
Upper Canadians find themselves considerably stronger in point of numbers than they
demanded representation according to population, in the hope that, having
obtained that end, the institutions, laws, nationality,
and religion of the Lower Canadiars would be at
their mercy and under their control. George Brown,
the arch-bigot of Upper Canada, did not hesitate to
declare publicly that this became a public necessity,
for the reasons just mentioned, and by indulging in
the grossest abuse of everything Cathoic inflamed the
minds of the people on the one side and the other.
The French and the other Catholics of Lower Canada
very correctly answered the Upper Canadians to this
effect:—'At the time of the Union our majority over
you was over two hundred thousand, and hid the
principle of representation by population, which you
now seek to establish, been then coaceded to us, we
would long have had a large majority in the House
of Assembly, and our political status would have now
been better than it is. That privilege was denied us,
and you entered the Union with the understanding
that we were to continue to have an equal number
of representatives. We both had to agree to it under
an Imperial enactment, and it is now part of the constitution of our country., While
we had a majority
you claimed and received an equality of representation
and the rule which was applied to you then should
equally apply to us now. With your hereditary hatred
of our laws, our institutions, and, what is dearer to
us, our religion; with your strong, numerous, and
well-organized body of Orangemen and others equally
desirous to curtail our rights, if not trample us out of
existence, we will not agree to give you the power
which will enable you to do so while the constitution
and the laws of the country and our own position in
the Legislature protect us. We are tired of your company, as we have received nothing
but injustice at
your hands since the Union. If you are not prepared
to carry out the arrangement upon which we became
united, let us take steps to sever the connection. Let
us again become two separate provinces, each having
its own Legislature and Government. We are both
powerful, and we may be both prosperous and happy
under separate Governments.' It will be seen that, in
this respect, Lower Canada had both right and justice
on her side, but Upper Canada was not content to
separate. Leading men continued to agitate the question of representation according
to population. Several governments were form d within a limited number
of years, but they were destined to rule the country
but for brief periods. At last the danger was that no
efficient government could be formed, and that Upper
Canada would not get the system of representation
which she desired. Mr George Brown, ever-watchful
to effect the darling object of his life, saw that if the
proposed union of New Brunswick, Prince Edward
Island and Nova Scotia could be defeated, and a more
comprehensive one could be effected, to include Canada, his mission would be complete.
And that then
Lower Canada as well as the other provinces would be
very soon under the absolute control of Upper Canada
and that his dear Orangemen would have it all their
own way. He came to Charlottetown where it appears
that he met more than one sympathiser, and the only
union which the delegates were authorized by the different Legislatures to effect
was abandoned. Brown
got our delegates to follow him to Canada, where they
met with a continued ovation; and no doubt every
glass of champagne which they swallowed brightened
the prospects of Upper Canadian ascendancy, and
assured the Toronto Orangemen that they may reasonably expect soon to occupy a position,
not only to hiss
and insult a Prince of Wales with impunity, but to
beard the British Lion in his den if he decsides to
carry out their behests and trample on the religious
feelings and rights of millions of loyal British subjects.
To carry the scheme successfully into operation, it
became necessary to declare Lower Canada, nominally,
a separate province, with the expenses incident to a
government and legislature, but without the power
which legitimately belong to them; and Nova Scotia,
New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island had to be
thrown into the scale, just in such a manner as was
necessary to effect the union and sabserve Canadian
interests."
Thus it will be seen that this Confederation has
been suggested purely for the benefit of Upper Canada. But lest the House should doubt
the conclusions
of the writer I have quoted, I will give hon members
extracts from a Despatch transmitted to Nova Scotia
by the Canadian Government, and which will be found
recorded in the Journal of the Assembly of the former
province for 1859. This Despatch is signed by G. E.
Cartier, John Ross, and A. T. Galt, then in the Canadian Government.
1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Monday, April 24, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
TUESDAY, Feb. 28.
SPEECH OF MR. PARSON'S–(Continued.)
