LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
DEBATE ON THE SUBJECT OF CONFEDERATION WITH CANADA.
WEDNESDAY, 9TH MARCH, 1870.
Mr. President—I rise to move that this Council do now resolve
itself into Committee of the Whole, to take into consideration the terms
proposed for the Confederation of the Colony of British Columbia with the
Dominion of Canada, in His Excellency's Message to this Council.
In doing so, I am deeply impressed with the momentous character of the discussion
into
which we are about to enter, the grave importance of a decision by which the fate
of this our
adopted country of British Columbia must be influenced for better, for worse, for
all time to come. And I earnestly hope that our minds and best energies may be bent
to a task
which will tax all our patriotism, all our forbearance, all our abnegation of self,
and
selfish aims, to
combine all our individual powers into one great, united effort for the common good.
May He who holds the fate of Nations in thehollow of His hand, and crowns with success,
or brings to nought, the counsels of men, guide all our deliberations to such an issue
as shall
promote the peace, honour, and welfare of our Most Gracious Sovereign, and of this
and all
other portions of Her extended realm.
And now, Mr. President, I must dwell a few moments on the exact practical import of
the motion before the House, and the issue which is involved in the "Aye" or
" No " which each Honourable Member will be called upon to cast upon the
question which you, Mr. President, will put to the House in that familiar
Parliamentary phrase " That I do now leave the Chair?"
This issue is, Confederation or no Confederation?
The motion assumes that the principle of Confederation has been already fully adopted
by this House—and having so assumed, asks you now to go into Committee of
the Whole to discuss the Terms on which the Colony would be content to be
confederated with the Dominion.
Your question, therefore, Mr. President, "That I do now leave the Chair?" means—Will
you refuse Confederation at any price? or, Will you have it on favourable terms?
That is the issue before us now.
Now, therefore, is the time for those Honourable Members who, notwithstanding the
previous Resolutions of this House so frequently affirming the principle
["No, no," from
Dr. Helmcken],
Hon. ATTORNEY-GENERAL CREASE still conscientiously object to the
principles of Confederation, to come forward and explain to this Honourable
body, and to the country at large, their views,—why they still refuse to aid
in the consolidation of British interests on the North American Continent, by the
Confederation of this Colony with the Dominion, and the
creation of one homogeneous nationality from sea to sea.
Some Honourable gentlemen say "No, no " to my statement that the House has affirmed
the principle of Confederation. But I appeal to the Journals of this House, in proof
of what
I state. I well remember, on the 19th March, 1867, when the "British North America
Act,
1867," was being framed by the Imperial Parliament, this Council, anxious to be embraced
within the purview of its provisions, passed by an unanimous vote the following Resolution
:-
" Resolved, That this Council is of opinion that at this juncture of affairs in British North
America. east of the Rocky Mountains, it is very desirable that His 'Excellency be
respectfully
requested to take such steps, without delay, as may be deemed by him best adapted
to insure the
admission of British Columbia into the Confederation on fair and equitable terms,
this Council being
confident that in advising; this step they are expressing the views of the 'Colonists
generally."
6 CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
And more than that, this Resolution was followed up by a deputation of individual
members
to Governor Seymour, who at their instance telegraphed to the Secretary of State the
purport
of that Resolution; and on the 22nd March, the following Message was sent down to
the Council
on the subject :-
" The Governor has received the Resolution of the Legislative Council, dated the 18th
instant, in
favour of the admission of British Columbia with the proposed Confederation of the
Eastern British
Colonies of North America. He will place himself in communication on the subject with
the Secretary
of State, with Viscount Monck. Governor-General of Canada, and with Sir Edmund Head,
Governor
of the Hudson's Bay Company."
Whatever construction may be put upon this Resolution by Honourable Members who have
said "No, no," one thing is certain, it affirmed, in the most distinct manner, by
this Council,
the principle of Confederation, the advisability of our joining at some time or other the Dominion
of Canada. That principle has during every subsequent session, down to the present
day, been
confirmed, either directly or indirectly, by a specific Resolution of this House ["No,
no," from
Dr. Helmcken and
Mr. Wood].
Hon. ATTORNEY-GENERAL CREASE Thus, on the 28th April, 1868, a Resolution was passed by this
Council confirming the previous Resolution, in the following terms :-
"That 'this Council, while confirming the vote of last Session in favour of the general
principle
of the desirability of the Union of this Colony with the Dominion of Canada, to accomplish
the
consolidation of British interests and institutions in North America, are still without
sufficient
information and experience of the practical working of Confederation in the North
American
Provinces, to admit of their defining the terms on which such an Union would be advantageous
'to
the local interests of British Columbia."
What is that but a confirmation of the principle? Now let us look to the Journals
of 1869,
There I see that, on the 17th February, 1869), when, owing to the position of other
political
issues then current in the Colony, it would have been easy, had it been so desired,
to procure
an adverse verdict on the principle of Confederation, the House, though invited to
do so, refused
to go any further than to request Her Majesty's Government (while the North-West Territory
was still out of the Dominion) not to press the present consummation of Union. The word
"present" was an express amendment of my Honourable colleague opposite (Mr. Trutch)
and
myself, so as to preserve the principle, and bide our time. The House, therefore,
I take it,
has thoroughly and uniformly committed itself to the principle of Confederation, and
may
very properly be invited now, setting aside all causes of difference, for the common
good,
calmly, frankly, and cordially to enter upon a discussion of the terms. But if any
Honourable
Members think the principle has not been decided. now is the time and now the hour
to settle
that point (as far as this Session and this present Council is concerned) once and
forever.
They are bound, in support of their views, to lay before the Council the reasons for
the faith
that is in them, and to explain why we should not consolidate counsels with the Dominion.
And here, Mr. President, let me say a few words upon the position the Official Members
of
this Council have occupied throughout the whole of this matter
Their action has been much misunderstood—I will not say misconstrued―both in England
and at Ottawa.
Until the receipt of Earl Granville's Confederation Despatch of 14th August, 1869,
they
did not feel themselves at liberty to go further in the direction of Confederation
than to affirm
the general principle of its propriety, carefully abstaining from the expression of
opinion on the
merits of any particular mode, details, or time of carrying that principle into practical
effect.
That, they considered, could most effectually be done by Her Majesty's Government,
and
Executive peculiarly qualified for the task, this Legislature, and the People of this
Colony all
acting in concert together, as it is now proposed to do.
I do not at present intend to enter into the details of what particular terms would
or would
not be most advantageous to this Country in any proposal for Confederation.
That will be a question for the House to settle when, if ever, we get into Committee
on the
subject; but, inasmuch, as the principle of Confederation means the advisability of
consolidating British interests on the North American Continent, it is impossible
to lose sight
altogether,
in a debate upon the principle, of the general advantages to be derived by British
Columbia
from a participation in that great scheme.
