PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 203
UNION OF THE COLONIES.
Speech of the Hon Prov.
Secretary
Dr. Tupper
then rose and addressed the
house as follows; Mr Speaker I beg leave to
move the followmg resolution:—
"Whereas under existing circumstances an
immediate Union of the British American Colonies has become impracticable, and whereas
a legislative Union
of the Maritime Provinces is desirable whether the
larger Union be accomplished or not:
"Therefore Resolved, That in the opinion
of this
House the negotiations for the Union of Nova Scotia,
New Brunswick, and P. E. Island should be renewed
in accordance with the resolution passed at the
last Session of the Legislature. "
EXPLANATORY.
In moving the resolution it will be respectful
to this house and to the people of this province,
that I should explain the proceedings which
were taken upon the resolution which was passed at the last session of this
Legislature, and
the various circumstances connected with
the
even's that occurred in the consideration
of that
resolution. This house passed a resolution
authorizing the appointment of five
delegates to
confer with others to be appointed by the
provinces of New Brunswick and P. E. Island,
for
these three Maritime provinces. The government in the discharge of the duty devolving
upon them by the resolution, appointed five
delegates who attend a conference which
was arranged at Charlottetown between the
different provinces for the purpose of
dealing with that question. Previous, however,
to that conference being assembled the
Governor General applied to the Lieutenant
Governors of the three Maritime provinces for
permission for a deputation of the members
of
the Canadian government to attend the
proposed
Conference for the purpose of explaining to
them the views and opinions of the
government
of Canada, and the attitude which that
Province
held at that time in connection with the
ques
tion of Colonial Union. I presume that
there
is no member in this House who would be disposed to question the entire propriety
of these
gentlemen being received at that Conference of
the Maritime Provinces. I presume that when
called upon to engage in the consideration of a
question so great as a change in
the constitution of our country, that no intelligent man
can be found within or without
those walls who
would not consider that a Conference of these
Maritime Provinces would have been wanting
in their duty to the country, if
they hesitated
for a single moment on such an occasion to avail
themselves of every source of information in
their power touching the
question of Colonial
Union in British America. When I had the honor of moving the resolution which received
the unanimous concurrence of this House at its
last session, I d d not disguise for
a single moment that whilst I looked upon a Union of the
Maritime Provinces as desirable,
that the government introduced that scheme
to the Legislature in the absence of any grounds of hope
that the larger and more important Union of
British North America was at
that time practicable or could be effected. I
did not conceal
from the house for a single instant the opinions
which I conscientiously entertained, that the interests of British America would be
largely pro
moted by a union of Canada with the Maritime
Provinces; but I drew the
attention of gentlemen on that occasion to the grounds I had for
believing that at that time such a union was impracticable. I drew the attention of
the house
to the difficulties
that existed as I believed, on
the part of both Upper and Lower Canada in relation to a union with the Maritime Provinces
in relation to a union with Canada, and propo ed
the resolution already referred to. Whilst advocating, as zealously as I was able,
the advantages that would accrue from the larger union I
proposed that of the Maritime Provinces as the only step that was available
to us at that time and a step which, so far from
conflicting in the slightest degree with a Union
of all British North America, was actually one
in that very direction. It will be also recollected that gentlemen on both sides of
this house,
whilst giving their concurrence and support to
the resolution, did not hesitate to express the
preference which they had for a union of all
British North America, and even went at length
into arguments to show that the advantages
which were likely to come from a union of the
Maritime provinces were comparatively insignificant with those which would result
from the
larger scheme. In these sentiments I entirely
and heartily concurred, as will be in the recollection of gentlemen who refer to the
Speech
which I made on that occasion.
THE QUEBEC CONFERENCE.
When the conference which, as I have already stated, met at Charlottetown, they received
a deputation of members of the Canadian
government for the purpose of giving them an
opportunity of placeing before us the views
204 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
and opinions of the government of Canada
in relation to this subject.
Several meet—
ings took place at which those
gentlemen
at length explained the position
of Canada, and the attitude which she then held
on
the question of Colonial Union. I
need scarcely
remind the House that the only
two objections
which existed on the part of the Maritime
Provinces—the only two points in which I intimated
that any hostility might be found in the Maritime Provinccs to the union with Canada,
were
the large debt which Canada had and the financial
condition of that country—that
whilst her debt
was very much larger than this of the Maritime
Provinces, and the government had been obliged
to meet the Parliament annually with a large
deficit, we were able to exhibit
a large surplus
revenue. When we ascertained that a government had been formed in Canada with the
avowed and ostensible object of effecting a union
of the Maritime Provinces with that
country—
that both of the great parties
which existed in
that Province had united upon a common
plat—
form with a view of uniting all
British America—
that the debt of Canada and that
of the Maritime
Provinces could be arranged in such a manner
as to enable all to enter the Confederation upon
terms of perfect equality, and that Canada
was
prepared to offer the Maritime Provinces that
for every dollar of less debt that any one of
them had relatively
to Canada according to
population they were prepared to
pay to such
province interest annually — when we found in
addition to that that the financial condition of
the country had so improved that instead
of
closing the financial year with a
deficit she was
able to show a surplus — when we saw
that the prominent objections— those
which had
been raiseed here as the only objections that lay
in the way of a Union of the Maritime
Provinces with Canada—had been removed —
we felt
we might then fairly arrive at the conclusion
that we would be consulting not
only the interests but the wishes of the respective Legislatures and people we represented,
if we entered
upon the larger and more important question of
a Union of all British North America That action has been so strongly challenged upon
the
part of the Press and of a number of public men
in these various provinces, that
I think it right
I should detain the house for a few moments
whilst I offer to them some of
the reasons which
the government of this province had for believing that in adjouming the question of
a Union
of these Provinces, and in taking up the larger
question of a confederation of
all British North
America, they were acting in accordance
With
the views of the Legislatures and with the sentiments of the people of this country.
PAST
ASPECT OF THE QUESTION OF UNION.
I need not go back ten years to remind the
House of the position which this question occupied in 1854 When Mr. Johnston, the
leader of the Conserative party in this province,
moved a resolution proposing
a union of the
Brittsh North America or a union of Canada,
with the Maritime Prevmces ; that sentiment
instead of exciting hostility - of meeting with
antagonism, received the favorable
consideration
of the House, and, as for as
could be judged,
of the people of this province. At that time I
need hardly remind the House
that Mr. Young,
a prominent member of this Legislature, gave
in his adherence to the advantages that
would
be derived from a union of these provinces, and
further expressed a strong
opinion in favor of a
federal union of British America On that
occasion Mr Howe, also one of the
most prominent members of the Legislature,
instead of oposing union, placed upon record
his opinion
during the discussion of the
question, that if he
were unable to obtain what he considered
better, namely representation in
the Imperial
Parliament, he would be prepared
to support
a federal union of all B N. A. But
I shall
come down to a latter period when I had the
honour of delivering a lecture at the opening of
the Mechanics Institute at St. John, New.
Brunswick, in 1860, and I took that
opportunity,Â
as a public man, of drawing the attention of
these provinces to the great
importance of a
union of all British North America, and to the
great advantages that would flow from a consolidation of these provinces with Canada.Â
That
lecture was repeated, in various
parts of this
province, and I can only say that testing as I
did the public opinion of this country, neither in
the press nor by any expression of the public sent ment in any shape whatever, was
I led to believe that, the views which I had
propunded as a public man did not meet
with the entire approval and concurrence
of the peoole of these provinces. A year
afterwards, in 1861, hon Mr.