"We have the honor to submit, for the consideration
of Her Majesty's Government, that the Governor General of Canada, acting under the advice of his responsible
advisers, has been pleased to recommend that the subject of a federative union of the Provinces
of British
North America should form the subject of discussion by
delegates from each Province, to be appointed under the
orders of Her Majesty's Government; and we have been
instructed to urge the importance of his step, as well
upon grounds peculiar to Canada, as from considerations
affecting the interests of the other colonies and of the
whole Empire.
"It is our duty to state, that very grave difficulties now
present themselves in conducting the government of Canada in such a manner as to shew
due regard to the wishes
of us numerous population. The union of Lower and
Upper Canada was based upon a perfect equality being
preserved between these Provinces, a condition the more
necessary from the differences in their respec ive languages, laws, and religion—and
although there is never
a large Fnglish ponulation in Lower Canada, still there
differences erist which perent any perfect and complete
assimilation of the views of the two sections.
"At the time of tue union act, Lower Canada potsessed a much larger population than
Upper Canada;
but this produced no difficulty in the government of the
united Povinces under that act; since that period, however, the progress of population
has been more rapid
in the western section, and claims are now, made on
behalf of is inhabitants for giving them representation
in the Legislature in proportions to their numbers—
which claims, involving, it is believed, a most serious
interference with the principle upon which the union was
based, have been and are stennously resisted by Lower
Canada. The result as shewn by an agitation, fraught
with great danger to the peaceful and harmonious working of our Constitutional system,
and consequently,
detrimental to the progress of the Province.
"The necessity of providing a remedy for a state of
things that is yearly becoming worse, and of sllaying
feelings that are being daily aggravated by the contention of political parties, has
impressed the advisers of
Her Majesty's Representative in Canada with the importance of seeking for such a mode
of dealing with their
difficulties as may forever remove them. In this view,
it has appeared to them advisable to consider how far
the Union of Lower with Upper Canada could be rendered essentially federative, in
combination with the
Provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfound.
land, and Prince Edward Island, together with such
other territories as it may be hereafter desirable to incorporate with such Confederation,
from the Possessions
of the Crown in British North Amerca.
"The undersigned are convinced that Her Majesty's
Government will be fully alive to the grave nature of
the circumstances referred to, which, are stated by them
under the full responsibility of their position as advisers
of the Crown in Canada. They are satisfied that the
time has arrived for a constitutional discussion of all
means whereby the evils of internal dissensions may be
avoided in such an important aependency of the Empire
as Canada."
These extracts let in a flood of light upon the Confederation scheme, and clearly
show that the interests
of the Maritime Colonies were to be made subservient
to effect the ascendency of Upper over Lower Canada.
If the people of Newfoundland were so besotted as to
give up their independent position, and the government
of their country to Canada, they must consent to be subjected to a state of taxation
hitherto unknown in this
Colony. We are already taxed at the rate of about five
dollars a head. By one of the Quebec Resolutions,
signed by the Newfoundland Delegates, the General, or
Canadian Government, sitting at Ottawa, are empowered
to levy taxes on the people in every shape and in every
form, and upon property of every description, thus the
fisherman's craft and gear, and the farmer's land and
stock, as well es that of the tradesman, will all alike be
subject to taxation;—nay the Canadian Government
may even, if they like, impose an income tax, or an export tax; upon our fish and
oil. The
supporters of the Confederate scheme, and particularly
our so-called Delegates, affect to smile at our fears of
taxation. If we are taxed at all; they say the impost
will be so-light as to be almost imperceptible. I entirely disagree with them. Any
tax on this colony,
however light, could not be borne, in addition to the
taxes under which the people already labour. Look at
the hardship now felt and expressed in consequence of
the water-rates; and if the comparatively small burden
of the Water Company be almost unbearable, how will
the enormous taxes which, as a member of the Confederation, this Colony must pay for
the sustenation of the
General Government, be eudured? As to the extent of
taxation to which we should undoubtedly be liable, let