I readily confess that there are drawbacks to material union, such as distance, lack
of communication,  and, to some extent, want of identity of interest, which can only—but
yet which
can—be removed, either wholly or in a very great degree, by suitable conditions of
Union.
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
7
It is for us to determine those conditions in this House, and, after negotiation upon
them
with Canada, to submit them to the decision of the popular vote, the people being
the parties
principally affected by the change, who will have to pass in the last resort, once
and forever,
upon the whole question.
The circumstances, political, geographical, and social, under which we are at present
placed, compel us to political movement in one direction or another, and the question
is now—In
what
direction shall we go?
We are sandwiched between United States Territory to the north and south―indeed on
all sides but one, and that one opening towards Canada. Our only option is between
remaining;
a petty, isolated community 15,000 miles from home, ekeing out a miserable existence
on the
crumbs of prosperity our powerful and active Republican neighbours choose to allow
us, or,
by taking our place among the comity of nations, become the prosperous western outlet
on the
North Pacific of a young and vigorous people, the eastern boundary of whose possessions
is
washed by the Atlantic.
This is the only option left to faithful subjects of the British Crown.
Now look at our condition as a Colony, with a climate far finer than any other in
the
world, with magnificent harbours, rivers, seas, and waters for inland navigation,
with unrivalled
resources of almost every description you can name—coal, lumber, spars, fish, and
furs— mines of gold, silver, copper, lead, cinnabar, tin, and almost every other
mineral
throughout
the land; with a soil and climate admirably adapted to pastoral and agricultural pursuits—Â
with almost every natural advantage which the lavish hand of Nature can bestow upon
a
country—the undoubted fact remains :—Â
We are not prosperous.
Population does not increase.
Trade and commerce languish; coal mining does not advance; agriculture, though progressive,
does not go forward as it might.
The settlement of the country, though increasing, yet falls short of just expectations.
No public works for opening the country are on hand, and a general lack of progress
(that
is, proportioned to the extraordinary resources of the Colony) is everywhere apparent.
And why is this?
It is not, as some allege, because of the particular form of Government we at present
enjoy
(if it were, Confederation in that would effect a change).
It has among other things a Public Debt altogether disproportioned to our means.
Our close proximity to an active and powerful neighbour whose interests are foreign
to our
own. [" Hear, hear," from
Dr. Helmcken.]
Hon. ATTORNEY-GENERAL CREASE But the chief reason of all is that policy of isolation which has kept us aloof from
the assistance and sympathy of a kindred race, and
left us
in the infant state of one of England's youngest Colonies, to support the burdens
and responsibilities of a thickly peopled and long settled land.
Do Honourable Members ask what would Confederation do for us?
It would at once relieve us from the most if not all the present ills from which we
suffer,
if properly arranged.
For Confederation in some sense means terms. It would assume our Public Debt.
Greatly increase our Public Credit, and thereby aid in the utilization of our varied
resources.
It would leave us a good balance in our Exchequer to carry on all local works and open
out the country.
It would give us a Railroad across the Continent. and a quick and easy access to Ottawa
New York, and London.
It would cement and strengthen, instead of weaken, our connection with the Mother-land,
and ensure the protection of her Fleet and Army.
It would attract population, over tending in a continuous wave towards the West.
It would promote the settlement of our Public Lands, and the development of Agriculture.
Under it Trade and Commerce would take a fresh start. It would enlarge, not contract,
our political horizon, and it would infuse new hope and life blood into the whole
system of the
Colony, and not leave us a more detached Municipality, as some suppose, any more than
ScotlandÂ
is separate from the rest of Great Britain, or the County of Kent from England.Â
I leave to others to dilate upon the advantages which Canada would derive from the
connection, the possession of a Far West (Canada's great want) into which her rapidly
increasing
population may pour, instead of going to swell the bulk of the adjoining States.
8
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
Those gentlemen will be able to show that the ultimate importance—nay possible existence
—of the Dominion as a Nation may hereafter, in some measure, depend upon her Union
with
ourselves.Â
To them, also, I leave the task of dwelling on the healing of old internal feuds of
race and
language of which Confederation is the only cure.
If we watch the progress of events, they all point to the same end, to the growth
of a new
universal sentiment of nationality in British America.
It is clear that events all gravitate in that direction.
[
Mr. DeCosmos—" In the direction of Confederation or Nationality?"]
Confederation is evidently our ultimate destiny—Our own interests—Canadian aspirationsÂ
—and Imperial policy, as enunciated in the Secretary of State's Despatch, all point
the same
way.
We shall, therefore, best consult the real interests of the Colony, the sooner bring
on a
new era of progress and prosperity in this favoured land, by not delaying to debate
and consider
over the advisability of the principle itself, but at once to go into Committee of
the Whole, and
there combine all our energies upon the best scheme to be submitted in the last resort
to the
decision of the people, for carrying out the principle of Confederation, under God's
blessing,
successfully into practical effect.
The
Hon. Mr. HELMCKEN said:―The subject of Confederation was
introduced by His Excellency the Governor in his Speech, in the following
terms :-
"The community is already acquainted with the Despatch which I have recently received
from
Her Majesty's Secretary of State on this subject: and the careful consideration of
it cannot longer
be deferred with courtesy to Her Majesty's Government, or advantage to the Colony.
I commend it
to your earnest thought. For my own part I am convinced that on certain terms, which
I believe it
would not be difficult to arrange, this Colony may derive substantial benefit from
such an Union.
But the only manner in which it can be ascertained whether Canada will agree to such
arrangements as will suit us, is to propose such as we would be ready to accept. With
the
assistance of
my Council, I have prepared a scheme which I shall cause to be laid before you. Resolutions
framed
upon that basis will enable me to communicate with the Government of Canada and ascertain
whether
they will be willing to accede to our propositions.
While the views of Her Majesty's Government have been clearly. and forcibly expressed
upon this-
question, I am sure there is no desire to urge the Union, except in accordance with
its general
acceptance by British subjects in the Colony. I do not, therefore, propose that any
terms agreed upon
by the Government of Canada should be finally accepted, until ratified by the general
verdict of the
community, so far as that can be ascertained through another Council, of which the
Unofficial Members
shall have been reelected."