Howe, then
leader of the government in this Province,
proposed formally in this Legislature a series of
resolutions in which he declared that
many and
great advantages would result from the union ofÂ
all the Provinces, and in which he asked the
concurrence of this House to just such a conference as was recently held at Quebec
for
the
purpose of examining the question, and ascertaining whether it would be practicable
to unite
these Provinces under one government. The
House is well aware that although this resolution was propose at a time when party
antagonism
was as rife as at any time in our history—
when parties were closely balanced in this houseÂ
— when a fierce struggle was
going on in this
Legislature for the government of the country—
yet in the presence of that proposal
all party
hostility gave way, and it met not only
with
warm support from the opposition
benches, butÂ
with the entire approval and concurrence
of this
Legislature. Certainly there were no grounds
for supposing that the public
sentiment of this
country was not in the highest
degree favorable
to a union With Canada But coming down to
a later period, Mr. McGee
visited these Provinces, and I cannot mention that hon gentleman's name without paying
at
the same time a
just tribute to the great claims
he has upon theÂ
people of British North America. If there is a
statesmen in British North America of whomÂ
our country many be justly
proud it is that
hon. gentleman, and if he has one claim
to the
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 205
gratitude
of the people of these provinces
greater than another it is owing to the fact that
through his public Provincial
career his great
intellect, his great powers have been directed
towards consolidating all.British North America. His great powers have been
brought
into play earnestly and effectually
in removing
class, party, and religious
antagonism - in fact,
every antagonism that could divide
the people
that inhabit British North
America and to direct their mind and attention to the great value
of the institutions they possess, and to the best
means of consolidating and perpetuating those
institutions That hon gentlemen, in response
to a request made to him, delivered a lecture on
the consolidation of British North
America, and
instead of being met by any
demonstration on
the part of the people or the press of this country that would lead any public
man to suppose
that a Union of British North America
was not in
the highest degree acceptable, he delivered that
brilliant oration amid the plaudits of a large,
influential and intellectual
audience in this city,
and at the conclusion a vote of thanks was moved by hon. Mr. Johnston and seconded
by
Mr. Hoew. Chllenged as the
government have
been with having failed in their duty to the
people of this country when they permitted
the discussion of the question of Union with
Canada, it is but right that I should turn to
the sentiments not only delivered by leading
statesmen of two parties in this
country, but
delivered in the presence of an influential body
of citizens and received and
accepted by the
intelligent press of the country, us deserving,
in the highest degree, of the
approval of the
people. Hon. Mr Johnston said, in moving a
vote of thanks to Mr. McGee :—
"To himself
it had been the occasion of peculiar
interests, inasmuch as the subject of it was one on
which his own mind had been for a long time occupied. He had long been desirous that
we would rise
above out isolation and littleness, and occupy a position far superior to any we have
done."
"He knew
that we have some public men that have
become elequent on the greatness and resources of
Nova Scotia; but notwithstanding all that had been
said, and it might be natural to say a great deal, he
could not avoid coming to the conclusion that we
were very small in deed. Why the entire of the inhabitants of this Province would
not be more than
sufficient to fill a first class city. We have got the
elements of greatness and self-government, but on a
very small scale. The same many be said of New
Brunswick. The latter Province is a noble country;
and Canada we know is replete with inexhaustible
stores of wealth and greatness. And looking far
back we ask what shall comprise her bounds, broad and
unlimited in their expanse? It is, then, our duty not
only to the present, but also the succeeding generaations, to effect a union of the
whole, Canada, New
Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, having
one interest and one cause. It has been said by some
that we can do little in moulding our future condition; but I can say that we can
do much, and it is our
duty to look into the future and provide for it. We
may also waken up to the necessaity of giving the question its due importance when,
perhaps, it may be
somewhat too late."
Mr. Howe, in seconding
that resolution,
said:
"Mr. Howe
went on to remark that it would be in
justice to the lecturer to say more, further than he
was with him in all he said. He was for a Union of
all the British North American Provinces, but he was
for an Intercolonial Railroad first. Then the road
would bring about the Union. It would enable
the
Canadians to see our faces, to
become familiar with
us, and to see the number of 1000 ton-ships which
we are building, which
with our other
wealth and resources, we are willing
to throw
into the one great stock. He thought a Union should
not be delayed till we had drilled into difficulties; How
short sighted were the English statesmen of old who
lost them the thirteen States,
when the difliculty
could have been arraigned in a month, the horrors of
the Revolutionary war prevented, and all our race
living at peace and harmony at present without bickering and animosity which prevails
in their midst.
Talk of the fall of Quebec being a source of sorrow
to the inhabitants of this Province. lt would be
more. If the St. Lawrence were
in the hand of our
enemies we should be compelled to beg
permission to
tear
down the British lag. What he wished for N.
Scotia was that she may he the frontage
of a mighty
Colony; upon which it may be truly said the sun never set. No mon ban look upon Halifax
and its environs, its harbor, its citadel, and say it. was made for
this Province alone."
"The United States has drifted into a civil war; and
we may drift into a tight place from which it will be
difficult to extricate ourselves.
The States might assail us; but if we had a railway
by which troops could
be sent from Quebec or other
military stations to the
threatened point we would be saved. Mr. Howe.
said that, he hoped when Mr. McGee returned to Canada he would be able to say "I
have been down
among those peeple who live on
fish and lobsters,
and there I seen keen politicans bickering upon small
topics, but when the great
subject of national union
was brought before them then all minor difference
was disregarded and I found them uniting and pushing and cheering me on in this labor
of
love."
These sentiments were delivered at the lecture of Mr. McGee amid the plaudits
of one of the most intelligent audiences in the city, and quoted by
the press from one end of the province to the other, and met the hearty
approval of this country, I do not make these quotations for the purpose
of bringing into question the attitude of any public man in this
country. I am now asking this house to consider whether the course the
government pursued in appointing delegates to confer upon thequestion of a
Union of British North America was not one that they had a right to
suppose would receive the hearty concurrence of this house, and
meet with the enthusiastic approval of the people of this country.
It is well known that after the resolutions
which passed the legislatures or the respective
Provinces had been placed upon the journals,
the Government of Canada was
reorganized by
the combination of both, parties upon the avowed platform of endeavoring to form a
Union of
all British North America. When this fact was
made
known, what did it evoke? A sentiment
of hostility on the part, of these Provinces?
No! Did we who had been suing at the hands
of Canada as late as 1861 by
the act of this
Legislature, and asking, as Mr. Howe did ask,
for a conference such as that recently held at
Quebec - did the people of these provinces when
they learned that the government of Canada had
been reformed and recons ructed upon the basis
of endeavoring to bring about a Union of British North America, view that proposition
with
disfavour? In the Province of New Brunswick,
in the chief city, the citizens came together- the Board of Trade at the head of
the movement - and one of the firs acts which followed
that declaration to the world that the government
of Canada was reconstructed upon such a basis
206 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
as I have stated, was. an invitation from
St.
John to the government and the united Legisla
tures of that country to come down and receive
an ovation at their hands. Nor was the city of
Halifax slow in following the example, for at a
meeting convened by the Mayor upon a public
requisition in this city, an invitation was extended by the citizens of Halifax to
the Legislature
of Canada to come here and receive an ovation
also at their hands—indicating, asf ar as it was
possible, that the events which had taken place
in Canada entitled the Government and Legislature of that country to courtesies such
as had
never been extended to them before. Although
the Legislature of Canada was not able formally to accept that invitation,
a number of
gentlemen connected with various public positions in the country came down to St John
and Halitax. I need hardly tell this House
how they were received. So far from
having
been met with any spirit of hostility, they were
received with open arms, and the hospitalities
of these two citi s in the two provinces extended to them in a manner that was worthy
of
both. As late as a year ago in August 1864,
at the public entertainment which was given
in this city, and before the Conference had met
at Charlottetown—when these gentlemen were
received here,—a member of the Canadian government, standing at the table, advocated
in
the most eloquent terms a Union of all British
North America. That advocacy
was received,
as had always been the case in the city of
Halifax, by every demonstration of enthusiasm
and approval that it was in the power of an intelligent people to give; but more than
that, on
that occasion, I took the opportunity of observing that when I had moved a resolution
tor a Union of the Maritime Provinces,
I did it
with the conviction that an immediate
consolidation of all British North America
was impracticable—and that I hailed with
the utmost satisfaction the evidence that
had been since given that the smaller
Union which we contemplated was
likely to be
merged into a far greater and more comprehen—
sive scheme. On that occasion, I need not state
to gentlemen who are resident in this city. Mr.
Howe again responded in the terms which
he had always been accustomed to use on
this question. He said, although the hour
was late it was oi little consequence, for
his
voice had been heard in every chief city not
only Nova of Scotia, and New
Brunswick, but of
Canada advocating the consolidation of all British North America; and there he committed
himself, in the most unqualified manner in fa—
vour of such a union—declaring that it was the
dream of his life, and that he would look forward to its realization with the highest
satisfaction I do not refer to this as attaching any
great importance to what may fall from Mr.