us hear what Judge Marshall says upon the subject. In
a phamphlet on Confederation, Mr. Marshall says:—
"This rate, when so made, may look small, by an
addition of 2 or 5 per cent; but it must be remembered
that when it is so estimated,—it includes all in poor or
destitute circumstances, even every pauper and begging
child throughout the land. Deduct first, thousands of
all those who pay nothing of the duty, as they are consumers of very little, if any,
of the articles on which the
duties are imposed. Then divide the rest of the population into families; and supposed
each of these be composed of six persons—the usual estimate—the husband,
wife, and four children, all dependent on the labour of
the man. Apply this estimate to our population of
about 340,000, and it will be seen that there are about
56,000 families; and according to the admitted estimate
of $3,60c for each one of our population, the amount of
duty on each head of a family, instead of $2,60c is
$13. Then add 5 per cent to the 10 at present,
making 15 per cent, and there will be $6 50c increase, either important additon to
the expense
of the small farmer, and trademen, and others of the
working class, whose payment of duties, instead of
$13, will thus be $19 50c. These are plain estimates
and conclusions of facts, and which all may comprehend;
and which none, by any sophistries or fallacies, can controvert or explain away. And
moreover, as Canada,
from its embarrassed circumstances, cannot afford to
reduce its taxation to 15 per cent, but must remain at
20, ours must be the same, which would make $6 60c
more, making the whole tax on each head of a family,
throughout our whole population, $26, or ÂŁ6 10s. But
when it is considered that there will inevitably be increased taxation for the inter-colonial
railway—the expenses of the General Parliament and Government at
Ottawa—for canal extensions and improvements—all in
Canada—also for fortifications, many hundreds of miles
along the great rivers and lakes of Canada—for a navy
of some respectable, adequate number, on those lakes;
and for a like adequate military force in each of the
Province; besides for many miscellaneous and expensive
sevices, the whole taxation on each head of a family—as
already given—can scarcely be that $40 or £10. It
is true, it will be paid by what is call indirect taxation,
or increased prices of the articles on which duties are
imposed; but the expense to the man is the same.—
* * We are told by the advocates for Confederation that we should think of our posterity
and secure a
heritage or our chidren. Well as this is right enough,
to a certain extent; and it is right the living, acting persons of this generation,
should look to their present
interests. If, they neglect these, and suffer themselves
to be placed at the mercy of extravagant Canadian politicians, who have brought their
own country into deep
embarrassment, and will bring themselves under heavy
and appressive taxation, they will have but a poor beritage for their posterity, even
that of the same or even
greater burdens. There is also held furth, in support of
Confedation; visions of what is called "prestige," or a
name of greatness for the country to which, by that
change, we shall be said to belong. But these are but
visions, and if realized, will be a sorry compensation for
that heavy increase of taxation and other evils. Such
visions, realized or not, will not answer in the place of
bread and other necessaries for a family, or avert embarrassments or want. * * The
Canadian rulers, for a
course of years, instead of increasing general taxation by
duties on importations, and thereby so enlarging their revenue,as to coine moderately
near meeting their extravagant
and often corrupt expenditures, have gone on borrowing
money for those purposes, until, in that way, their debt
became so ruinous as it now is, and almost ruined their
credit, But, in the meantime, they kept their population tolerably quiet, as they
were not feeling any burdensome weight of taxation,—partly through there being so
many articles imported free of duty. This is a common
expedient, and for a time a seccessful one, with corrupt
or extravagant public ruler. By the proposed Confederation, the General Parliament
and Government will
have the power to borrow money to any extent fot public
purposes, and as they will require very large sums for
the numerous service and objects already specified, and
as thier credit will be low, owing to their present enormous debt, they will, in order
to raise funds for these objects, be obliged to resort to greatly increased taxation,
indirect or direct, or both; and we shall have to pay our
part of it, equally with Canada. They are to have, in
addition to Customs, and Excise duties, the power of
'raising money by all or any other modes or systems of
taxation.' They may, therefore, lay it upon the head,
the farm, the house, the ship, the mill, the stock, the
trade, or in any and every mode."
