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MONDAY, April 15.
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THE INTERCOLONIAL RAILWAY.
Hon. PRO. SEC'Y. introduced an Act to
amend the Act incorporating the St. Lawrence
and Bay of Fundy Company; its object is to
prevent the Company interfering or coming
into conflict with the Inter-Colonial Railway.
Mr. S. CAMPBELL—Will the railway come as
far as the borders of Nova. Scotia?
Hon. PRO. SEC'Y.—I suppose that the hon.
member's enquiry was made in jest, but I
would remark that his question may become
one of very serious consideration. If his friends
could secure a majority opposed to Union and
pledged to obstruct it, the parties under whose
control the construction would be might question the propriety of extending the road
beyond
the borders of New Brunswick. If a large obstructionist party could be got together
with a
prospect of detaching Nova Scotia from the
Union, there is no knowing what effect it might
have on the building of the road. Those opposed to Union after failing to defeat the
Railway project by representing that the debt would
be repudiated and that the road would not pay
grease for the wheels, may yet succeed in getting up such hostility as will prevent
the city
from obtaining the benefits of the line. If the
road be built to Halifax it will be because those
with whom the hon. gentleman is acting were
powerless to prevent what every Nova Scotian
regards as the greatest boon that his country
can enjoy.
Mr. S. CAMPBELL— The hon. gentleman has
attributed to me a desire to obstruct the interests
of the country in this particular, but I think
that the charge is not justified by my action in
the House. My remark, however, in reference
to this bill was not without meaning, for the
delegates have not taken care as they should
have done, that the road should be commenced
at both ends. Again, only three millions are
guaranteed, and as this sum would be insufficient, I ventured to doubt that the road
would reach the point of communication referred to.
Hon. PRO. SEC.—I understand the hon. member then to repudiate the action of the people's
delegates,—if he does not do so he is responsible for their acts. Those gentlemen
laid upon
the table of the Imperial Parliament a declaration drawing attention to the fact that
all the
money which Mr. Howe had asked for was
three millions, and that this was all that the
Imperial Government were pledged to. They
thus endeavored to prevent our getting another
shilling beyond the three millions. If they had
been believed, the credit of British America
would have been destroyed, and their determined and avowed policy was to oppose the
construction of a single mile of railway. When
the hon. member for Guysboro' heard his friend
acknowledge the truth of these charges on the
floor of the House, and when he continues in
co-operation with the hon. member for East
Halifax, I ask if he does not place upon his own
shoulders the responsibility of endeavoring to
obstruct the work. I was glad when I heard
him (Mr. Campbell) declare that the Union
having become a fixed fact, he was prepared to
give his best energies to carry out the new
system, and to obtain all the advantages that
could be obtained for the country. That declaration was creditable to the heart and
to the
head of the hon. gentleman, because every intelligent man knows that the people would
turn
their backs with scorn and indignation upon
the men who would shrink from taking such a
position as the interests of the Province demand.
But when the press advocating that gentleman's
views has repudiated those doctrines, and has
declared that so far from endeavoring to make
the change beneficial to Nova Scotia their object is to obstruct and destroy and defeat
the
advantages which the country might expect,
whatever his views upon the question of Confederation, every man actuated by a spirit
of
manly patriotism must act upon the view enunciated by the hon. member for Guysboro'.
But
that gentleman's associates have proclaimed
that instead of seeking an onward course for
Nova Scotia their only motto is obstruction.