However myself, but I call
attention to these
facts to show that when public men on various
occasions gave in their hearty
adhesion to a proposal to unite Canada with the Maritime Provinces, so far from the
sentiments they propounded
sinking them in public estimation - so
far from the press and people of
this country ex
pressing their dissent from the course
that was
pursued—that in the light of the fact that a
Conference was to be held at Charlottetown,
and
that a deputation of the Canadian Governmen
were to attend this Conference with
a view of
endeavouring to accomplish the larger Union
of
British North America, as far as the public
men of this or the other
Provinces are concerned, there was every reason to believe that
what was proposed met with the entire approval
and the concurrence of the people. As I have
already stated the Canadian deputation received
—and after much consultation and deliberation,
the most prominent public men in all these Provinces came to the conclusion that there
was a
fair and legitimate prospect to believe that
at another conference they would be able to devise such measures for a Union as would
secure the confidence, co operation, and assent of
all these Provinces. Under these
circumstan-Â
ces the Canadian delegates returned home, and
the Governor General, acting upon their advice and under the sanction of the Crown,
given in the most emphatic terms, invited the
appointment of delegates frdm the maritime
provinces for the purpose of taking
into consideration the question of the wider Union. That
action has been challenged as an unconstitutional proceeding. I will not, in an assembly
like this, attempt any vindication of the strict
constitutionality of such a course. Suffice
it to say, there stood upon the journals of the
legislature not only the approval
of such a
course as that, but the declaration of the Colonial Secretary that the British government
would be ready to pay the utmost deference to
any proposal— that might
emanate from any
scheme that might be agreed upon by the governments of the different provinces, and
authorizing a conference to be held. The resolution
which passed the house at its last session provided that whatever agreement was come
to
should receive the sanction of the different
legislatures No action, therefore,
was proposed
to be taken by
the conference at Quebec which
did not involve the same legitimate course to
be taken. All that the legislature had demanded—all that the several legislatures
and the
imperial government as well had demanded -
as- he necessary constitutional course preliminary to change the constitution, was
observed
by the Quebec conference, and
that was proposal to arrange—the scheme of
union for these
provinces which should first be
submitted to
the imperial government, then to the different
legislatures of these provinces, previous to an
application being made to the imperial
authorities to give effect to the
scheme by an act passed
bythe British parliament. I
need not tell the
house that a body of public men
assembled at
Quebec—similar to no other body that ever met
together in this or any other country—who not
only represented the
governments but both
leading political parties. The result
of their
labors was beyond that which the most san—
guine person had a right to
expect—that in the
position which we considered British America
to occupy the different public
men representingÂ
the different parties and
sections into which all
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 207
British America is divided, were able to
devise
a common scheme of Union. After the question was fully dealt with, a scheme was presented
which, as whole, was accepted by the
conference.
THE ADVANTAGES OF LEGISLATIVE UNION.
The result of that Conference, it will be
now
my duty to refer to, for let that scheme occupy
what position it may at this hour, no one can
hesitate to admit that the interests involved in
it are of the most vital consequence. It becomes me as a member of the government
of my country,—as a public man responsible to the House and the people for the
views I entertain upon a question of this kind—
that I should have an opportunity
of explaining
and vindicating as I can, the grounds which led
me to concur as I did most heartily in the scheme
proposed for the Union of British North America. I need not tell the House that a
great deal
of discussion has taken place in times past as to
whether a legislative or federal union would be
the best mode by which these Provinces
could
be united, and I believe that I will be able to
show this House that whilst a Legislative Union
was really not practically before us—for there
were difficulties lying in its path such as to render its adoption impossible—yet
the Union
which was devised by the Quebec Conference,
possessed all the advantages of both without
the disadvantages that attended each separately.
No person, who to acquainted with the
character
of Legislative Union, but knows, when it is
proposed for a country with the area and extent
of territory that British
America possesses, its
realization is attended with
great dlfiiculties if
not with insuperable obstacles. No person, who
is acquainted with what has taken
place in the
Imperial Parliament, but knows that great as
that country has become under a Legislative
Union, yet the difficulties connected with the
Union are such as at this moment to be occupying the attention of the foremost
statesmen of
Great Britam. The difficulties in the way of
a Legislative Union are that the Legislature
has not only to be occupied with the discussi n
of the great and leading questions which touch
the vital interests of every section ol the coun.
try, but to give its attention largely to matters
of merely local concern. At present, the Parliament is obliged to take up and consider
from
five to six hundred local bills.
When we consider
that this body of 600 men, — the
most influ—
ential and important assemblage of statesmen
in the world, are called upon to give their attention upon some five hundred bil s,
which
are not of general but of purely local concern,
you can imagine the difliculty of
carrying on
the legislation of such a country. It is not
strange that under such
circumstances the Parliament is obliged to sit eight out of twelve
months in order to accomplish the
legislation required at their hands. If a Legislative Union
were devised for British North America the
people occupying the different sections would
not have the guarantee that they have under the
scheme devised, that matters of a local character
would occupy the attention of the local legisla
tures, whilst those of a general nature
would beÂ
entrusted to the General Legislature. Therefore the scheme that was devised gave the
centralization and consolidation and unity that it
was absolutely indispensable should be given.
On the other hand, instead of having copied the
defects of the federal constitution - instead of
having the inherent weakness that must always
attend a system where the local legislatures
only impart certain powers to the government
of the country - quite a different course was
pursued, and it was decided to define the questions that should be reserved for the
local legislatures, and those great subjects that should be
entrusted to the general parliament. Therefore,
whilst the unity and consolidation connected
with Legislative Union was obtained on the one
hand, due care and attention to the local matters
interesting to each Province were provided for
by the preservation of local parliaments, and
these powers were so arranged as to prevent any
conflict or struggle which might lead to any difficulty between the several sections.
OUR CONNECTION WITH GREAT BRITAIN
STRENGTHENED.
Instead of looking to the Union of British
North America as tending to weaken the bond
of connection that binds us to the parent state, no
one who reads the resolutions of the conference
but must see that there was placed in the forefront the principle that that bond should
be
strengthened, and that we should be connected
with the parent state by a more indisoluble tie
than ever before existed. I need not tell the
house that these results have been submitted to
the attention of the Imperial Government, and
the statesmen of England have looked upon
them not as likely to separate these dependencies, but as the best means of uniting
them more
indisolubly to the crown. I need not state that
the same bond which exists between Canada and England - between Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick and England, was conceived, and
that when the scheme contemplated that the
Queen should place a Viceroy or Governor-
General over these dependencies thus united,
the surest guarantee w s given that the great
object was to preserve the bonds that connect
us with the parent state. And that view has
been accepted not only by the government but
by the people and press of England, and by
statesmen in every quarter of the globe.
LOCAL
GOVERNORS.
A great deal of stress has been laid on
the
fact that whilst the Governor
General should
be appointed by the Crown, the connection between these Provinces and the British
Govern—
ment, would be weakened, because it
was proposed that the local governors should not be
appointed as at present. Those
who examine
the subject will find very little on which to base
that argument. Every person must see that
it was important that the local governments in
each province should be so united with the
general government under the Governor-General
as to ensure harmony and co operation, and
that it therefore became necessary that no altera
208 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
tion should be made as to the appointment
of
the Lieutenant Governors. But I would invite
the attention of the house to the character of
the alteration. What was
proposed? That the
people of each province should
elect their gov
ernor? No. Wherever favor that view might
have met from some parties, it
was not the
principle laid down by the conference at Quebec.
It will be found that the the same
means by which
the governor is appointed today
would exist
under the scheme of the conference. Who
appoints the Governor General and
the Lieutenant Governors at this day?
If there is a portion of imperial patronage which is more than
another placed within the personal control of
the individual who exercises it,
it is the appoint
ment of Colonial Governors In case of
a
vacancy in any one of these dependencies,
the
man who fills it up it the Right
Hon. Mr.
Cardwell sitting in the Colonial office. I would
ask, whether under this scheme, when it has
been plainly stated by the British government
that it would become necessary that they should
supply from the ablest British statement a Governor or Viceroy, whether the Crown
and the
people would not have the same guarantee for
that influence and control over the appointment
of local governors that is exercised now. The
difference would be this: Instead of a Colonial
Secretary appointing the Lieutenant Governor
the Queen's representative sitting at the head
of the government of United British America,
himself asresponsible as a minister of the Crown,
would be called upon to discharge that duty,
and, at the same time, harmony would be b
tained between the local and general government, and the influence of the crown would
be
as effective as it exists at the present moment.
The people of British North America would be
in a position to exercise an amount of
influence
in the selection of the local governors which
the , of course, cannot do under existing circumstances.
POWERS OF
GENERAL GOVERNMENT.
It was proposed, as I stated before, that all
the questions of loading general importance
should be entrusted to the general government.
There are some thirty-seven in number, but I
will only at present draw the attention of the
house to some of the more important points:
"The regulation of trade and commerce; the
Imposition and Regulation of Excise Duties; the Postal
Service; Militia, Military, and Naval Service; Currency and Coinage; Criminal Law;
appointment of
Judges of the Supreme Courts.
POWERS
OF LOCAL GOVERNMENTS.
To the local governments were reserved
powers of an important character, though of a
local interest, which could be exercised without
any interference whatever with
the unity and
strength of the central government. The con
construction of the local
governments was to be
left to the local legislatures
themselves.