Hon. Gentlemen in favor of Confederation, have ransacked even ancient English history
as far back as the
Heptarchy, to shew us the advantage States have derived
from union; but I do not think they have been happy
in their references. "It has been so long a common
saying, and made applicable to every subject (save the
writer whom I have before quoted) that union is strength;
that it has come to be thought by most persons a maxim
universally and invariably true. On the contrary, however, in many cases instead of
being a cause of power, it
is one of weakness, decay and ultimate dissolution; and
partial or general injuries and unhappiness. This is
especially, and, indeed, almost universally true, in instances of a national or political
nature, where the elements or chief constituent parts of the Union are of an
incongruous or dissimilar description, as to country; religion, pecuniary or other
interests; and in the habits of
life. This has been nearly the result of the Union between Upper and Lower Canada,
and would undoubtedly
be the case on a wider scale, if a Confederation of the
Maritime Colonics was consummated. It would lay the
basis of strifes and contentions unknown to us at present;
our sectional Legislatures—or state parliaments—would
be in constant antagonism and general discontent would
prevade the peoples of the maritime states, until, perhaps,
as a remedy for the evil, the yoke of Canada would be
thrown off, and annexation to the neighboring Republic
preferred." The reference to Scotland is equally as absurd as that of the Heptarchy—there
is no possible similarity in the Canadian scheme and the union of Scotland
with England—and even if there were, it is a question
whether Scotland would not be better off to-day than she
is, if she were governed by her own Legislature, without
the interference of the General Government, "The case
of Scotland (says a colonial writer) to which the advocates of Confederation are so
fond of referring, differs
very widely from ours. England. Scotland, and Wales
do not form an unwidely, nor even a large country, taken
altogether, and the inducements offered to the Scotch at
the time of the Union were very much greater than any
now offered to us. At that time the policy of England
was almost the very reverse of what it now is. Not only
did it not allow foreign nations to trade with its colonies
and foreign possessions, but it would not allow Scotland,
although a part of the empire, to share the trade. Scotland, eager for a Colonial
trade, had essayed the work of
colonization on its own behalf, sending costly expeditions
to the Istmus of Darien. and, we believe, to the coast of
Africa also, to found other colonies. These proved
most disastrous failures. The commercial community of
Scotland had also engaged largely in some of the wild
speculations of the period, and were much embarrassed in
consequence. The Union offered them not merely the
right to trade with England, where they could hope to
sell little, but with all the English possessions. To a
trading people this was a great temptaion. Of the benefits to result from such an
expansion of trade there could
be no doubt. Swarms of the feedy aristocracy of Scotlandhad followed James to the
English Court, and learned to long for some better share in the wealth of that
country than the favoritism of that Monarch, or his decendents, could give them. The
Scotch aristocracy were,
to a very great extent, in favor of the Union. Yet the
people of Scotland—the vast majority of the people—
were opposed to the measure, which was carried by bribery, corruption and fraud. Amidst
all these evil practices, however, the advocates of the Union preserved at
least the semblance of constitutional action. The first
step was to appoint through Parliament Commissioners to
consider the terms of the Union, which were afterwards submitted to the Parliament
for approval. Self-appointed
delegates did not in that case undertake so great a work.
But it is said we will do better than Scotland did; we will
have representaion according to population, which Scotland did not obtain. True; but
Scotland was really no
party to a measure of which almost the whole people disapproval, and which was carried
by the most corrupt
means. And it was specially provided that Scotland was
to be taxed less than England. The elements of representation then taken into account
were population, probable wealth and revenue. In our case if we go into
Confederation we will pay more taxes then the people of
Canada, and have only equal representation according to
numbers; while the benefits offered to us are at best
but small and doubtful when compared to those then
offered to Scotland. The only trade offered to us is a
trade merely in domestic manufactures. But is the present condition of Scotland owing
to the Act of Union?
Would it not be as well off to-day, if not better off, were
its own Parliament and Government sitting in Edinburgh?