The hon. gentleman's sentiments having been
thus repudiated, he must come out from the
company of his associates or must take the responsibility of standing in the company
of men
whose only aim is to impede the country's progress. Am I not right, then, in saying
that
under certain circumstances there is a possibility
of the railway stopping at our borders? But I
believe that when the true position of these
gentlemen is placed before the intelligent constituencies of the country; when they
are called
upon to choose between the friends of union
who will be prepared to combine in making the
union as largely beneficial to the country as
possible and their opponents who are opposed
to everything like progress, there is not a constituency but will turn their backs
with contempt upon the men who being unable to carry
out their individual opinions are prepared to
trample underfoot the prosperity of the country. The men who crossed the water as
the
people's delegates, the hon. member knows
have defamed and libelled the fair credit of the
country, giving the lie to all their past lives,
and stating that the railway which they had
held out as the highest boon would not pay
grease for its engines, and were compelled to
admit that they urged the British Government
to spend their money in iron-clads and everything but in giving to the Province that
position
which God and nature intended she should occupy. And in what position are these gentlemen
to-day? Is it the position of myself and
my colleagues who having fought the battle
through and accomplished the great union, are
prepared to commit their fame and future fortune to the hands of the free electors
of Nova
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144
Scotia? The only man amongst the people's
delegates who had a seat in this Assembly has
shrunk from the averted faces of his countrymen, knowing the doom that must fall upon
him. Instead of appealing to the constituency
that hitherto supported him, he has sent his
emissaries abroad to see if in some outlying
county a seat cannot be obtained for him in any
Parliament. I ask the hon. member for Guysoro' if he does not think it would be wise
for
him to take a note of that? I ask the men
throughout the country who are opposed to union
if they do not think it a significant fact that the
man who controls a portion of the press enunciating anti-Union sentiments is at present
like
Japhet in search of a father, and if they think
it would be well for them now to respond to the
call of the men who, having done all they could
to trample down the credit of the country, are
now reduced to the position which I have described? With the messengers which the
hon.
member for East Halifax has sent out coming
back to him without being able to find a place
on which he can rest his foot, I ask the hon.
member for Guysborough if he does not think
it would be wise for him to come back to the
patriotic stand which he took in declaring that
he would endeavour to work out the new system for the benefit of the country? I have
little fear as to the result of the contest which is
approaching, for I believe that the people will
not look for men belonging to one party or the
other, but will elect the men who regardless of
the past are prepared to obtain all possible advantages for the country.
Mr. MCLELAN-I have been much amused at
some of the remarks of the Prov. Sec., and especially at the remark he made in reference
to
the hon. member for East Halifax not being
able to find a constituency. I am surprised
that the hon gentleman should make such an
observation, after the issue of the
Colonist on
last Saturday, which shows him to be in that
very position. The Prov. Sec. has been driven
from the constituency in which his daily life
and the motives which have actuated him
are best understood. His own messengers
have not yet came back to tell him whether a
place for his foot can be found or not. He says
that we are arrayed to obstruct the progress of
the country, but will he put his finger upon one
advantage that is to flow from union. The
only benefit which they promise is the construction of the Intercolonial railroad,
and the hon.
member for Guysboro, and those who concur
with him, are therefore in a position to enquire
whether for that work we are not to pay more
than it is worth,—whether we are not to be taxed to an extent that would be sufficient
to build
the whole road. Surely if these are the facts it
would have been better to forego the railroad
on such hard terms. Is the member for Guysboro' wrong when he says that the delegates
failed to secure to us that one benefit on which
the friends of union relied on so much? Any
one who compares Mr. Fleming's estimate with
the amount guaranteed will see that sufficient
care has not been taken to ensure the building
of the road through this province. They failed in discharging the trust which they
undertook, and in condemning their want of attention
we are not to be met by the charge of obstructing the progress of the country.
Mr. TOBIN—It is a very singular that fact the
men who have been obstructing the passage of
the Imperial Act—doing all that men could do
to prevent the consummation of union—are
now the most desirous to go to Ottawa. I find
that there is an election card out for this city,
containing four names of the most determined
opponents of union. I know something about
the retirement from this constituency of the hon.