Before proceeding to the consideration of the subject, I will reply in a very few
words to
the speech of the Hon. Attorney-General. The Hon. gentleman laid great stress upon
the
consolidation of British interests on this coast. but I say, Sir, that however much
we are in favour of consolidating British interests, our own interests must come first;
Imperial
interests
can well afford to wait. We are invited to settle this question now and for ever,
but I say
that we are not called upon to do so; the matter will come before the people after
the proposed
terms have been submitted to the Dominion Government, and it will very likely happen
that,
if these terms are rejected and others of a mean nature substituted by the Government
of
Canada for the consideration of the people of this Colony, other issues may come up
at the polls, and amongst them, the question whether there is no other place to which
this
Colony
can go but Canada; whatever may be the result of the present vote, it is impossible
to deny
the probability of the less being absorbed by the greater; and it cannot be regarded
as improbable
that ultimately, not only this Colony, but the whole of the Dominion of Canada will
be absorbed
by the United States. The Hon. Attorney-General has not attempted to prove the advantages
which will result from Confederation; he has contented himself with vague assertions
of
advantages.
The question is only brought down by the Governor in consequence of the Despatch of
Lord Granville; all we have to do is to agree to a series of resolutions. It is not
pretended
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
9
that it is the voice of the people, or the voice of this Council. It is well understood
that it is
a Government measure. And we all know what that means—it means that this series of
resolutions is to be passed. And we have it from the Governor that he desires to send
these
resolutions to Canada; they will not go, they are not intended to go, as the opinion
of the
people, but when certain terms have been agreed upon between the Government of this
Colony
and the Dominion Parliament, they will come back to the people for ratification. It
remains
then for the people to organize, so as to be ready at the proper time to give their
verdict, for
the responsibilities will ultimately rest with the people, and it is for them to say
whether they
will have Confederation or not.
I do think, Sir, that the question ought to have been an open one.
Her Majesty's Government ought not to have interfered; they are not justified in interfering
in business which we could very well manage for ourselves.
I feel certain that His Excellency will act uprightly, fairly, honestly, and generously,
by,
and for, the Colony [hear, hear]; and, Sir, I fully believe that if these terms are
declined now,
in any future negotiations that may take place, if the people support the Governor,
no terms
will be accepted, or ever proposed, which would lead to this Colony being sacrificed
to Canada,
and that the people will have every opportunity afforded them to organize for the
final vote
when the time arrives for the settlement of this question "finally and forever," as
the Honourable Gentleman has put it.
I see no reason, Sir, why Her Majesty's Government should interfere with our affairs;
there
is no reason that the Members of this Council shall be coerced.
The desire of Her Majesty's Government is in reality a command to the Executive.
A new election ought to have been called before this question was brought on; but
there
is one satisfaction left us, it is that Her Majesty's Government have left the terms
to the Colony.
It is for the people to use that power rightly, wisely, and well, to see that Confederation
means the welfare and progress of the Colony.
Now, Sir, in the first place, it is necessary for the people to see that Confederation
must
be for the general good of the Colony.
I am opposed to this question being brought down now.
I believe it to be most inopportune. It is believed by most people that this Colony
is on
the verge of great changes. That the new gold discoveries will bring a large population
to
this Colony, and that the slight despondency which now exists will be swept away,
and that
this Colony will once more enter upon an era of prosperity not inferior to that which
belonged
to it a few years ago.
I say, Sir, that this is an inopportune period to bring this question up, because
when that
population which is expected arrives, our position to negotiate for terms will be
much better,
because with a larger population and greater prosperity, we may demand far better
terms than
now; and, Sir, it is my firm conviction that if prosperity comes shortly the people
of this
Colony will not desire to change certainty for uncertainty.
Another reason there is that we ought to wait until after 1871. In that year Canada
has
to take a census of the population, and when that is taken we shall know the amount
of the
debt per head. I have no doubt it is greater now than when Confederation was first
inaugurated, It is increasing, and I believe that instead of 22 cents per head it
will now
be 25 cents.
I should like, then, to wait until after 1871, because we shall then have a better
opportunity
of knowing the financial condition of those with whom we would connect ourselves
It is inopportune, also, for the reason that the present difficulties in the Red River
Settlement: are sufficient to cause us great anxiety: I will not take up the time
of this
House by
inquiring whether the people of that Territory are right or wrong. I know not, and
shall not
discuss the question; but this I do know, that if they induce the Indians to join
them it will
cause a great delay in the settlement of that country; and we do not even yet know
that the
Red River Settlement will prove so inviting to emigration as is reported. Again, Sir,
I may
state that Confederation, so far as it has at present gone, is but a mere experiment.
It is
nothing more or less than an experiment. And I believe that considerable dissatisfaction
has
resulted from it. If we wait a little longer before seeking to enter within its pale
ourselves,
we shall know better about the faults of its machinery, and perhaps be able to learn
what are
its drawbacks, and how we can best avoid them. These, Sir, are good and sufficient
reasons
for delay. It is absurd to attempt to ally ourselves with a people 3,000 miles away,
without
10
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
any settlement of the intervening country, with no communication except through the
United States, and with no telegraphic communication. Canada is for all practical
purposes
further
removed from us to-day than England; we know less about her. When we asked for a copy
of the Canadian Tariff we were told that there was no copy to be had. [" Yes, yes,"
from
Hon.
Members.]
Hon. Mr. HELMCKEN No official copy then.
This, then, shows forcibly the intimate nature of the relations subsisting between
us.
When we desire to refer to the Canadian Year Book, a most useful work, which during
the
present discussion ought to be in the hands of every member, we find but two copies.
This,
again, shows the extent of our communication with Canada. Her Majesty's Government
seem
to think that they know best what is for our interest, and it seems much as if they
said to us
" You are a Crown Colony, and you ought to remain one. You are not fit to govern yourselves
;
we do not want you ; we will hand you over to Canada." I would rather that we were
governed
from Downing Street. It is not, in my opinion, necessary or desirable that this Colony
should
be Confederated with Canada. And now, Sir, let us glance at this Colony. I need not
dilate
upon what is known to all. I maintain, Sir, that this Colony is one of the richest
portions of
the world's surface ; that it has unlimited supplies of lumber and spars ; that it
possesses coal,
gold, and other minerals in abundance ; that her waters teem with fish ; that it is
rich in everything. Take the climate ; it is far better than that of England, far
more temperate,
far more
bright and sunny, and, I may fairly add, far more healthy.
We are asked by the Honourable the Attorney-General why the country does not get on
;
and I will now proceed to tell you, Sir, why the country has not prospered as it ought
to have
done. It is because the Government has paid too little attention to the acquisition
of population.
One very great drawback to its progress and the settlement of its land, is its proximity
to the
United States. That proximity is one of the chief reasons that it has not been peopled
as it
would have been. When we look at the energy and enterprise there, and at the field
which the
United States offers for emigrants and the enterprising of all nations, how can we
wonder that
that country is preferred to ours, and that people when they become dissatisfied here
should
leave for the United States. The United States hem us in on every side ; it is the
Nation by
which we exist ; it is the Nation which has made this Colony what it is ; but, nevertheless,
it
is one of our greatest drawbacks. We do not enjoy her advantages, nor do we profit
much by
them ; we do not share her prosperity, and we are far too small to be her rival. The
effect
of a large body and a small body being brought into contact, is, that the larger will
attract the
smaller, and ultimately absorb it. [" Yes, yes," and " No, no."]