Those who refer to the state of Scotland look only at the
busy factories and shipyards in the Clyde, and in a few
other districts. They never speak of the depopulation of
the Highlands, from which so many of the clans were
driven, to make room for deer and grouse, for sheep. The
Act of Union, which, in course of time, made men an incumbrance on these mountains,
led directly to the conversion of that part of Scotland into a wilderness; but it
would he hard to prove that the people of the Lowlands
would be less active, less industrious, less enterprising
than they now are, if they had their own Parliament as
we have, and were at the same time at liberty to trade
with all the world as we are. Scotland pays a larger amount of taxation. Can any of
the advocates of Confederation tell how much of that taxation is expended in Scotland,
and how mucn is taken off to add to the wealth of
England? Can any one tell where the Imperial
dockyard, or foundry, or manufactory of arms is to be
found in Scotland? The Imperial protection is, perhaps,
an equivalent for the money taken from the country; but
would we like to to see all the revenue raised in this
province for all time to come transferred to the same
way to Ottawa, and expended in Canada? The advocates
of Confederation say it would stop the emigration of
young men from the Provinces. Did the union stop the
emigration from Scotland? Did it not rather give
that emigration an impetus which it teel to this day, so
that except ireland—another country deprived of is
Legislause independence—no country in Europe sends
out so macy emigrarts in proportion to its population?
The case of Scotland proves nothing in favor of Confederation"
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
If Scotland, proves nothing in favour of Union,
what does the state of Ireland and the contition of
her people prove? Has not the Union of Ireland
with England proved the greatest curse that ever
afflicted a noble and brave and generous people? Did
not the great O'Connell wear out the best years of his
life in his endeavours to obtain a repeal of that odious
compact in view? Were not some of her most talentad sons not many years sine —aye,
even Mr. McGee
himself—driven by law from the land of their birth as
felons, for protesting against the injustice of her Confederate sister England, and
ought not the social condition of that unfortunate country for the last century to
stand out in bold relief as a warning to us to
avoid this confederation scheme as fraught with untold
dangers not only to the present generation, but to
successive ones for all time to come. That Union
was brought about by duplicity, bribery, and treachery, and if ever these colonies
are compelled to wear
the Canadian chain, it will only be by similar means;
and here I will take the liberty of presenting an ex tract in reference to the Union
of Ireland with England
from the pen (I think) of a Nova Scotia Statesman,
rife in historic facts, couched in language far superior
to any that I could use:—
Was Ireland's connexion with England voluntary?
No. Strongbow partially conquered the island in
1169, and by slow degrees the country was overrun
and mastered, till Henry the Eighth received from
its Parliament the title of King of Ireland. How
irksome an I hateful this domination was, is to be
read in the whole dreary and bloody history of Ireland.
The people were always ready to rise, and often did
rise, to throw off the Saxon yoke. They were as often
overpowered and trodden down. Then penal laws
were enacted and enforced, under which every species
of tyranny and injustice were perpetrated. Why need
we dwell on the long and bloody record of mutual
slaughter, perfidy, bigotry and confiscation? To be
ruled by a people a long way off Mr. Tobin, must
think a great luxury. Perhaps "distance lends enchantment to the view." Cromwell's
Ottawa was only
330 miles away, yet he sold 20000 Irish as slaves in
America, and drove 49,000 more into foreign service.
What would he have done had the seat of his government been 500 miles further off?
"The Parliament of Ireland, like the powerless
Legislature which we are to retain, served to amuse
the conquered country. So long as it was subservient
to that of England, it was permitted to exist. But as
soon as it began to show a national spirit, it was
bought up, overawed, and wiped out of existence, as
ours will be, if it ever dares to maintain the rights of
Nova Scotia, and ceases to be servile and trueulent
to the Grand Parliament of Ottawa.
"But we are told that when the Union of the two
countries became complete, Ireland began to prosper, and that we should be encouraged
by her example. In the first place let us show that we are not
pressed by the necessities which compelled Ireland to
surrender her Legislature. George Brown is not
Strongbow, or Oliver Cromwell, or William the Third.