Provincial Secretary. If he had wished it, I
know he could have beaten every Anti-Unionist
who might have the hardihood to run against
him. I have conversed with highly intelligent
men, from East and West—with professional men,
clergymen, and others of weight and influence
—and my conviction is that there is not a
shadow of a doubt that all such persons are in
favour of union. I say to the Union party:
Wait, have patience for a days, for there will be
candidates in the field worthy of your support,
—men who will reflect credit upon the constituency of this metropolitan county. The
game
is not up yet, but will be fought to the bitter
end by men of tried value and of ability. I am
convinced that there are in this city four Unionists to one Anti-Unionist. An unfair
advantage has been taken of the fact that the Provincial Secretary has retired, and
it is said that he
did so for want of support. Never would an election have been more easily won, if
he had run
it. If he felt it his duty to go back to his own
county, that is his own affair, but I believe
he could have won an easy victory
in Halifax. Don't let gentlemen believe
that this struggle has even yet commenced. I regret the more that the Provincial Secretary
retired, because at the moment he did so a requisition was about being
handed him with some 1600 of the best names
in this city and county. Let me here take an
opportunity of stating that there will be a public meeting held in this city, a few
days hence
and every part of the county will be asked to
send their delegates. Then there will be given
a full expression of the public opinion of this
county, and candidates worthy of support will
be nominated to represent the constituency in
Ottawa and in the Local Legislature.
Hon. PROV. SEC.—I thank the hon member
(Mr. McLelan) for having afforded me this opportunity of giving some explanations
on the
subject to which he has referred. As my hon.
friend (Mr. Tobin) has intimated, some gentlemen will soon find, to use a homely phrase,
that
they have hallooed before they were out of the
wood. I came into this Legislature, it is well
known, in conjunction with my hon friend, Mr.
McFarlane. We have been long allied as members of the same Government. In order to
discharge the important duties of the position to
which my country has called me, I was obliged
to remove from Cumberland, and have since
lived in this city, whilst my hon friend re
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145
mained a resident of his native county. I need
not say that I have felt the strong claims he
has to continue to represent the county where
he lives in the United Parliament. I was,
therefore, in a manner, bound to wave any
claim I might have to that constituency in his
favor and seek a seat elsewhere. But there was
another reason which operated both upon my
honorable friend and myself, and that
was, that the position I had taken in
reference to the Union and other measures
would make it easy for me to find a constituency outside of my own county. The hon.
member for North Colchester lives close enough
to Cumberland to know that every attempt to
find a man either in or out of the county to
come forward as an anti-Union candidate, has
failed. Deputation after deputation has gone to
gentlemen in this city, and there has not been a
man found—and I do not believe one will be
found—who will dare to go to the hustings to
test the feeling of the people either with myself
or any other Unionist. If there is such a man
I shall be proud to meet him, and I am convinced that I do not misjudge my own constituents
when I say that they will give such an account
of themselves as will prove that they fully appreciate the character and tendency
of the anti- Union policy. I may also tell the hon. gentleman that his party have
gone again and again
to one of the most influential men of the county who lives here, and he has refused
to come
out, because he is unwilling to take a position
hostile to a movement which must do so much
for the county of Cumberland. When I waived
my claim to the county in favor of my hon.
friend, I did so—and gentlemen of both parties
are aware of the fact—with the knowledge that
the men who had always supported me were
ready to return me more triumphantly than
ever before. But that is not all. I was returned at the last election by acclamation,
by my
own party; but I can now go into the county
and rally to my support not merely the friends
who have always sustained me, but men who opposed me, in former times. From Wallace
to
Parrsboro' such men are ready to give me the
most enthusiastic support. Yet in the face of
facts like these, persons have dared to send the
libel throughout this country that I was in doubts
of being elected for the county I have so long represented. Under such circumstances
I was
asked if I would allow myself to be put into
nomination for the county of Halifax. I said if
there was a battle to be fought anywhere, I was
prepared to fight it; if the friends of Union required my services, they were at their
disposal.