Hon. Mr. HELMCKEN I say more, Sir. I say that the United States will probably ultimately absorb both
this
Colony and the Dominion of Canada. [" No, no, no," from
Mr. Trutch,
Mr. Crease, and
others.]
Hon. Mr. HELMCKEN Canada will in all probability find it quite as much to her advantage to join her
ultimately.
as we do now to join the Dominion. I say, Sir, that one cause of our want of prosperity
has
been the neglect of acquisition of population, and particularly of agricultural population.
The
next cause is that we have driven people out of the Colony.
I need only allude to our having deposed the Free Trade system. That deposition took
population out of the Colony which has never been replaced. There was a depopulation
of the
cities without any attempt having been made to obtain a substitute rural population.
We are
now asked to undergo another revolution which will ruin our farmers, and do no sort
of good to
those engaged in commercial pursuits.
I do not intend, Sir, to follow the details of the proposed terms at present, but
there seem
items which I must notice.
I hold in my hands the published returns of the Custom House receipts for last year,
and
this document shows plainly, that no less than half a million of dollars are sent
out of the
Colony every year for the purchase of agricultural productions—wheat, barley, flour,
and cattle ―all of which, considering the fertility of our soil, its abundance, the
magnificent,
salubrious,
healthy, sunny, and more than temperate climate, we ought to produce ourselves. This
Colony
probably raises another half million's worth. If we adopt the Canadian Tariff we shall
throw away this million of dollars; that is, the half million which we raise, and
the half
million
which can be raised—and for what? For the sake of problematical benefits which some
think
likely to arise from Confederation. If Confederation should come and bring with it
the Tariff
of Canada, and it will do so, the great inducements which we now have to attract population,
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
11
will be taken away. So far from Confederation benefiting the commercial community,
I say itÂ
is much rather calculated to do them harm. No doubt if public works are undertaken,
as we
are told will be the case under Confederation, employment will be given for a time,
but the
supplies required will come from the United States, and our public works will actually
be of
more benefit to the United States, during their construction, than to this Colony.
What we want,
is an enlarged outlet for our resources. We want markets for our coal and lumber ;
we want
our local industries fostered ; and all of these can be obtained by a judicious arrangement
of our
own Tariff. Next, we want agricultural population, and any increase of this kind of
population
must depend upon the encouragement given. If our agricultural interests are left without
encouragement, we shall not get an increased agricultural population ; and, therefore,
the
country will not reap so much benefit from public works, as the supplies will come
from the
United States.
We shall find it difficult, Sir, to get a Tariff from Canada that will suit us, and
I think
that I shall be able to show you, Sir, that Confederation will not produce population
Anything
that deprives this Colony of the power of protecting the local industries and interests
of the
Colony, and of regulating and fostering its commerce and trade, cannot be otherwise
than
dangerous and injurious to the country.
I feel perfectly sure, Sir, that if Confederation should come, bringing with it the
Tariff of Canada, not only will the farmers be ruined, but our independence will be
taken away.
It will
deprive our local industries of the protection now afforded them, and will inflict
other burdens
upon them. It will not free trade and commerce from the shackles which now bind them,
and
will deprive the Government of the power of regulating and encouraging those interests
upon
which the prosperity of the Colony depends.
There can be no permanent or lasting union with Canada, unless terms be made to promote
and foster the material and pecuniary interests of this Colony. The only link which
binds this
Colony to Canada is Imperial. The people must be better off under Confederation than
alone,
or they will not put up with it. We are told, Sir, that public works are to be undertaken.
I answer that they may do good to some, but the supplies both of food and raiment
will come
from the United States, who will in reality reap the lion's share of the benefit ;
and, what is
more, as soon as the money was expended the people would begin to consider whether
they
were equally well off under Confederation, as they might be under another Government
; and
if a change should be desired, it is perfectly plain that Canada cannot use force
to keep the
people of this Colony within the Dominion. They must he better off under Confederation
than
alone, or they will not stop in the Confederacy.
Our true course, Sir, judging from the statistics, is not to look to Canada, but to
seek to
extend our markets for our natural productions, and to obtain an agricultural productive
population. I say, Sir, that there is no necessity for us to join Canada ; we can
get on very
well by ourselves at present.
The Hon. Attorney-General says Canada will take over our debts ; but I say, Sir, that
our debt in proportion to our population is very little more per head than that of
Canada.
When I state this, I mean that Indians are very large consumers and producers, and
ought
to be
reckoned with the population. Our expenses will soon be much smaller. What I mean,
Sir, is
that at the end of 1871 this Colony will save $50,000, for one of the loans will have
expired,
thus saving as $36,000, and floating loans will be funded, and we shall save ten or
twelve
thousand by that.
I shall not go into the question of Canada being able to defend this Colony ; I do
not
believe, Sir, that Canada is able to defend itself. Great Britain has taken away her
standing
army. Canada will very soon be required to pay for the few troops that are left, and
in the
next place they will be asked to contribute to the expense of keeping up the navy.
Confederation would make the Dominion territorially greater, but would, in case of
war,
be a source of weakness. It is people, not territory, that makes a country strong
and powerful.
To be strong, the union must be of people, and in my opinion that condition is wanting.
I feel
certain that Her Majesty's Government has no wish to be put to the expense of defending
the
country ; no wish to be involved in quarrels with the United States ; no wish to keep
Canada
depending upon her support, but rather a wish to force her into independence—to get
rid of
her altogether.
I am opposed to Confederation, because it will not serve to promote the industrial
interests
of this Colony, but, on the contrary, it will serve to ruin many, and thus be detrimental
to the
12
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
interest and progress of the country. I say that Confederation will be injurious to
the farmers, because protection is necessary to enable them to compete with farmers
of the United
States.
The Tariff and Excise Laws do not supply that. They will be inimical to brewers.
   Inimical to the Spar Trade ;
   Inimical to Fisheries ;
   Inimical to Whaling Pursuits ;
   Inimical to Spar and Lumber Business.
Turn to the Canadian Tariff and you will find grain admitted free. I maintain that
if the
tariff now imposed upon certain cereals and agricultural produce be taken away, farmers
of this Colony will be brought into competition with the farmers of the United States,
and
will succumb [
Mr. DeCosmos—Lower Country Farmers]Â
Hon. Mr. HELMCKEN Yes, and here the Resolutions are silent where they
ought to be loudest.