The Upper Canadians have never conquered us. We
are therefore under no necessity to surrender to them
our Legislative independence, if we desire to retain it,
Castlereagh's mode may be tried; but, if it is, let us
hope there is virtue enough in Nova Saotia to resist
the temptations. The Legislative Union, which we
are asked to copy, was consummated in 1800. For
64 years Ireland has enjoyed the supreme felicity of
having her affairs managed by by a Government and
Parliament only 300 miles off—What have been the
results? Read them in the history of the dominant
Church, fastened upon the Irish majority by the English majority over the sea; read
them in the tithe
exactions, military enforcements of tithe, and murders
of the proctors; read them in the hostile [?] of
Orangemen and Ribbonmen—in the eternal divisions
among the public men of the country that was sold,
and by which the country that parchased has always
been able to divide and rule Ireland at her good will
and pleasure.
"We are told that the Canadas will quarrel among
themselves, and that, we shall hold the balance of
power. But let us take warning from history. How
often have the Irish bean abla to do this? Only once
in the whole dreary half century of their Union with
the stronger country—when O'Connell, a man of a
style of mind rarely matured oftener than once in a
hundred years, by the labor of a life; and by a combination of popular qualities seldom
controlled by a
judgment so sagacious, succeeded in uniting his countrymen and dictating to the English
Cabinet. But
presently came divisions, and jealousies, and conceited pretenders, and the Liberator's
heart was broken;
and since that time we have had Young Irelanders
and premature insurrection; and then we have had
brigades, and parliamentary combinations, broken or
bought up almost as soon as formed; and now we
have the Belfast riots and Fenians, and secret societies, foreign aud domestic,—the
vague yearning of the
national heart being ever for the restoration of that
self-government which a few corrupt legislators burtered away.
"If anybody wants to understand what Ireland I lost
and how little she gained by the union, let him read
her chequered stories of famines and fevers; of evictions and midnight murders; let
him see her helpless
minority strugling in Parliament, an her beggars
wandering in the streets. Let him see her emigrants
flooding by thousands and by millions from a country
where patriotism brings no distinction, an I labor will
bring no reward, and then let him come and ask Nova
Scotians who have been thirty years struggling for
self-government to go and follow her example.
"We have examined the Parliamentary returns
from 37 counties in Ireland to see how much richer
the people of that country have become by having all
their clever men, and rich men, drawing their revenues
from the soil, spending them in London, which they
do for eight or ten months at least, of almost every
year. The rate of wages is lowest in Tipperary, where
men earn on an average throughout the year but 5s.
7d. per week, and highest in Roscommon, where they
earn 10s. 2d. per week. For a short time in the spring,
and for about a month in harvest, man can earn from
12s. to 15s. per week, the highest rates being not more
than half a laborer's wages in British America. The
strog; woman of Ireland can earn from 3s 6d to 5s.
per week for field work. Children unier sixteen years
of age are hired at from 2s 6d to 3s 6d The common
diet of the people is milk and potatoes.—They rarely
eat meat or fish, and yet Ireland is naturally one of
the most fertile, and is confessed one of the most
beautiful countries in the world.
"Now how is it that Irishmen can prosper in every
country but their own? How is it that London has
grown to be more than half as populous as Ireland?
How is it that this city increased within the last ten
years 19 per cent, or 440,788, while Ireland not only
did not increase at all, oat had a less population by
787,842, in 1861, than it had ten years before? The
answer is not far to seek. The union draws every
eminent and every aimbitious man out of Ireland and
up to London, for eight or ten months in the year;
the wealthy and fashionable take the same road. Their
routs and revenues go after then, so that there is a
perpetual drain out of Ireland and into England, as
there will be out of Nova Scotia and into Canada, so
soon as like causes produce the state effects. The fox,
when invited to the lion's banquet, paused when he
saw all the tracks of other animals leading into the
den, and none of them conng back. Let us pause,
there are millions of Irishmen's tracks to guide us,
all going one way, and bones enough, God knows,
mouldering all over the world to show what has become of the victims.