At a few hours' notice a meeting was held at
the house of Dr. Parker—such a meeting as
never before assembled in this city at the house
of any gentleman,—it was not only large in
numbers, but powerful in respect to the influence and wealth it represented. More
than
that, it embraced gentlemen representing every
shade of political opinion, creed, and class. No
man could hear the names of these gentlemen
without feeling that the moment they supported a candidate for this city, his election
was
sure. When not only the great bulk of the
Conservative party but the most able and intelligent supporters of the Liberal party
are arrayed, as they are now, in support of Union, can
any one doubt the result in this city and country? I felt that it would be very questionable
if there was a contest here at all. When I retired, it was not because I feared the
result—
for that was certain—but it was because I felt
that the moment the county that had always so
nobly sustained me required my services, it was
my duty to respond. I have heard the names
of some gentlemen mentioned as likely to run on
the anti-Union ticket, but I feel that such parties,
situated as they are, would hardly venture to go
to the polls at all. In a few days the people of the
county will be asked to support Union candidates, not nominated in a private office,
but at a
meeting of the electors. Then will be put before
the constituency such a platform as they can support. I feel that the people will
respond as
they should; that they will not permit any obstructionists to impede the progress
of a great
measure which is to open up a new career of
prosperity to this country. It has been said,
time and again, by the opponents of Union
that we could hardly get men to go to Ottawa;
for it was too far off, or to go to the local parliament,—so contemptible would it
become
under Union. What do we see to-day? No
sooner is the measure of Union accomplished
than we see that the men who are most anxious
to go to Ottawa and to the local legislature as
well are the men who have been opposing
Union. Hitherto no merchant could be obtained, except my hon. friend, to run for this
city,
whilst Nova Scotia was isolated and a separate
province. Now we see four bankers taken in
tow by Captain Balcam, and rushing to Ottawa
and the local legislature.
Mr. TOBIN.—Hardly four bankers,—not more
than two.
Hon. PROV. SEC.—As respects the Intercolonial Railway, let me say that it did not depend
upon the Imperial guarantee at all. Canada is
able to build it without the assistance of the
Maritime Provinces. Her bonds before this
Union was effected were selling in the market
higher than those of either Nova Scotia or New
Brunswick. If the Imperial Parliament had
refused to guarantee a single dollar the Intercolonial Railway would have been built
as rapidly
as it was possible to carry it on. By having the
money loaned at four per cent., of course, it is
obvious that a great advantage is gained.
Mr. ANNAND—I feel it due to make a few remarks after the allusions made to me by the
Provincial Secretary. I imagined when I came
here this afternoon that I was in the Assembly,
but as the speeches proceeded I almost began
to doubt that fact and to imagine that these addresses were being made to the constituents
outside. I do not wonder that the Provincial
Secretary ventured upon the broad and glaring
mis-statement that the anti-Union ticket for Halifax county included four bankers,
for this is
characteristic of his general accuracy. But I
am not aware that it is such a great offence to
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146
be a merchant or a banker,—I believe that the
hon. member for Halifax who has spoken is himself a banker—and I am inclined to think
that
the selection of four merchants and a gentleman
from the shore to represent the constituency of
Halifax will be proved by the result to be a respectable and taking nomination. We
have
been told that the friends of Confederation will
carry the county four to one. We were only
afraid this morning that our candidates would
have no opposition, and I am relieved to hear
the hon. member for West Halifax say that
there will be opposition, and that the game is
not up yet. I have a strong desire to see that
gentleman upon the hustings, and I sincerely
regret that the Provincial Secretary has retired
from the contest, for I should like to see him
face the constituency of Halifax, where it has
been said that the Union sentiment prevailed
more strongly than in any other place. The
men who formerly supported Confederation in
this city feel that they cannot rally to the support of these gentlemen who have deprived
them of the privileges of freemen. I was
amused to hear him speak the other day as one
of the sovereign people. What right has he to
speak here in that capacity? The sovereign
people have been denied the right to speak, and
the measure of Union has been forced on them
contrary to their well known sentiments. They
were almost told in terms that they were not
intelligent enough to decide the question, and
are now appealed to by the very men who considered them so besotted and ignorant that
the
measure should be passed over their heads.—
The hon. gentleman seemed surprised that the
anti-Unionists should aspire to a seat at Ottawa. They will go there as the Nova Scotian
party, not to be mixed up with the politics of
Canada, to commit themselves to the support
of either party, or to identify themselves with
Canadian factions, but to be there to watch over
the interests of Nova Scotia and to throw themselves into any scale in which they
may secure
the best advantages for their country. The
House has been told that I shrank from
offering myself to a constituency; it is well
known that four years ago I decided upon
the course which I have taken, and when I returned from England, and before I learned
the
result of the exertions of the delegates, I visited my constituency and gave those
who supported me to understand, as I had previously
given my family to understand, that it was not
my intention again to offer. When asked if I
would serve in the Dominion Parliament, I answered no. When asked if I would serve
in the
Local Parliament, I answered no, and when
asked if I would continue in this House provided no change were made, my answer was
"no;
I have had twenty-five years' public service,
and you had better select a younger man for the
work." When the Union measure passed, and
the time came for consultation, I was pressed
urgently to allow myself to be put in nomination by leading Conservatives and Liberals.