The establishment
and tenure of Local Offices, and
appointment and payment ot Local Officers; Education; Sale and Management of
Public Lands; Local
Works; The Administration of Justice,
Property and
Civil Rights.
I have only referred to some of the more im
portant powers that would be given to the
local
and general governments respectively. The
local governments would not
inter'ere with the
powers of the general government, or
weaken its strength
and unity of action, but
would be able to deal with such questions as
touch the local interests of
the country—the
construction of roads and
bridges, public works,
civil jurisdiction, &c.
THE DEBT.
As I stated before the debt of each province was settled upon a. principle
that I think will commend itself to the aproval of every man in British
North America, and that is that each province should enter the confederation
with precisely the same debt, and if any section was in the position
that the construction of local public works did not necessitate
the raising of the debt to the same proportionate extent as that of
Canada, she should receive from the public revenue the difference I need not
detain the House upon that branch of the subject, for in the
first case it gave to New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia a margin to raise
their debt to that point which was required to complete their public works,
and at the same time left them in the position that if the money was not
expended it should be credited to them.
THE QUESTION OF THE SUBSIDY.
There
is another question that has occupied
a great deal of attention, and that is the subsdy.
It has been stated that the subsidy was insufficient, and that a great mistake was
made by the
delegates who placed the amount at 80 cents
a head, and based it on the census of 1861, instead of making it a larger sum in the
first
instance, and allowing it to increase according
as the population increased If the delegates
from the m ritime provinces did not secure sufficiently good terms, I may say frankly,
if we
came back not having obtained that fair consideration and justice to the provinces
which we
had a right to demand at the hands of the
conference, the fault was our own. The
business of that conference was carried on
by vote by provinces and the maritime
colonies, instead of standing in a position
to allow Canada to dictate her own terms,
and being compelled to accept them, they
help a position which gave them a great advantage. The vote upon every question, as
I have
said, was taken by provinces. Every member
of that Conference had it in his power to advocate him individual opinions to the
best of his
ability; but when it came to a vote, the majority of the delegates from each province
decided
what its vote should be; and therefore, when it
is seen that Canada had only two votes, and
that the Maritime Provinces had four, it is evident that if the latter - whose interests
were
identical - did not receive a fair amount of consideration it was not because they
did not
stand in a position to obtain it. I have no hesitation, however, in going further
and saying, if
there is any fault to be found with the subsidy
to carry on the local governments - the amount
necessary to supplement the local funds that
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 209
each province would have at its disposal to carry
on the local governments - the blame must
rest in a large degree, upon the delegates
from the province, for that subsidy was
fixed to a large extent upon the requirements
of what we believed to be the necessities of Nova
Scotia, and arranged upon a basis that we felt
was necessary in order to meet local exigencies
in this Province. We felt it was to the advantage of this Province as well as of British
North
America that the subsidy should be placed at as
low a fugure as possible, for the simple reason
that 80 cents a head was a tax that would rest
upon the people of British North America and
upon Nova Scotia in common. To have increased that subsidy to 90 cents would have
made a very insignificant difference to be received by the people of this Province,
but when
applied to the million of Canada it would have
amounted to a large aggregate to be drawn
annually for ever from the general revenue of
the whole country in which we would have a
common interest Therefore it was of the highest importance to the people of this
small pro
vince with a small population to fix the subsidy
at the smallest amount in order to lessen the
burthens which the people of British North
America, and especially of the lower provinces,
would be called upon to sustain. We felt that
the same principle dictated to us as a matter of
common prudence that we should fix the subsidy upon the census of 1861. We felt, too,
that the population of Upper Canada might be
expected to increase in a greater ratio then any
other part of British North America, and the
result would be that an enormous drain would
thus be made upon the general revenue if the
subsidy were not stationary As the population
increased it would be but 70 then 60, then 50
cents, instead of fixing forever 80 cents upon
the people. We believed after making a careful calculation, which it will not be necessary
to go into at this time, that in fixing the amount
at 80 cents, we sufficiently consulted the local
interests of the country, and the different services for which it was necessary to
provide.
REPRESENTATION
BY POPULATION.
I must glance now at one or two points
that
were arranged at that Conference for the government of British North America. The
principle of representation by population was
adopted, and there have been found people in
this Province to question its soundness and
judiciousness. It has been said that it is a
false principle and that therefore it should
have been repudiated and rejected - that it was
not one which Conservatives ought to support.
It will not be necessary to go into any elaborate defence of representation by population,
as applied to British America. The principle
was approved twenty-five years ago, by a
statesman as distinguished as Lord Durham.
It was stated by him, in a report which will
make his name ever famous in the annals of
British America, and I may say Great Britain,
that it was the only true and safer principle
which the Legislature and Governments
could be constructed in British America. That
eminent statesman predicted, 25 years ago,
in reference to Canada, that if they undertook
we ignore the principle of representation by po
pulation, the day would come when the country
would be rent in twain. Who does not know
the difficulties that arose from the false principle that was applied at the time
of the union
of the Canadas, in order to give the ascendancy to Upper Canada, whose population
at the
time was less than that of Lower Canada? - Who does not know that the prediction
of Earl
Durham has been verified? and the time has
come when that country has been convulsed
in order to rid themselves of a principle so unsound as that a certain number of people
in a
certain locality shall have an amount of representation arranged not according to
their numbers, but exhibiting a disparity with some
other section. But were we to put ourselves in
the position of saying that the intelligence of
our people was such - that the want of intellect
and ability amongst us was so marked, that, in
order to have sufficient influence in a legislative assembly in British North America,
we
should demand that the principle of representation by population should be ignored?
- When it is said that the principle should be
discounted by Conservatives, I call the
attention of the house to the fact that the Quebec scheme has been submitted to the
most
severe ordeal that any scheme of constitutional
government could be subjected to, and to a tribunal perhaps as competent to pass upon
it as
any in the world - I mean the Government and
people in England, as the represented by a press
which for standing, character, and intelligence
is not equalled in any part of the civilized
world. I ask any public man to show me, although the scheme has been rigidly examinined
a single statement in the press of England, or
of any other country, calling into question the
soundness of the principle of representation by
population, as applied to British North America. I have examined all the criticisms
I could
have access to, and I have yet to find a single
press that has objected to the application of
that principle. It has been said that, assuming the principle to be right, it would
nevertheless place these provinces in a position that
would jeopardise the interests of the people in
connection with this scheme of government. I
would ask this house to consider that, in the
first place, under the principle Nova Scotia
would be entitled to 19 representatives in all
in a parliament of 19+ members. I would ask
this house, when any man ventures to question
whether the 19 members or the 47, would not
have a fair share of influence in the united parliament, to look at the only criterion
by which
it is possible to come to any conclusion on the
subject. Look acorss the Atlantic at the parliament of England - at the House of Commons
of 600 members - where the parties into which
the country are divided, the Liberals and Conservatives, are separated by lines less
strong
than those which divide Upper and Lower Canada, and must divide them for a century
to
come. There you will see a dozen independent men controlling parties and influencing
the
destinies of the country. Is not this evidence
that in a British American parliament of 196
members the representatives of the Maritime
Provinces would render it impossible for their
interests to be ignored or set aside. It may be
said they would not be united - personal antagonism would arise to keep them divided.
I
grant it. But the moment that parliament
would attempt to touch the interests of any
part of these Maritime Provinces; would you
210 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
not see them forced into such a
combination as
would enable them todictate to any party that
would attempt to override them. Go to Canada and take your illustration there. Not
19,
but three or four members only, for years, have
dictated which party should control the government of the country.
Therefore
I feel that this principle is not only
just in itself but is one that gave to the Maritime Provinces all the control
and influence to
which they were entitled. Look again at the
Parliament of England and you
would see,
although lreland has an insignificant number
of members—insignificant in a
numerical point
of view in comparison to what
Nova Scotia
would send into a British
American Parliament—yet for years they have occupied that
position that they can dictate to
the Parliament
which party shall govern the
country. But I
need not go to Canada, or Ireland, or England,
for illustrations to bear out my
statement. I
have only to look at our own legislature to see
the comparatively small island
of Cape Breton dictating its terms and policy to the government of the country—all
that is necessary is
for her small number of
representatives to
combine upon any question of public policy,
and she obtains what she requires.
Mr. BOURINOT—Cape Breton was not represented at the Conference, and at
the present
moment she has not a single representative at,
the Council Board.
Dr. TUPPER— The hon. member knows right
Well that all that is necessary at any time for
the members of Cape Breton is to express their
wishes on any question and they
will receive
every consideration. Any government that
refused to meet them on their
own terms would
receive a fatal blow. I confess I
would have
been ashamed to say in the conference that.