I shall not attempt to prove that farmers did not prosper under Free Trade ; be that
as it
may, they are now prosperous and becoming rich. There is no better advertisement for
population than the fact of the present prosperity of the farmers. Take away that
prosperity,
and
you do away with the chief inducement which you have for agricultural population.
I go on to brewers, and these interests, though in point of fact small, are in proportion
as
large with us, as larger interests would be to a larger population ; moreover, we,
having so small
a population, cannot afford to risk a change, because we cannot recuperate quickly.
Under the
Canadian law a brewer must take out a brewer's and maltster's license, and has to
pay one cent
per pound on all malt made, and as there is an average amount of 1,248,000 pounds
of malt
consumed in the year, the average duty would amount to $12,680 per annum, in addition
to
which they will have to pay a maltster's and brewer's license. The duty upon that
amount of
malt now is $3,750. Confederation therefore will increase the malt duty by nearly
$9,000.
Brewers would probably buy all their malt from abroad or cease to brew, especially
when we
take into consideration the annoyances connected with the bonding system. You will
see, Sir,
that this quantity of malt would take 500 acres of land to raise it, so that in addition
to
injuring the brewers, the farmers are also injured.
Under the Canadian Law, salmon must not be taken at the mouth of any river when they
are going up for the purpose of spawning. We all know that they must be taken. If
we are
not allowed to catch them as they go up, we should never get them at all. They never
come
down again ; they go up to die.
Again, according to Canadian Law, whales must not be taken by means of bombs or firearms;
and I am told they cannot be taken without firearms in these waters, so that
under
Confederation whales would be free to spout as they pleased.
Under Canadian Law, tobacco cannot be grown without excise duty ; it has to be bonded,
and its cultivation would be abandoned. Alkaline soil suits the tobacco plant, and
I have very
little doubt that tobacco could be grown profitably in many parts of British Columbia
[
Hon.
Holbrook—It is grown] ;
Hon. Mr. HELMCKEN but the excise duty.
When we come to lumber we find that there is an export duty on logs of $1 per 1,000
feet ;
this will affect the spar business. [
Hon. Barnard—No, it will not affect spars ; the duty is
upon logs only, which is cut into lumber, and is a protection to Canadian Lumber Mills.]
Hon. Mr. HELMCKEN I have now, Sir, given you reasons why the general interests of the Colony will not
be promoted. Farmers, Brewers, the Lumber Trade, and the Fisheries will not be benefited
; who
will? Canada will take no coal nor lumber from us, and will not increase our trade
at all ;
but they will take our money, and much of that money derived from the very fact that
we
have to pay more for Canadian manufactures than the Eastern Provinces, or rather we
are
obliged to pay duties upon foreign articles, simply because we cannot obtain Canadian,
and
yet we are told that Confederation will reduce our taxation. Our Tariff is as low
as that of
Canada, save upon spirits and tobacco.
It would be absurd for us to sacrifice our interests in order that laws may be made
for us
by a people who know little of our condition and wants, and who in fact must necessarily
legislate for the greater number―the people of the Atlantic Provinces. It is dangerous
to place
ourselves at the disposal of superior numbers.
I believe, Sir, that we are quite capable of making laws for ourselves.
If we are united, or rather absorbed, everything will centralize in Canada, and the
whole country will be tributary to Canada. The number of Representatives sent to Ottawa
from
other places would overwhelm the number sent from British Columbia. Even in the matter
of
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
13
appropriations, where the scramble always is, this Colony would be overborne ; we
should be
laughed at by the victors for our pretensions. It is the case in all other Colonies,
and would
be here.
It is absurd to suppose that the same laws, whether civil, commercial, or industrial
will be
found equally advantageous to all parts of this great Continent. It manifestly cannot
be so ;
the conditions are different. We know what is best for ourselves, and are able to
legislate to
effect that. We have no wish to pay Canada to do our legislation.
No union between this Colony and Canada can permanently exist, unless it be to the
material
and pecuniary advantage of this Colony to remain in the union. The sum of the interests
of
the inhabitants is the interest of the Colony. The people of this Colony have, generally
speaking, no love for Canada ; they care, as a rule, little or nothing about the creation
of another
Empire, Kingdom, or Republic ; they have but little sentimentality, and care little
about the
distinctions between the form of Government of Canada and the United States.
Therefore no union on account of love need be looked for. The only bond of union outside
of force―and force the Dominion has not—will be the material advantage of the country
and
pecuniary benefit of the inhabitants. Love for Canada has to be acquired by the prosperity
of the country, and from our children.
I say, Sir, it is absurd for us to ally ourselves with a people with whom we have,
and
can have, no communication. The Tariff and Excise Laws of Canada will ruin the dominant
interests of this Colony, and we are told that those laws must rule accordingly to
the conditions
of "The British North America Act." A Tariff perhaps excellent to the Eastern Provinces,
is
ruin to British Columbia. Our Tariff imposes a large duty on spirits, and a duty on
agricultural produce. The Canadian Tariff imposes none on agricultural produce, and
a small
duty
on spirits.
If we are Confederated with Canada we become its tributary, and in all that concerns
us
chiefly Canada has to act for us. In all our chief concerns, commerce, shipping, and
mercantile
laws, agriculture, trade, navigation, fisheries, currency, banking—Canada rules. She
may tax
us to any extent, and in any manner she pleases, so that it is quite possible we may
have export
duties on gold and coal.
All such things as require money for their performance are left for the Colony to
provide ;
those that require intellect are supplied by Canada.
The expense to Canada is constantly decreasing, her revenue constantly increasing.
The
expense of the Local Government on the other hand, is constantly increasing, and out
of proportion to any increase of its revenue.
Is it necessary that we should pay for the intellect of Canada? Is our own not as
good?
Do we not know what is best for ourselves? Cannot we do all as well as they? Cannot
we pay
our Colonial intellect to do our business well, instead of theirs to do it badly?
The very means by which we ought to make our roads are taken from us, so that, as
time
rolls on, we shall have to provide other taxes, and raise loans for the purpose. The
other
countries have gone into Confederation with roads ready made, and large loans and
large debts.
It is not fair to put this country upon a footing of its present population ; on its
present
income ; a future income ought to be calculated upon.
I do not think it wise to ruin the present population for the sake of the future.
Remember that to have a population, that population must be able to live. Confederation
will ruin the farmer, and destroy at once the greatest inducement to immigration ;
will ruin the
brewer and the fisheries ; do no good to commerce ; afford no larger market for lumber,
coal, or
anything else ; in fact do a great deal of harm and no good, save that which is problematical
and fanciful.
In conclusion, I have to say that I sincerely trust that our deliberations may result
in good,
and that whatever may be the issue of this debate, it may be for the good of the Colony.