"But we are told that the railroad would counteract
and cure all this centralization. Would it? How many
lines of fine railroads and steamsrs connect Ireland with
England—but what then? Everything goes from the
circumference to the centre, and not from the centre
to the circumference. Don't let us be gulled about the
railroad, which would be a very useful thing to have
on fair terms, but we have lived and prospered without it, and we would rather never
see it built if we
can only have it at the cost of our most sacred rights
and charished institutions."
Our "isolated condition" is alleged as another reason why we should join the Confederation.
There are
few colonies in the world less isolated than this island.
We have free communications with almost every part
of the globe; a union with Canada could not possibly
increase our facilities in this respect; we are already
part and parcel of the United Kingdoms of Great
Britain and Ireland, and wherever the "Meteor flag"
of Elglund flowrs, we have free access wind the fullest
protection. The ships of oar merchants carry our
produce. The "world is all before us, where to
choose," and any one anong us, if he desire it, and
can afford it, has opportunities to proceed to any part
of the world that may suit his fancy. How, in this
respect, then, can a union with, Cunada better our
condition? It would open up a field, say its advocates,
for our young men. The field for our young men. I
say, is as much opened up now as it ever can be. They
are as much at liberty to proceed to Canada now as
they would be under Confederation; but I much doubt
if our young men went to Canada to-morrow for the
purpose of securing political offices, or governmental
situations, they would be successful. I question very
much whether if our eight members in the Canadian
Parliament would possess sufficient influence to sway
the General Gpvernment to bestow the most trivial
appointment upon one of our young men, in preference to one of their own. It would
be silly to imagine
such a thing. The Canadius would look with a deal
of jealousy upon a Newfoundlander who want to that
country to usurp an of a which rightly belonged to
themselves. We all vividiy recollect the excitement
that occurred here some few years ago when a gentleman was sent from London to fill
the office of Clerk of
the Supreme Court here. The entire Bar role as one
man, and indignantly rose against the usurpation.
would not the same feeling of justifiable jealousy be
aroused in the bosoms of Canadians if a Newfoundlander presumed to occupy posts of
honour and emilument in Canada? Assuredly it would; what nonsense to talk of Confederation
opening up a more
expansive field of employment, for our young men
than they now possess. In whatever light I view
that scheme of Union I can discover nothing advantageous in it. We surrender everything
we posses;
by these resolutions, and have nothing in return except a future of taxation and difficulties.
The benefits
to be derived from our connection with Canada are
well satirized in the following dialogue said to have
occurred in Nova Scotia:—
Duncan.—Should the proposed Union take place,
what will we Nova Scotians be obliged to give up to
the Parliament of Ottawa?
Roderick.—All our revenue and public property,the
right to directly tax us, the right to change, or present laws, and the right to make
void the laws our
local legislature may hereafter enact, the right to appoint our Governors and Judges,
the right to establish additional Courts and appoint Judges and officers
thereof, and generally to do with us whatever suits
the interests of Canadians.
D.—If that be so, of what use will be a local legislature at Halifax, and what can
it do independent of
that at Ottawa?
R.—It can impose an export duty on our timber
and coal, directly tax us for local purposes, make laws
respecting tavern licenses, &c., and distribute for
roads, bridges, education, &c., the sum of sixty-six
thousand pounds to be annually received from Ottawa.
You can judge yourself of its utility.
D.—Will not the sixty-six thousand Pounds you
speak of be increased as our revenue and population
increase?
R.–No; that sum is fixed, and is to be the price of
Nova Scotia in a pecuniary point of view, and if not
sufficient to support our Road, School, College, Legislative and other expenses, we
must curtail the same
in proportion as that sum becomes inadequate,or make
up the deficiency as best we can.
D.—What would be the annual amount of our Revenue at the time the Union is to go into
operation if,
our tariff were raised to fifteen per cent?