Nova Scotia's position was such that in order
to have influence and control in
a parliament
of 194 members she would require to send
more than 19 men. Mr. Howe told the people
of this country ten years ago that all that he
required would be two men in the British Parliament in or er to have the
mining monopoly
broken down in a single night's
discussion.
Ten years after hemade the statement, I would
feel that I was occupying a
position that my
countrymen would never forgive if
i said that
the intellect of this Province was at so
low an
ebb that she could not send 19 members that in
point of weight and energy and ability would
not protect our interests in the general parlia
ment of united British America.
THE REPRESENTATION IN THE LEGISLATIVE
COUNCIL
But was
our representation in the Commons
the only guarantee that our rights would not
he trampled upon. lt is ample security; but I
am ready to show the house that the most extravagant demand that could enter into
the
mind of any man was conceded in the scheme
of government
for these Provinces. I need not
tell this house of the potent influence that is
exercised in legislation
by the Legislative
Council. We have seen several striking examples of questions ou which
îhree—fourths of
this body concurred, and yet this house did not succeed in attaining its object because
it did
not meet with the concurrence of the Upper
Branch. It requires two to make a bargain and pass a law. I ask you, then, if you
wish
for a guarantee that the security of the people
of the Maritime-Provinces wil never be ig
nored, could you have a stronger one than
that 600,000 people in these Maritime Provinces should have obtained.
under such a constitution, the same representation in the
Upper Branch as was given
to Upper Canada
with 1,400,000, and to Lower Canada with
1,100,000. This we have
for all time come,
although Upper Canada may increase to millions of people. Then I would ask the intelligent
people of this country if the parties who
devised the constitution did not give us all the
security that our rights and interests could demand.
THE NECESSITY FOR UNION—A PLEA FOR
NATIONALITY.
I have glanced at the more leading features
connector with the constitution,
and it will be
perhaps desirable that I should
show what necessity there existed, and what
ground there
was for having this union. I have already
called the attention of the house to the singular fact that rife as party feeling
has
been in
this country -- that strong as has
been, the divisions and lines of demarkation between existsing parties—from the time
the great question
of union was first submitted to
the notice of
the legislature and people of this country, there
has been an amount of unanimity of sentiment
among all classes of public men of all parties,
such as has never been exhibited
on any other
question. It is not singular that such should
be the case when we look at our present position. Who is there that does
not feel that the
first principles of manhood
imprinted in the
breast of man is that the
country with which
he is connected should occupy a
position of influence of which he need not
be ashamed?
Who is there with a spark of manliness in his
bosom that does not feel
that he has a right to be proud of his country in proportion to the
position it occupies in the scale of nations I
need not tell the house that
surrounded as we
are by many blessings—owing
fealty as we do
to the first empire in the world - enjoying the
protection of one of the greatest powers on the
globe—having free institutions in
all their entirety — possessing as we do
peace and plenty,
—that we enjoy advantages for which we
ought to be profoundly grateful;- but I
can discover no other cause why there has been so
great a co-operation among all classes of intelligent people of our country in respect
to a
union of these colonies than the desire that
possessing these advantages we should at the
same time advance to a more national position
and render our institutions more secure. Who
does not feel mortified when he takes up the
report of the discussion that recently took
place in the Commons, and finds that although
the subject under debate was the security of
British America, yet the only one of the provinces that appeared to be known to British
statesmen - that was deemed worthy of their
notice - was Canada.
We have had evidence of the most tangible
and positive character, both in Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick, how insignificant is our
position in the estimation of the parent state.
What was the complaint when the Reciprocity
Treaty was submitted to the house, that came
from both sides? That the Imperial Parliament, in negotiating that treaty, had not
thought it necessary to ask the opinion of Nova Scotian statesmen although the great
fisheries that surround this country were to be
surrendered. Mr. Johnston was invited by the
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 211
Lieutenant Governor, although in opposition
at that time, to go in conjunction with Mr.
Young to attend the meeting of the
delegates, for
the purpose of considering the question. He
found, however, that he was required to give
his assent to what had been done already. - Therefore, in the arrangement of a treaty
so
intimately affecting our interests, the views of
not a single public man in Nova Scotia were
considered worthy of attention, and I presume
it was the same with New Brunswick.
Where was New Brunswick when a large
slice was cut off from her territory - when the
whole of British North America was disfigured
by the Ashburton Treaty? The opinion of a
single statesman in New Brunswick was not
asked.
The fact is, if we are known at all across
the
Atlantic, notwithstanding the immense resources of these Maritime Provinces, it is
because
we happen to be contiguous to Canada. Everything connected with out interests tell
us of
the insignificance of our position. Therefore it
is not a matter of surprise, in view of
these facts, and of the position we occupy,
that the intelligent men of these Provinces
have long since come to the conclusin that, if
these comparatively small countries are to
have any future whatever in connection with
the crown of England, it must be found in a
consolidation of all British North America. I
regret that this harmony doea not exist down
to the present moment, but I am dealing with
the position the question occupied at the time
these negotiations were going on.
OUR TRADE
WILL BE INCREASED BY UNION.
Who does not know that if these Provinces
are ever to occupy a position that will increase
the wealth of the country, it must be through
the expansion of our trade?
What trade, worthy of the name, can a country, so limited in extent and sparsely settled,
as our own ever have? When we look across
the border and see the great imperus that was
given to the trade of the United States when
they ceased to become separate provinces and
swept away the hostile tariffs that previously
confined them, who can doubt that if we adopted a simialr policy (but retaining at
the same
time our connection with the parent state) and
became one country, the same great results
would accrue. Then, indeed, might we expect
to advance the material prosperity and position of all British North America! The
only
means by which we can expect an expansion
of trade is by striking down these hostile tariffs, and having a common commerce for
these
provinces. Again you have the difficulties of
trade increased in consequence of each province having a currency of its own. If there
is anything that would increase the commerce
and improve the credit of all British North
America, it would be such a union as would
bring about such a consolidation of the interests of the country as would lead the
world to
suppose that our institutions were based upon a
stable and firm foundation.
OUR CREDIT WILL BE IMPROVED,
There is nothing that lowers the credit of
a
country more than the insecurity that attends
such isolation as these provinces exhibit at the
present moment. Who is there that will invest
money in a country where he believes, owing
to its weakness and isolation, its political condition may become changed in an hour,
and
that all the security that he would have for investment might at any moment become
entirely worthless. This is not a mere question
of theory - we have evidence to guide us. There
is the established fact that the moment it was
made known on the other side of the Atlantic
that the interests of British North America
were to be consolidated, and a firm nationality
created, the credit of the country immediately
improved. We have now all the dis-advantages of connection with Canada. Who does
not know that you cannot have a vote
against a Militia measure, or a raid across
the border of that country, but it acts upon
Nova Scotia, and our funds are affected
at once in the market of the world. Yet we
may not exercise the slightest influence over
that vote, or any other matter which acts so
immediately against out own interests. Is it
not desirable, then, that these Maritime Provinces should be in a position to exercise
some
control over acts which so largely affect us,
and in reference to which we are not powerless?
OUR GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION.
Who is there that looks at the geographical
position of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
that does not feel that for us especially Inter-
colonial Union is a question of the most vital
importance! Who is there that looks at this
Province, extending into the broad Atantic
some 500 miles nearer to the parent state than
any other part of British North America, but
must see that it is quite impossible we can
ever obtain that position Nature intended we
should occupy, except though a Union of
British North America, that will make Nova
Scotia the great highway between two Continents. Who is there that looks at the magnificent
harbors with which the Provinces is honeycombed, but must feel that they were not
intended for a commerce we can now supply, but
for the trade of a mighty nationality, of which
Nova Scotia should be to a large extent the
entrepot. Therefore, it is not strange that the
public men of B. N. A., in view of facts bearing upon the trade of the country - of
the effect
that would be produced upon us in virtue of
our geographical position - should have combined to bring about a union which must
develope the common interests of the country.
OUR GEOLOGICAL ATTRIBUTES.
Look again at the geological position of this
province, and you find that if Nature has intended anything in the construction of this
country, it has been that we chould become a
great manufacturing people. You find here
every mineral and resource in the bowels of
this earth that is necessary to place us in that
position. You see us, therefore, occupying the
same situation that Great Britain occupies on
the Continent of Europe. Therefore, looking
at our geological position, no public man would
fail to see that under proper arrangements this
Province might become a great hive of industry - the great manufactory for all British
North America, if not for a much larger country. It is facts like these that brought
the
public men of Nova Scotia to the conclusion
that they would be wanting in the duty to
their country if they did not advance by every
means in their power so desirable a project.
THE INTERCOLONIAL RAILWAY.