I
still firmly refused, and will continue to do so
unless a nineteenth member of the Nova Scotia
Party is wanted to go to Ottawa. The Prov.
Sec. spoke in glowing terms about the offers of
support which were made to him; we know
how he has been canvassing the city and the
rebuffs he received from quarters where he expected the opposite treatment. He thought
that he could bring to his support his old friends
and perhaps that the old Conservative cry
could he raised, but he found that not only he,
but his friend, Mr. Tobin, had worn out their
public reputation, and then it became convenient that his colleague in the representation
of
Cumberland should make way on the plea that
the local interests of that county woul be better represented by the Provincial Secretary.
What have the local interests of Cumberland to
do with the matter? I thought these gentlemen prided themselves on rising above local
feeling, and considered such matters as lunatic
asylums, ferries, roads and bridges were beneath their notice. But under cover of
this
plea the hon gentleman shrinks from facing the
constituency of Halifax. He has said that no
one was prepared to contest Cumberland with
him, but I can tell him that he is mistaken. I
would ask him what to day is the feeling in
Parrsboro, Malagash, Wallace, and other populous districts of Cumberland? That part
of the
county will have to be revolutionized before it
will support a union candidate, and I pledge my
word that the hon gentlemen will have opposition. We have been treated this afternoon
to
more declamation on the subject of the Intercolonial Railway. I repeat now, as solemnly
as I made the statement before, that for
a railway which may or may not be beneficial
I should be very sorry to give up the privileges of the country, its free government,
its
right of self-taxation, its right to appropriate
its own revenues and to place it under a load
of taxation from another province. I would
have been recreant to my duty to the people if
I did not for the sake of destroying a scheme
fatal to their interests, use every effort to impede one of its essential parts. I
only hope
that the road will be built, but if Canada alone
is able to build it, as has been asserted, why
did she not step forward years ago. We
might have had it in 1851 or 1862 only for
the bad faith of the Canadian Government. If Canada could borrow the necessary
money, how was it that she was struggling within a year to borrow at eight per cent.?
True,
her bonds have gone up in the market, and
well they might, in view of the fact that she is
about to get the control of the more prosperous revenues of the Maritime Provinces.
Deprive Canada of the revenues which she will
get from us, and her bonds will go down again,
not perhaps to the same point as before, because it must be borne in mind that the
bonds
of all the Colonies of the Empire rose simultaneously when money became plentiful
and
cheap in the market of the world. It can be
clearly shown that the money to be drawn out
of the treasury, and out of the people by Confederation, would under a Canadian tariff
in a
few years more than pay the entire cost of the
railway. Assuming the cost to be three millions, and that that sum were borrowed at
four
per cent.,—our revenues would enable us to
OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
147
build the road to Riviere du Loup, and for this
work we are asked to give up treasure that
would cover the country with railroads, and to
reduce ourselves to the position of accepting a
paltry pittance in the shape of a subsidy from
Canada. The three millions guaranteed are
not likely to build the road, and if it is to be
commenced as the Canadian papers state, at
Riviere du Loup, what is to become of the
Nova Scotia end? It was proclaimed by Mr.