I accord most heartily with the learned Attorney-General in the belief that―
" There's a Divinity that shapes our ends,
Rough hew them how we may,"
The Hon. Mr. DRAKE, Member for Victoria City, rose and
said:—Sir, I will move an amendment to the Resolution of the Hon.
Attorney General―" That the consideration of this question be postponed for
six months." I need not state, Sir, that I have always been opposed to Confederation.
I have consistently opposed Confederation on any terms
up to the present time, and
14
CONFEDERATION DEBATE. I do not see any reason now to
change my opinion. I do not say that Confederation must be bad for all time,
the time may come when it will be a benefit or a necessity ; but at present, I
do not believe that Confederation would be a benefit to British Columbia.
The time has not yet arrived for it. I was sent to this Council as an
opponent of Confederation. I oppose it from conviction, and I shall still
continue to oppose it.
The question of Confederation has been advocated by certain parties for some years
past,
and why? Because there has been a general feeling of dissatisfaction throughout the
Colony,
a general feeling of pressure from heavy taxation on a daily diminishing basis. The
people
have been suffering under a desire for change ; that is what is at the bottom of this
discussion.
Confederation has been discussed outside, in the public press, and in other places,
and now,
after years of agitation, by secret and unknown partizans, it has cropped up in this
Council as
a Government measure. I know, Sir, that I have no chance of carrying this amendment.
I
have not the slightest hope of carrying it, but I move it with the view of bringing
the question
fairly before the public. I should deeply regret that this Council should be able
to bind the
Colony for ever. The question is one of the greatest magnitude, greater by for than
any other
which has ever come before this Legislature. I am glad that it must hereafter be referred
to
another Council, the majority of whose members will have to come before the people
for election
I think, however, that it is waste of time to bring this measure before this Council.
There are some points in Confederation, I admit, which are worthy of consideration,
or
would be under different circumstances. The idea of consolidating the British Possessions
on
this Continent, is an idea which is likely to carry people away. The idea of assisting
to found
a large and wide-spreading country might be dazzling to some. But if we are to be
turned
over to Canada with no change in our form of Government, no alteration in the management
of our political affairs, where is the advantage of any change. It will simply be
a change from " King Stork" to " King Log." The Officials will be chosen by the Dominion
Government
instead
of the Crown ; we should be transferred from the rule of Statesman at Downing Street
to that
of Politicians at Ottawa. ["No, no." from
Mr. DeCosmos.]
The Hon. Mr. DRAKE All our political rights will be
taken away, the whole of the legislation will pass out of our hands into that of the
Dominion
at Ottawa ; those laws upon which we shall be entitled to pass an opinion, will be
much of the
same nature as those upon which a municipality or vestry may vote ; but which are
beneath the
dignity of a Colony. All power of raising taxes, except as the Hon. Member for the
District
reminds me, for provincial purposes, we shall be subject to the provisions of the
Organic Act,
which we have no power to change. Any terms which we can impose, must be subject to
the
provisions of " The British North America Act." My position, therefore, is correct,
when I say
that our power will not exceed that of a municipality. We are told that we are not
fit for
Representative Institutions or Responsible Government. Then we shall go into the Dominion
as a Crown Colony—bound hand and foot. The few Members that will represent us at Ottawa,
will not have the power to do anything for us. I do not trust the Politicians of Ottawa.
I do
not desire to give them the power to raise money upon our vast and rich territory,
whilst we
should get nothing from Canada in return. I would rather remain as we are, with some
change
and modification in our Government.
I admit that Confederation offers great advantages to those Provinces which are contiguous
to Canada ; there they have a mutuality of interests ; they are able to use the products
of the
Dominion ; they have community of interests ; and there is no extent of wild, unsettled
country
between them and the seat of Government. We are divided by upwards of 4,000 miles
from
Halifax, 2,000 of which is an unknown wilderness. Some explorers who have travelled
by that
route say, that the greater part of the country is alkaline and unfit for settlement.
There is,
no doubt, a large tract of fertile land in the valley of the Saskatchewan, but much
of the intervening territory is unknown. I ask, Sir, is not our position as a territory
of Great
Britain, far
in advance of what it would be as a Province of the Dominion? Will not the change
operate
disadvantageously?
We know that our interests can hardly conflict with those of Great Britain ; can we
say the
same as regards the Dominion. Canada is hampered by her vast territory, and the larger
that
territory becomes, the greater her weakness will be. But, Sir, I ask of what use is
this vast
territory, unpeopled and uncultivated. Canada wants population and capital ; this
Colony wants
the same. Upon looking at the returns of population, I find that two-thirds of the
emigrants
go over the border to the United States, and many native-born Canadians go to the
United
States, because they find there a more genial climate, and more work to do. If Canada
teemed
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
15
with population like England, where people cannot find work for their hands to do,
I could
conceive it likely that we might acquire population through Canada, but I cannot see
how we
can gain population unless a Railway were not only commenced, but in such a state
of progress
as to be a means and inducement for population to come into the country, and this
is not likely,
in my opinion, to be the case. I have listened to what my Honourable colleague has
said about
the agricultural interests, and I entirely coincide with him. Our farmers cannot compete
with
the farmers of the United States under the Canadian Tariff. In the United States,
farmers
are able to get everything that they want within their own country, whilst here everything
comes from abroad. Until the farmers of this Colony can make everything that they
require
for their own use, they cannot compete with those of the United States. We can always
import
American goods, even under a heavy duty, cheaper than Canadian goods, and this, Sir,
will put
this Province under a different condition as compared with other Provinces.
Let us then suppose this Confederation scheme carried out; we will consider the sacrifice
completed, the victim decorated with the conditions which have been graciously accorded
by
the more powerful contracting party. What will become of our farmers? I refer more
particularly to the farmers of the Island and of the Lower Fraser. This class I look
upon
as the bone and sinew of the country. They, Sir, I say, will be driven out of their
own market
by the cheaper productions of the States. And, I would ask, what industry it is supposed
will
take the place of agriculture? Moreover, Sir, I would ask it we be confederated upon
these
terms, what guarantee has the Colony that the terms will be carried out? We all know
that
when compacts are made between a large and a small power, the larger can break the
treaty
with impunity when an emergency arises. Would Canada hesitate, in the event of having
to
repel a Fenian invasion, to abandon the Railway? We have no guarantee that the Dominion
will carry out: the terms to which her statesmen may agree. We may be abandoned at
any
time. The benefits of the larger Provinces of Canada will always take precedence of
those
of British Columbia, whose representatives will be in a small minority. And I would
never
consent to Confederation on any terms without an Imperial guarantee that the terms
would
he observed and kept. History tells us that in a compact between a larger and smaller
country,
the smaller must go to the wall.