Then there is the question of the Intercolonial Railway. If this legislature has ever
shown a great desire to accomplish any public
212 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
work, it has been on the Intercolonial Railway. For twenty years all parties have
been
willing to admit that the construction of this
work was a matter of the most vital concern
to the people of this country. I will not detain
the house by going into any elaborate quotations by which the leading men of these
provinces have, from time to time, shown that
they belived that the question of Intercolonial Railway was fraught with the most
important consequences to the advancement of the
Province of Noa Scotia, and when I state to
the house that after every effort has been tried
and failed, this scheme of union accomplished
that work on terms such as no man had ever
ventured to ask for this people. I feel that it
is not only in the constitution of the House of
Assembly and the Legislative Council, but
also in respect to this great work that the delegates from the Maritime Provinces
brought
back the indisputable evidence of the earnest
disposition of Canada to unite their fortunes
with our own in a common union which should
be beneficial to all.
It is true it was a matter of great
importance
for Canada to obtain this union - that it opened
a door for the removal of the great difficulties
that have distracted the country, and whatever
may be the extent and resources of Canada - and they are inexhaustible, and I might
almost
say illimitable, -- it can never occupy the position it should except it has a free
outlet to the
ocean. Therefore, it is not strange that the delegates from the Maritime Provinces
came
back not only with the evidence that they
would have in the upper and lower branch all
the guarantees they would require for the advancement of the coutnry, but actually
obtained a pledge that New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia should secure the construction of the
Intercolonial Railway by paying only two-
twelfths of the cost instead of seven-twelfths
as agreed to by the Legislatures of the two
lower provinces.
IMMIGRATION WOULD BE PROMOTED.
Can there be a doubt that the Union of British North America, whilst it would promoye
trade and elevate out credit, would also give
an impulse to immigration that we cannot now
expect. We are not a field of emigration, instead of one for immigration. Nova Scotia,
without trade, and commerce, and manufactures, does not afford a field to our young
men.
The consequence is, day after day we see our
best men going into other countries, where they
will occupy a better position, and find an opening for their talents and engeries
that is denied
to them in their native Province. Consolidate
British North America, and you will stay and
turn back that tide. You will then restore
tens of thousands of her expatriated sons, who
have gone to other lands to seek their fortunes,
and swell the ranks of our rivals, if not foes.
OUR SECURITY WILL BE PROMOTED BY
UNION.
I will now glance at the most important
point
of all in connection with this question, namely,
the security of the country. It is necessary that
our institutions should be placed on a stable
basis, if we are to have that security for life and
property, and personal liberty, which is so desirable in every country. It is quite
impossible
to place any country upon a stable and respectable footing where security has not
the guarantee of permanency - a guarantee that will
inspire confidence in the world. I do not intend on an occasion like this to make
any invidious allusions to the great neighboring
power near us, but I see events transpiring
around us that would make it criminal for any
public man to ignore facts which are of the
most vital importance to British North America.
THE LESSON OF THE PRESENT.
Yesterday. British America bordered upon a
country great in its trade and peaceful pursuits
- having a commerce second to none on the
globe; but you have seen all that changed as it
were in a day. Now you see alongside of us
one of the most gigantic military and naval
powers that the world has ever seen. Therefore it behoves us to consider whether any
public man, in view of the changed attitude of
that country would not be wanting in his duty
to the Province if he attempted for a single
moment to ignore these circumstances. I drea
the attention of the house at its last session to
the fact that British North America had owed
a great deal of its security to the existence of
slavery in the neighboring republic. Is it not
necessary, in he light of events that have
come to our knowledge to-day, we should consider how closee many be at hand the termination
of the great struggle which has convulsed that
great republic with civil war for four years
past; but I think we may safely predict that,
let the issue of that struggle end in any manner we can possible conceive, one thing
is certain, and that is, that slavery is doomed. The
great slave power, which so long exercised
control over the destinies of the States. I have
ever looked upon as the best safeguard for
British North America, since it was antagonistic to the acquistion of any anti-slavery
territory, and consequent increase of influence by
the North. Therefore, when we see this gigantic republic relieved from that difficulty,
and
becoming one of the greatest military powers
in the world, it is matter of deserving of our
most serious deliberation. I regret to have to
say - nor would it be right for me to ignore the
fact - that whilst I feel it would be for the interests of British North America to
preserve
the most amicable relations with the United
States, it is impossible for me to shut my eyes
to the evidence before me that the tone of that
power is decidedly hostile to this country. I
deeply deplore that such should be the case
but, at the same time, I would be recreant to
my duty as a public man if I did not tell this
house and explain the amount of influence
that these considerations have had upon my
own mind. Is is known that until recently the
most kindly relations existed between the
people of British North America and the
United States. Trade was fostered in every
way that was possible - every thing that would
promote harmony and free commercial intercourse was done. But how do we stand today?
Whether you regard the public sentiment of the country though the declarations
of its Press, its Parliament, or its Government
you can arrive at but one conclusion.
(The hon. gentleman thenreferred, in support of his statement, to the establishment
of
the passport system between these Provinces
and the States - which was a great source of
embarrassment to trade and intrecourse between the two countries. He then alluded
to
the fact that the American Congress had made
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 213
an appropriation for the construction of
the
Niagara ship central by which vessels of large
size may be sent through from American waters into the Canadian lakes and for fortifications
on the frontier. Again, the treaty under
which only a small armament was allowed on
the lakes was to be immediately abrogated on
the motion of the American Government.
Then, again, there was the question that so vitally affected the people of British
North America - the Reciprocity Treaty. He then continued in reference to the latter
subject:)
THE RECIPROCITY TREATY.
Under the treaty, whilst the trade of
British
North America has been increased and improved, it has been infinitely much more beneficial
to the commerce of the United States.-
Under the fostering influence of that treaty, the
trade between British America and the States
suddenly sprung in four years from fifteen to
sixty million dollars. Whilst it has been in
the highest degree useful and advantageous to
the commerce and advancement of these British North American Provinces, yet the balance
of trade has been largely in favour of the
States. And who is there that does not know
the great importance that keen and sadacious
people attach to anything that will extend
their commerce and improve their trade? But
despite all that - although the Boards of Trade
at New York, Detroit, and elsewhere, have
made the most energetic appeals against the
abolition of the treaty, the Board of Trade at
Detroit actually demonstrating to their government that since the commencement of
the
treaty the balance of trade has been $162,000,000
in their favour - notwithstanding all that, under
the influence of that spirit which I deeply regret to see exhibitd, notice for the
abolition of
the treaty has been given. Not only so be it
is conclusively shown that it is not the intention of the American Government to enter
into
any negociations for the continuance of the
treaty. A few days ago I laid on the table of
this house a remarkable document. The treaty
provides that there shall be a joint commission under it - yet while the treaty must
remain
in forde for another year, Mr. Stewart has demanded that the commission be immediately
closed. It is impossible, in the view of
such facts, to shut our eyes to the reality that
while that great Republic has assumed such
gigantic proportione and at the same time has
taken such an attitude in reference to these
Provinces, we have a right to come to the conclusion that their determination is to
close all
communication, instead of fostering those
peaceful and commercial relations with us,
which in the past have been so remarkably beneficial.
THE DUTY THAT LIES BEFORE US.
It has been said that it is impossible for
us
to put ourselves in an attitude that will
improve oour position in this respect. I am
not
wrong in assuming that the desire of every
British American is to remain in connection
with the people of Great Britain. If there
is any
sentiment that was ever strong in the
breast of
our people, it is a disinclination to be
separated in any way whatever from the British empire, or to be connected in any
manner
with the United States of America. But what
is out present position? Isolated and
separated as we are now, I ask the house whether
all
the protection we have is not that which
the
crawling worm enjoys - and that is its insignificance is such as to prevent the foot
being
placed upon it? Does it comport with the position and dignity of freemen, that we
should
have our only guarantee of security and pro
-tection in our insignificance? I feel in our
present isolated position, standing in the presence of a power so gigantic and unfriendsly
that we must take speedy and prompt measures for security. I may be told that four
millions of people would still stand in the presence
of thirty millions, and that we would be unable to make any resistance that would
ensure
our safety; but I would ask the house to
consider the fact that we have every reason to
know - for no one can doubt the declaration of
the ministry of England - that the resolve on
the part of Great Britain is to stand in all her
integrity by British America. provided these
provinces assume such asn attitude as would
make the power of the parent state to be put
forth with a reasonable prospect of success.