R.—About our hundred thousand Pounds, which
would increase in accordanoce with the increase of our
population.
D.—What are we to receive beyond the sixty-six
thousand Pounds you mentioned, in lieu of so great a
sacrifice?
R.—Protection against Fenian raiders and Yankee
invaders—the Inter-colonial Railroad—and the Delegates say most enormous, indescribable,
social, political, commercial, agricultural, add manufacturing
advantages, which cannot be comprehended by us
narrow-minded and ignorant Nova Scotians, until
after the Union takes place,—together with the honor
of belonging to the great British North American
Nation, and perhaps—
(Here Roderick paused and slightly grinned, then
Duncan ejaculated "perhaps what," and the old man
proceeded)
Perhaps occasionally when the Empire's line of Railways and Steamers are completed,
we may have the
pleasure of witnessing a curling match on Fraser's
River between the young men of Nova Scotia and the
Gents of Vancouver's Island; or of a week or two's
jollification with our intended friends and fellow
countryman the Esquimaux of the North West Territory of British Columbia, which might
lead to thousands of marriage unions between our sons and their
daughters, the effect of which would virtually unite
both ends of the Empire, largely improve our race,
and produce a thorough British North American people, who woull be a terror to the
Fenians, a check
upon the Yankees, and the means of ultimately rendering the British North American
nation one of the
most powerful, magnifice it, and stupendous Empires
the world ever produced.—On Duncan, how I regret
that my knowledge of human nature, the history of
the psst, and the doctrine of cause and effect, preclude me from thoroughly appreciating
those [?],
disinterested, expansive, and patriotic views, which
gave rise to that masterpiece of statesmanship—the
Confederation Scheme."
The debt of Canada at the present moment amounts
to aboat seventy-five millions of Dollars; to which
inmense sums must be added the local debts of the
several municipalities (not included in the general debt)
amounting probably to sixteen millions more. In all
about ninety-one millions of Dollars, or thirty-two
for every man, woman and child in the country. This
fact I gather from a letter written by the editor of the
St. John, (N. B.) Telegraph from Qaebec, who further states that the local debt bears heavily in certain sections.
Some cities and towns in Upper Canada are fearfuly embarrassed. Hamilton, in the Upper,
Loadan, Port Hope, and Quebec, in the Lower Pro
vince, with one or two other localities, are about bankrupt. In view of those difficulties,
it would be absurd
to imagine that she could afford us any aid in opening
up our resources, or lend us any assistance to cultivate our waste lands. She is unable
to open up her
own, for it is a strange fact, that all the capital invested in her mines and oil
springs belongs to the Americans. I do not deem it necessary trepass longer
upon the time of the House, and will conclude by reiterating my belief that we need
no closer union with
Canada than that we have already, that though we are
now in no very cheering circumstances, yet that "'tis
better to endure the ills we have, than flee to others
that we know not of." We have all the essentials
within ourselves to make our people contented, peaceful and wealthy. Our waters teem
with riches—superir to the mines of Mexico and Peru—our lands are
fertile as any on this side of the Atlantic. With a
prosperous seal fishery, followed by a successful cod
fishery. I trust this mad dream of Confederation, this
selling of ourselves and our country, this disposal of
our birthright for less than a "mess of pottage" will
be dissipated; and that we shall all labor under our
own government, to progress without the assistance
of Mr. Brown's "general government" at Qttawa.
As to the signing of the Quebec Resolutions by the
Newfoundland Delegates. I am not astonished that
they should have been seduced to do so. They were
outed and flattered to such an extent that they believed Canada to be a perfect, elysium—and
her wily
statesmen angels of light; they were danced, and, I
verily believe "drugged" into forgetfulness of their
country, its freedom and its liberty;—from the time
they landed in Canada till their departure, it was one
continued ovation; and it therefore does not surprise
me that they placed their signets to that document,
and did not awake to the reality till the voice of their
indignant countrymen aroused them. With these remarks, I beg to support the Resolution
belore the
chair.
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