I sum up my objections to Confederation in a few words:
At the present time, I think that any terms will be inimical to this Colony, on account
of
our distance from Canada; on account of, the smallness of our population, for we never
can have
an equal vote in the Dominion Parliament with other Provinces; on account of the danger
of
our farming interests being killed and crushed; and on account of the unsettled state
of the
intervening territory; and even it the North-West Territory were confederated, what
advantage
would it be to us?
Our Confederation would be a source of weakness to Canada, and to ourselves.
We are so far separated from Canada, that she can only communicate with us by telegraph
through the United States, and by ships round the southern extremity of the American
Continent.
We are told that Confederation is an Imperial necessity. We have nothing to do with
this.
We must look to our own interests. Confederation is a political idea; it may be part
of the
Imperial policy, but what of that? We are told that Great Britain desires to get rid
of all
her Colonies.
These are serious matters for consideration, and this question ought not to be dealt
with
as a party measure. I offer these remarks in the hope that any legislation which may
result
from this debate, after it has received popular sanction, may be enduring and of advantage
to
the Colony.
The Hon. Mr. RING, Member for Nanaimo, said :—Mr. President,
I rise to second the amendment of the Hon. Member for Victoria,
and in doing so I abstain from dealing with the merits of the question. It
appears that the Governor wishes to have a popular vote upon the question of
Confederation. I say, then, let there be an extended suffrage given, so that the
voice of the people may be heard in this House. I hope that the people will
have the opportunity of expressing their opinion, Aye or No, whether they
will have Confederation. The people should not be bound by what occurs in a
Council constituted as this is.
I say, Sir, that the material question for decision is not that of terms. The Government,
it this amendment is carried, will have the opportunity of hearing the voice of the
people. On
behalf of my constituents, I say they do not want Confederation; they believe that
it is undesir 16CONFEDERATION DEBATE.able at present. The proper way to find out the opinion of the country is for the
Governor
to give us the enlarged representation promised. Let the question come before the
people in a
fair way.
I do not desire to go into the general question of terms of Confederation upon this
occasion.
But I must say, Sir, that these resolutions are not based upon the minds of the people.
I
protest, Sir, against the people's name being mixed up with those resolutions. I reserve
what
I have to say on the question of terms, and support the amendment of the Hon. Member
for
Victoria, in order that the people may have an opportunity of passing their vote upon
the
question of Confederation.
The Hon. Mr. ROBSON, Member for New Westminster, rose and
said :—Sir, I had intended to reserve any remarks that I intended to offer
until the terms submitted by the Government were under debate in Committee,
but I have an objection to the adjournment of the debate at this early hour.
I cannot, however, allow certain expressions which have fallen from the
Honourable the senior Member for Victoria City to pass unnoticed. I believe the
question for us to consider is,—Shall we have Confederation, and upon what
terms?
I believe this House is ready to say Aye to the first question, and to go into Committee
of
the Whole on the second.
I am surprised to find an Honourable Member of this House, who is a Cabinet Minister,
expressing his regret that this measure has come down to this Council as a Government
measure. I think that the freedom of his remarks contradicts the idea that it is a
Government measure, in the sense that Government Members must vote for it.
I was also surprised to hear the Honourable Member, who is a Cabinet Minister, say
that
Confederation would not be the only issue at the polls, but that there was another
place besides
Ottawa to which we could go. "I had hoped that all allusion to this matter would have
been
kept out of this debate; for I say, Sir, that this vague language can have but one
meaning,
particularly when it is added that the United States will ultimately absorb British
Columbia,
and Canada as well. The Honourable Member evidently means—Shall we have Confederation,
or accept, as an alternative, Annexation? As everything that comes from the Honourable
Member is entitled to great weight, and especially as he is a Member of the Government,
IÂ think we have a right to know whether that is really the issue or not. I had hoped
that
this debate would have been carried through without the necessity of making use of
the word
"Annexation"; but as the subject has been dragged in by a Member of the Government,
I trust
I shall be pardoned for alluding to it. I say, Sir, that if the Government really
means to ask
whether the people desire Confederation or another union, let us know it. ["No, no,"
from
the
Attorney—General and
Mr. Trutch]
The Hon. Mr. ROBSON I am at a loss to understand the position of the
Honourable Member for Victoria. I am anxious to have it explained. If he has not represented
Cabinet views correctly, this House should be set right.
Waiving these matters, and assuming that the Honourable Member will be able to explain
the apparent paradox, I pass on to the objections raised. I find the Honourable Member
distinctly setting himself in opposition to Confederation. I will not follow him for
the purpose
of rebutting so-called arguments against Confederation.
The Honourable gentleman tells us that confederation is unnecessary, that this Colony
is
one of the richest spots on the face of the earth, with a climate inferior to no part
of the
world—why should it not go on alone? And he tells us that this view of the question
is taken by the majority of the people of the Colony. Why, Sir, the Colony has had
all this
opportunity
for fifteen years; and what is the fact? Ten years ago the Colony had a very much
larger
population than now, and very much larger commerce. Are we, then, under these circumstances,
to ask the people to wait and work out their own salvation? But, Sir, in
addition, we
are told in a State paper that we are not to be allowed to hang on the skirts of Great
Britain, like a mendicant's child. I can hardy reconcile the position of manly independence
with the position of hanging on to unwilling Imperial skirts. Rather than that, I
would ask
for union with the Sandwich Islands, or with Hindostan. British Columbia has tried
long
enough to get on by herself. After fifteen years hard struggle, she finds herself
worse off than
she was at the beginning. Her progress has been like that of the crab—backward.
CONFEDERATION DEBATE.
17
She might make progress, but, unfortunately, her form of Government has rendered progressÂ
impossible. I believe that the illiberal form of Government has had much to do with
keeping
away population—with driving away population,—and with destroying the spirit of manly
enterprise of those who are here. Apart from its being the policy of the British Government
to unite all the British American Colonies in one great Confederation, if we persist
in remain-Â ing alone we shall be told by the Imperial Government that we are not
fit for liberal
institutions,
and not prepared for self-government. We should get no amelioration. Downing Street
officials
would say that we are not fit for Responsible Government, and that we ought to confederate.
There is no difficulty in showing that Confederation will be beneficial to British
Columbia;
that is to say, Confederation on proper terms. I do not say that Confederation would
be entirely
satisfactory on the terms proposed in the Government programme. The terms, although
excellent, do not go far enough; but I can hardly understand any man taking the position
that
under those terms, even as they are, Confederation would not be beneficial. The public
works
proposed would make the population of the Colony double what it is now. No man can
conceal
from himself, looking at the question dispassionately, that the construction of the
Railway
alone would bring a very great increase to our labouring and productive population.