Although our numbers may be comparatively
small still while we have the good fortune to
be a part of the British empire, and know that
all that is necessary is for us. bu union
and consolidation, to take such a position
as would give England the guarantee that
we are prepared to do our duty, and her
power would not be put forth in vain,
we need not fear the future. Every man who
wishes to keep the liberties and rights he now
possesses as subject to the Crown of England
- who values the institutions he now enjoys,
must see the necessity of our taking such a
course as would guarantee us security in the
case of conflict with any power in the world,
and what would be even better, the avoidance
of conflict which out attitude would accomplish.
SHALL OUR BURDENS BE GREATER?
I may be told, that great as are the advantages of Union, they will be purchased at
too
great a cost - that there will be an increase in
the tariff - that the burdens that will be thrown
upon the people will be greater that otherwise
they would have been. I do not intend to
weary the house with any elaborate statements on this point, except to say that I
believe
we have every reason to suppose, from the position we occupy in connection with the
parent
state - from the expansion that would accede
to the trade and commerce of the country-
from the development that would be given to
manufactures, and the extension of our public
works - that our burdens would not be
greater than if we remain in our present position. Are we not desirous at the present
moment to extend our public works and may we
not fairly assume that if we were to remain
out of Union that the burdens we have to
bear would be increased. The time has passed
when these Provinces would not have to contribute largely to the defences of the country.
Either the fishing grounds, so valbuable to us,
must be given up without a struggle to the
parties who have been accustomed in the
neighboring States to use them for years, or the
cost of defending them must be largely thrown
these Provinces.Â
Therefore I would ask whether in relation to
the protection of our fisheries which will directly have to engage our attention,
it is not
desirable to have these Provinces united and
consolidated. I may be asked whether Union
214 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
would
increase the number of men or the
amount og money. I believe it would. I believe that Union will rapidly increase our
population. I believe that the moral force that
would be given to the whole of British North
America by a common union if her interests,
would be such as I have stated before - to ensure not only the safety, but the peace
of the
country.
Assuming
that you are to reject a union on
the ground that we are defenceless, what is our
position? You are likely to be overwhelmed
without a struggle, or, in the language of Mr.
Howe, - without an Intercolonial Railway, or
the means of communication with Quebec, the
inhabitants of Nova Scotia would have to beg
permission to haul down their own flag. Humiliating as is such a statement every man
man knows that it is true, and how useless it
would be for Nova Scotia to undertake any resistance. At the present, those who assail
Nova Scotia in its isolated position, would only
attack 350,000. but, with British America
united, whoever put a hostile foot upon our
1000 miles of sea coast would assail nearly four
millions of freemen, sustained by the mightiest
power in the world.
THE
POSITION OF THE OPPONENTS OF UNION
ON THE DEFVNCE QUESTION.
I will now turn the attention of the house
for
a single moment to the fact that, on this question of defence the opponents of Union
have
felt that it was so important that questions of
tariff and expenditure sank into insignificance,
and that it was aobsolutely necessary that some
means should be given to a free and intelligent
people, by which their rights and liberties
should be secured. I regret to state that a leading journal in this country changed
its opinions, and for the first time in the history of
the Province, this question of Intercolonial
Union was endeavored to be made one of party,
and that party influences and prejudices were
awakened in order to excite hostility against
the Government, and prevent the people of
this Province accepting the proposed Union. - They felt, however, that it was necessary,
on a
question so important as that of defence, that
we should do somethingm, and accordingly they
propounded to the people of this country their
scheme, by which they would protect British
North America. In the Morning Chronicle of
Jan. 18, 1865, you read:-
"We would provide for the defence of the
Empire by a general tax equally levied by an Imperial statute all over the Empire. This might be
either a tax on property, on polls, or on imports, to take precedence, of all other taxes, and to
be paid into the Imperial treasury. About ÂŁ28,
000,000 are annually required for naval and
military expenditure. Taking the population
of the Empire, including the Eastern Provinces and dependencies, at 300,000,000, 2s.
per
head sterling would provide the whole sum required. A property tax, if that were preferred,
would raise the whole amount. But if it was
thought better to collect the ÂŁ28,000,000 upon
imports, the commerce of the Empire would yield
the whole without any portion of it feeling the
burthen."
When I am told that our scheme of union
would involve increasing the burthens upon the
people of this country - that a yard of cotton
might cost one cent more than it does now, - and that it was a reason why we should
not
have union with all its advantages - an Intercolonial Railway, expanded commerce,
the development of manufactures, and intercommunion between 4,000,000 of British North
Americans. When I am told this I think I have a
right to ask the people of this country to examine this scheme that is propounded
on the
great question of national defence by the opponents of Confederation and compare it
with
that offered for your acceptance by the Quebec
Conference. Then, I think, you will say that
any charge of increased taxation that has been
insinuated - the most extravagant estimate
made of the cost, the scheme of the Quebec
Conference is entirely thrown into the shade.
I need not call attention to the disgraceful proposal that is made to a free people
in the article I have just read. If I had not the evidence
here it would have almost seemed incredible
that such a proposition could have been made
in this century to a free and intelligent people,
that nay body of loyal men could propound
the repetition of a policy that lost England her
finest Colonies nearly a century ago. I believe I
would be doing a gross injustice to the free spirit
of this country if I were to suppose that even
connection with the crown of England would be
sufficient to induce the people of this country
to allow an Imperial Statute to lay an Imperial tax upon us to go into the Imperial
treasury.
Deeply as the people value their institutions - and greatly attached as they are
to the mother
country, - yet the free spirit of this country
would revolt at such a proposition as led to the
independence of the old colonies nearly a
hundred years ago. Let me suppose that the
independent spirit of the people should be so
trampled-down as to induce them to submit to
taxation by an Imperial statute - what then?
This article says:-
"A property tax, if that were preferred, would
raise the whole amount. But if it was thought
better to collect the ÂŁ28,000,000 upon imports,
the commerce of the Empire would yield the
whole without any portion of it feeling the burthen.
Is there a Novascotian that would not pay his
portion of this tex cheerfully, and turn out,
with arms in his hands, to defend the Empire
besides? Is there one who will not cherrfully
pay pound for pound with the Canadians, or
with his fellow subjects in any other part of
the Queen's dominions? Here is a scheme of
National Defense, of which a statesman need
not be ashamed, and our public men could not
be much better employed than in pressing it on
the notice of Her Majesty's Government."
Here you have the doctrine laid down that
we should provide twenty-eight million pounds
sterling for the maintenance of the Army and
Navy of Great Britain. To tax a man in Halifax or Cape Breton the same that a man
in
London and Manchester is taxed for the support of an Army and Navy, over whose acts
we have no control, and in the imposition of
which taxation we have no voice.
But the glaring mistake into which this
Mentor of the people of Nova Scotia has fallen,
as to the population who would hear this
taxation, shows how unfit he is to guide public
opinion. It would be difficult to find a Nova
Scotian that would consent to so humiliating
a proposition as that. The publlic man who
would press it upon the attention of the Imperial Government would soon find himself
driven from public life, and bring upon himself
the execration of every free man in this coun
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 215
try. It
would be soliciting the British Government to place us in a position which we
should never be placed in ; it would be asking
the Parliament of England to consent to that
which would be only worthy of a century that
is past. The person who has ventured to trample down the scheme of the Quebec Conference,
and bring forward the plan of the Anti-
Unionists, should have better informed himself of the facts as they exist. Did he
not
know that 180 millions of people in British
India could not have a farthing of that tax
levied upon them, as they provide now for the
defence of the British Empire in the East at an
enormous annual cost.
This ÂŁ36,000,000 currency would, therefore,
under this plan require to be levied upon about
36,000,000 millions instead of 300,000,000. I will
not presume that it was an attempt to mislead,
but it is charitable to suppose that the parties
who have attempted to instruct the people of
this country in opposition to the great scheme
of Union, did not know that this ÂŁ8,000,000
sterling for the Army and Navy was altogether
irrespective of the Army and Navy of British
India.
Yet is by documents such as these that the
people of these Maritime Provinces have been
excited to hostility against a scheme which
would have made the British American Provinces a great nationality, of which their
people
might be justly proud ; which would have extended our commerce and promoted our welth
and prosperity to an extent that is incalculable,
and at the ame time connect us more closely
with the Parent State, drawing around us that
aid and co-operation which would have secured
to us and our children after us, to the most
remote posterity, that guarantee of peace and
safety which every man amongst us feels it
ought to be his privilege to enjoy.
COMMERCE AND SHIPPING.
I need not allude to the commerce and shipping that British America would enjoy under
Union. These statistics were known to all.
But when I am asked the question, as to whether British America is in a position to
enter
into the Union? I reply: Let us compare the
position that these provinces now occupy with
that which the American colonies had at the
time of their independence. We find we have
a larger population, and occupy a position in
many respects superior to that which they
then did. Look at their trade, and you find
that they had only one third of what we have
now. Their population and revenue were
much smaller. In respect, therefore, to trade
population and revenue, upon which the greatness of a country rests, you find the
position of
British America is one of evident influence.