Tilley all through New Brunswick that St.
John was to be the terminus, and this three
millions may be just sufficient to connect with
St. John.
Hon. ATTY. GENERAL:—I ask if there can
be any stronger inducement to the people of
this country to give a favourable consideration
to their position than the very argument that
the three millions guaranteed will only be sufficient to establish the terminus at
St. John. I
ask the people what position Nova Scotia
would have been in if Canada and New Brunswick had formed the union without us and
built the road to St. John. If the member for
East Halifax and his colleagues had succeeded
they would have deprived the people of this
country of the benefit of having the terminus
located among them, and the trade of Halifax
and of the western part of the Province would
have been drawn to St. John. So obvious is
the truth of this argument that in England the
exclamation was repeatedly heard, " what are
the people of the city of Halifax thinking of?
That a man among them should oppose union
is something miraculous, for the road is going
to build up their city till it will be second to
none on the continent." When therefore the
hon. member shows his anxiety that the privileges of Halifax should be preserved and
that
security should have been obtained that the
terminus should be here I feel that his anxiety on these points would have been more
useful and appropriate if displayed in England.
He has told us that we did not procure money
enough, but does it lie with him to say that?
What was the conduct of some of the people's
delegates in England even after the union bill
passed? They tried to induce the people there
to believe that Nova Scotians were not loyal,
that we would soon be annexed to the United
States and that the debt would be repudiated.
What would have been the conduct of any patriot under the circumstances? Would it
not be
to say, " I represent the true interests of Nova
Scotia, its people are opposed to Confederation
and I am bound to take every legitimate
means to oppose it, but having failed my next
course is to use every means to obtain for the
country the railway as cheaply as possible?"
That is the stand that any patriotic man would
have taken but I say and can substantiate my
statement that up to the last moment, when
the guarantee bill was awaiting its passage,
the gentlemen who professed to represent the
people of Nova Scotia left no stone unturned to
destroy the good opinion of the people of England in these Colonies and to lead them
to believe that we would pay neither interest nor
principal of the loan. They used every effort
to prevent the passage of the bill and if they
had succeeded, what position would we have
been in? We would have had to build the
road by a loan at six per cent. Under the present arrangement in thirty-seven years
the
debt will be paid off, and in the meantime we
are only to pay five per cent., four per cent. for
interest and one per cent. as a sinking fund,
but without the guarantee, we must have paid
six per cent. and would have had the principle
to pay after that.
These, then, are the patriots who now come
forward and tell us we did not obtain enough,
when we got all we did in opposition to their
most strenuous exertions. Their position is
that of a counsel who, after the verdict is given
against him, taunts the opposite parties with
not getting more. They have suddenly become
very solicitous that the interests of Nova Scotia
will not be looked after. They voted in favor of
a bill by which ÂŁ50,000 a year was to be laid
as a tax on the people of this country for the
railroad, and when they applied to the British
Government they only asked three millions.
I ask the people of this country, if three millions is all we could obtain, and if
we had difficulty in getting that, who are to blame but the
member for East Halifax and his colleagues,
who went across the water to oppose us? Suppose they had never gone, how different
would
have been the position of the delegates; as it is,
we obtained what we asked for, but how much
more confidently could we have asked a larger
sum under the circumstances. They took pains
to inform the British Government that three
millions was all that had been promised, and
that a delegate some years ago agreed to take
that sum and build the road. The British
Government, after this intimation, felt disinclined to give the guarantee unless we
would
say that the amount would be sufficient to
complete the work. Of course we had to ask
to be relieved from that condition, and we
asked for all that we could reasonably ask,
and for all that Mr. Howe had asked. In answer to the complaint that no provision
had
been made for the work being begun at both
ends, I ask where was the provision in the bill
that these gentlemen passed some years ago?