We are told that the tariff of the Dominion would crush our farming and industrial
interests. Why, Sir, that tariff is a little more than a third lighter than ours,
and would
relieve us of that one-third of present taxation; and our Customs duties, it must
be borne in
mind, are taken by the Dominion Government. Although, in its present form, the tariff
would
be ill-adapted to some of our local interests which we desire to protect, it should
be remembered
that the Canadian tariff is now under revision, as regards the free admission of American
productions; and under Confederation we shall in all probability have a treaty of
reciprocity;
or, if not, certainly a revised tariff which would meet American productions, which
now find a
free market in the Dominion, with a protective duty. The argument of the Honourable
Member with regard to tariff and farming interests is then swept away by that fact.
[
Dr.
Helmcken—" Is it a fact?"]
The Hon. Mr. ROBSON This subject is one of the greatest importance. All other questions are overshadowed
by it. It is the most important one ever debated on the British Pacific. It has been
justly said
it is a step for life, for better for worse. The question must be approached in a
fair spirit, and
in dealing with it we ought to be thoroughly honest with ourselves; and in dealing
with facts,
I hope that allowance will be made for what has been said, for I believe that much
of the
present opposition arises out of ancient prejudices. Why do we find an Honourable
gentleman
who has grown grey in the service of his country, and for whom we have respect amounting
to veneration, talking of centralization of every interest under Confederation at
Ottawa? Does
the union of Washington Territory and Oregon with other States of the Great Republic
mean
centralization at Washington? [
Dr Helmcken "Yes."]
The Hon. Mr. ROBSON Then, Sir, where would be the advantage of union in that other direction that has
been
alluded to? Certain persons are fond of talking about the advantages of Annexation;
all
arguments in its favour can be brought with redoubled force in favour of Confederation.
British Columbia as a member of the Union would have a Pacific frontage, but only
in common
with other countries of the Union. As a part of the Dominion she would have more,
for she
would be the only outlet of the British Confederacy on the Pacific Coast.
Exception has been taken by the Honourable gentleman to the fishery laws of the Dominion;
and it is said that the whales and salmon will cry out for Confederation to protect
them. If
the Canadian fishery laws were enforced in their present form, it is possible that
the salmon
might escape, and the whales might spout with impunity; but we have a right to expect
that
the Dominion Parliament will adapt these laws to this Colony, on the representations
of the
Members from this Province. It would be absurd to suppose that, if the fishery laws
of the
Dominion were inimical to British Columbia, they would be enforced; the nature of
the union
will be such as to make the interests of this part of the Dominion identical with
other parts.
We cannot suppose that the Dominion Parliament would seek to injure this Province.
A man
would not wantonly injure the smallest member of his body. He could not do so without
feeling it. No man can neglect or injure any member of his own body with impunity.
If one
member, however humble, suffers, all the members will suffer with it. Community of
interest
is the best guarantee for fair play to every section. The Dominion is made up of Provinces,
and the prosperity of the Dominion means the prosperity of the Provinces of which
it is composed.
18
CONFEDERATE DEBATE.
If we could believe that the Government of the Dominion were composed of men of so
little wisdom as the opponents of Confederation seem to think, I would say, do not
let us join
them. But I believe, Sir, and the Imperial Government believes, and British Columbia
believes,
that the Government of the Dominion is composed of statesmen. And I say, Sir, that
since
these statesmen have grasped the great idea of Confederation, they have proved themselves
fit to govern an empire. I am surprised to find any Honourable Member venturing to
suggest
that Canada either could not, or would not, fulfil her pledges. The Dominion Government
is
one and the same in this matter with the Imperial Government. The Imperial Government
stands at the hack of the Dominion Government, and will be equally concerned in the
fulfilment
of the stipulations in their integrity. It will be time to impugn the honour of Canada
when she
refuses to keep the terms. With regard to Nova Scotia, a departure was made from the
terms
of union. The Imperial Government, and the Canadian Government, considered that certain
concessions ought to be made, and they were made, but only to add to the terms in
favour of
Nova Scotia. British Columbia places herself in a false position before Canada, and
before
the world, in saying that there is any doubt as to whether the Dominion would fulfil
the
terms
With regard, again, to the tariff. I think that the only arguments against Confederation
worthy of consideration, are against the present Canadian Tariff. The Customs Tariff
is a
federal matter, and I confess that the arguments against the applicability of the
present scale
to British Columbia are entitled to notice; but, Sir, as I said before, I think these
arguments
are to a great extent met by the fact that we shall have an amended tariff, or a reciprocity
treaty. But if we could hit upon some scheme that, Without infringing the Dominion
prerogatives, would meet our requirements, it would be most desirable, and shall have
my
hearty
support:
In conclusion, Sir, the Government measure shall meet with my hearty support, so far
as
it goes.
It affords me unspeakable gratification to find that Government has sent down a measure
for Confederation which can hardly be cavilled at.
While feeling pleasure in giving a hearty general support to this measure, I shall
reserve
to myself the right to suggest that other items shall be placed in the list now before
the House.
I believe there are terms of the greatest importance which ought to be added. But
anything
that can be added will not meet the wishes of the people of this Colony, unless the
fundamental
principle of self-government accompanies them. I believe that the Canadians are a
great, a
wise, and a conservative people; but I conceive we should be doing a great wrong to
ourselves,Â
to our children, and to those who are to come after us, if we left out Responsible
Government.
Suppose, Sir, the case of three persons forming a partnership; if the third partner,
coming
in subsequently, should consent to leave the management of his private affairs to
the firm,
he would not only be giving up his own rights, but he would be throwing into the partnership
a great element of discord. I say, then, that while Canada necessarily and properly
asks us
to surrender the larger questions, she does not ask us to relinquish our smaller and
local
rights, and if we give them up we shall be doing a wanton thing and a great wrong.
In promising my support, therefore, I make this reservation: That, if this Colony
is to
become a Province of Canada, the people of British Columbia shall have the right to
manage
their own local affairs, as fully as every other Province has. For, while I agree
with the
Honourable Junior Member for Victoria, that the change from Downing Street to Ottawa
would
be useless without a change in the system of Government, I say that it would be most
injurious to go into Confederation upon terms which might inaugurate a fresh era of
political
agitation, which would probably continue for a series of years.
I deny that I uttered any such thing as that the choice would be put to the people
by the
Government between two issues of Confederation and any other union. But that if the
Canadian Government refuses to agree to terms equivalent to these, but chooses to
offer some
mean terms for consideration, when it comes to the polls the people themselves will
raise the
issue between Confederation and the only other change which offers itself for consideration.
The debate was here adjourned until Thursday, at 1 o'clock.
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