The American colonies, by sweeping away
hostile tariffs, and emerging from that position
of isolation which they occupied, have attained
their present wealth and prosperity. Look at
our shipping, and see at this moment the tonnage of British America, amounting to
over
900,00 tons occupying a place next to France
- the fourth commercial marine in the world.
But I need not go into any labored arguments
to show that the time has come when we should
assume a position of nationality under the aegies
of old England.
THE POSITION OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENTS.
It has been said that whilst the General
Government would possess large powers, with an
influential legislature, the local governments
and legislatures would sink into contempt.
Those who make such a statement must ignore
our past history. I would ask gentleman to
look at the history of the past, and see whether
there is evidence to sustain the proposition
that the governments of these provinces would
occupy so contemptible a position that no man
of character and influence would be inclined
to have anything to do with them. In the first
place, the subsidy that this province would
receive in connection with the revenue from
the mines and minerals would be double the
revenue that it had at the time when the men
who have made the legislature famous occupied seats within those walls. Not only would
we have double the amount of revenue, but
we would have larger powers, and possess
more commanding influence in relation to the
public affairs of the province than the government and parliament of this province
had at
the time when Chief Justice Haliburton, the
Lord Bishop of Nova Scotia, Judge Bliss, the
Masters of the Rolls (Archibald and Stewart)
occupied seats in this house. Can we say
then, when we shall have double the revenue,
and a far more influential position, that we
will not have men of ability and intellect to
enter our legislative halls.
THE PRESENT ASPECT OF THE QUESTION
OF UNION.
We do not come to the discussion of this
question in the position and attitude that I
expected and hoped we should at the time this
legislature assembled. We did not come to
the discussion with a view to an immediate
practical decision upon the question of Confederation, but I would do injustice to
what I
believe to be the intelligence and patriotism of
Nova Scotia if I did not say in my place in
parliament that I am confident that the
scheme of intercolonial union which had been
devised at Quebec has taken, and will take
such a hold on the public mind of all these
provinces as to ensure its adoption at an early
day in all its entirety. I would be doing injustice to the question and the evidence
that exists on every side if I entertained a doubt that
when the facts came to be examined and sifted
by the intelligence of this province, they will
with great unanimity unite in promoting and
consumating a scheme which is fraught withs
such incalculable advantages to the best interests of British North America.
Owing to circumstances over which we have
no control, the government of Nova Scotia is
placed in a position which renders it useless to
bring this scheme down for the decision of the
Legislature Every person who knows the
geographical position of the country, with
New Brunswick lying between us and Canada, must see that any Union of British America
is impracticable unless the latter province
s a party to it. I regret to say that pubilc
men in that province have been unpatriotic
enough to forget their duty to their country,
and to enter into combinations which I regret
to say were too successful with those hostile to British North American Union,
for the purpose of overthrowing the government, and under these circumstances the
question of union of British North America
has received a heavy blow and great discouragement; but we would be underating the
pa-
early day that province would reverse its de
216 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
triotism of New Brunswick, (as we would
that of Nova Scotia,) if we doubted that at an
decision. I trust we will at an early day see
reaction on the part of the public men of that
province that will place this question in an entirely different aspect. I believe
that this hostile action on the part of New Brunswick is
most deeply to be deplored in the interests of
all B. N. A I regret, however, to say that a
large amount of hostility has also been excited
in various sections of Nova Scotia in respect to this question, and the petitions
which are now on the table would render
it exceedingly difficult for any government
to ask an immediate decision, but whilst there
has been a vast amount of energy, exhibited - whilst thousands of people have been
induced
to petition this Legislative on this question of Confederation a comparatively small
number of these petitions have pronounced against Confederation. There are not 3000
persons in the entire Province who say they
are opposed to the proposed Confederation,
notwithstanding the scheme has been misrepresented, and arguments of the most fallacious
character used against it - and that party
influences have been thrown largely into the
scale - although the attempt has been made to
induce people to oppose it by petitions largely
circulated, the majority of the petitioners who
are here state that they are not prepared to
say whether it would be good or for evil,
that we should have Confederation and ask
the House to pause before irrevocably committing itself to what would be, I believe,
for
the advantage of the country. I believe
that atan early day, these parties having
been fully informed on the subject, will be
prepared to come hence by tens of thousands, and ask the Legislature to consummate
this scheme of Union. I tremble, sir, when I
think of the results that the action of these
Provinces may have upon the public mind in
England - that the steps which are in progress
for the security and defence of British North
America may be interfered with and by
the fact that in presence of a great danger,
these Provinces have permitted that isolation
to continue which can only lead to connection
with the American Republic, and opposed that
consolidation which in co-opperation with the
power which England was prepared to put
forth, would give us security and avert the
peril that is now so imminent.
The scheme devised at Quebec has passed
through the most trying of ordeals triumphantly - after being submitted to the closest
examination by the press of England, it has come
out with enconiums such as no scheme ever
devised by any body of public men has ever
received before. It has secured the approbation
of the most intelligent and influential section
of the press of British America. It has been
adopted in Canada by both branches of the
Legislature with an unanimity such as reflects
the highest honor on the patriotism and the
intelligence of that country. In New Brunswick, P. E. Island, and Nova Scotia, it
has enlisted the support of almost the entire religious
press of the country, as also that of the most
intelligent and independent of the secular
press. Having obtained the support and cooperation of the leading and most influential
public men in the different provinces - of the
great bulk of the intelligence, wealth, and in
fluence of the country, it is placed in a position which gives to this house and country,
and to all British North America the best
guarantee that in a little time, when it has
been fully examined and discussed, all classes
will vie with each other in bringing about the
adoption of a constitutional change so necessary and advantageous to all.
UNION OF THE MARITIME PROVINCES.
I have stated in the outset that a Legislative
Union of the Maritime Provinces is desirable in case we are Confederated. and
and still more indispensible in case we are not
to be at once united with Canada. Under these
circumstances have I moved the resolution
which I now hold in my hand. I can only say
that if gentlemen will examine the remarks I
made in this house last winter they will find
that I considered the Union of the Maritime
Provinces was one of the most important
means to secure a union of all British North
America, and most desirable in such a contingency. There are gentlement present both
inside and outside of these benches - who were
connected with the delegation to Quebec - who
will bear m out in the assertion that I always
advocated the lesser union in that light. And
at the very moment when I prepared to
concur with the rest of the delegates from the
Maritime Provinces in adjourning the question
of the smaller union until the larger question
had been considered, I advocated the former
as almost as essential and important if we
remained out. The whole objection that is
raised against the diminished importance and
and expensiveness of the local governments
and legislatures would under Confederation
be swept away by a union of the Maritime
provinces. Therefore, instead of bringing forward this question as a counter-proposition
to
theConfederation of British North America, I
regard it to-night as I did a year ago, as an
important and gret step towards securing
that greater union - as a means of placing
these Maritime provinces in a united and influential position under Confederation
than we
would and P. E. Island, it is not for me to say. I
may admit there was no prospect of getting
Prince Edward Island into the proposed Legislative union, even if the Canadian deputation
had not attended the conference at Charlottetown. Gratified as I would have been to
se
P. E. Island form a portion of the great Confederation, I did not regard their action
either
in respect to the smaller or greater union as a
matter of vital concern at all. All that is necesary is that Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
united as they are by every tie of common interests should be in a position to have
that union. Even if the larger union were impracticable and could never take place,
still it is desirable that New Brunswick and Nova Scotia
should be unite. It would expand on trade
advance our influence, and accomplish many
of the same results and bring about advantages that would be received from the
larger scheme of union, only in a smaller degree.
Having trespassed so long upon the patience
of the House I will not occupy the attention of
gentlemen longer than to express the hope
that this resolution will meet with the concurrence of this Legislature and of the
Govern
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 217
ment of
New Brunswick, though on this latter
point I am not prepared to express any opinion.
But suppose
the government of New Brunswick is not prepared to concur in Union of the
Maritime Provinces, it was desirable that that
point should be definitely known, and the
public mind be no longer distracted with the
consideration of that question.
By this resolution the government will be
authorized to open negotiations, and see what
prospect there is of obtaining a legislative
union with that province. The opponents of
Confederation here have professed to be in favour of the Union of the Maritime Provinces,
and as far as I have an opportunity of knowing that has been the view of some of the
opponents of Confederation in New Brunswick.
Whatever view, therefore, this house may take
of the larger question of a Union of British
North America, I trust they will sustain the
resolution now submitted to their consideration.
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