If they were so careful of the interests of the
country, why did they not provide, in the measure which they passed by a party vote,
that
the work should be commenced at Truro? If
they did not consider any such provision necessary, I ask with what face he can get
up and
complain of our not doing what they thought
was unnecessary? For all time to come, therefore, when any complaint is made of our
not
procuring a larger guarantee, we will be in a
position to say—" Go to these gentlemen who
professed to represent the people, and ask
them." If they had not been there, no complaint could have been made.
Mr. MCLELAN.—The hon. gentleman has
made this important admission—that the delegates only asked for three millions, and
he
says that this was the sum asked for in 1862.
In 1862 it was supposed that that sum would
build the entire road, but recent surveys have
demonstrated the impossibility of that, and
there is therefore an important distinction between the position of the delegates
and their
predecessors. In view of the fact that such a
sum had been shown insufficient, the delegates
were in duty bound to have asked for a larger
guaranty. The terms which they secured
were not so advantageous as the terms obtained in 1862, for then we were allowed a
breathing space before commencing to form the sink
DEBATES AND PROCEEDINGS
148
ing fund; but we are now bound to commence
paying off the debt immediately. As to the
assertion that St. John would have been made
the terminus if Nova Scotia had not gone into
the Union, it is plain that that city would not
have been the terminus unless it was considered capable of supplying the wants of
Canada;
and when we see Mr. Fleming estimating the
cost of the road to St. John at fifteen million
dollars, and we see exactly that sum provided,
the fair inference is that St. John is to be the
terminus.
As to the conditions of the guarantee, we are
in about the same position as we were under
the terms of 1862; for the stipulation then was
that the act should not go into operation unless
the proposal for a sinking fund was ratified by
the Canadian Parliament, and we know that
that Parliament repudiated the arrangement.
Mr. Adderley said, in reference to the terms
agreed upon by the delegates, that the guarantee would not be given unless the Confederate
Parliament assented to the formation of a sinking fund. It was said by the Provincial
Secretary that under certain circumstances we
might have lost the benefit of the road, and
have failed in getting connection with Moncton; but we know that New Brunswick has
already contracted for the building of the road
to the Nova Scotia border. Our increase of
revenue last year was about $184,000—more
than enough to pay the interest for the Pictou
extension—and with such prosperity we could
easily have connected with New Brunswick.
But supposing the Intercolonial line is built,
does any one suppose that cargoes would be
brought over here and shipped at Halifax,
when an open port could be had at St. John, or
within thirty-seven miles of the place where
the road will be tapped? I am convinced
that the much talked of prosperity which is
promised to accrue to Halifax is all imagination, and that no part of Nova Scotia
will
suffer so much from Confederation as this
city. I fear that this city will decline and
diminish under the burthens that will be
placed upon it and that the " dead march in
Saul" will ere long be appropriate to its condition.
HON. FIN. SEC.—One advantage is possessed by hon. gentlemen opposite—that being gifted with vivid
imaginations, they do not shrink
from placing before the people as facts the results which their fancy depicts. On
this side
of the House we have some desire to be consistent, because we feel that the common
sense
of the country demands consistency in the arguments and public conduct of its representatives.
The hon. member who has just spoken
has followed in the footsteps of the people's
delegates, and used the arguments of the men
who have endeavored to thwart and prevent
the accomplishment of a work which for
twenty-five years was the watchword of his
party. The policy of constructing that road
was the policy sustained by his father and the
men whom he supported. The work was held
forth by his party as the only thing that would
give to this country its proper position in relation to the commerce of British America—
the only mode of'expanding our resources and
makin our Provmce the most desirable country in world. That was the position of
these gentlemen, until, to suit another purpose,
they had the hardihood to propound doctrines
which totally differed from the teachings of
their lifetime. What wonder was it that Mr.
Lowe and other leading commercial men of
the day in England declared that the road
would not only not be a paying investment,
but that it would be ruinous to the colonies,
when they were being indoctrinated for months
with the news which these gentlemen now
enunciate?
The house adjourned.
[...]
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