DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1865. 115
THURSDAY, June 1.
Mr. COSTIGAN.—It
has been stated by
the hon. member from Restigouche
(Mr.
McMillan ) that the more the people became acquainted with this Confederation
Scheme the better
they would like it.
Now, if the Government really thought it
was a good
Scheme they should not have
been afraid of having it discussed. Whatever the intention of the Government may
have been, the facts show they
did not
want the people to become acquainted
with the Scheme. If that had not
been
the case they could have brought it up
before the House, and then referred it to
the country at the general election : people then could have all the information
to
be derived from the
correspondence with
the additional information which they
would have gained by the question being
debated on the floors of the House. This
would have put the matter in a fair light ;
but I believe the Government did not
have confidence enough in it themselves
to bring it before the House, for they did
not think they could carry it through. If
the Government had been really strong,
they would have been more cautious, but
they were growing weaker every day, and
unless something was done they would go
over board. They thought this was a
chance to keep them in a position they
were anxious to retain. If they allowed
the House of Assembly to meet again,
they did not see how they could fight
their way through the Session. In order
to retain their power they took up this
Scheme, and they thought it might place
them in a higher position than before.
There was always a bait held out to every
man of influence, to induce him to support the Scheme. A great deal has been
said about the position we would occupy
in the general Government. I have always contended that it would be dangerous to place
ourselves in the hands
of the Confederacy. Some will say this
is a narrow minded view, and we ought
not to be afraid, for we would
have evenhanded justice. I read in a Canadian
newspaper the opinion of a leading
man
in that country on a Union of the Maritime Provinces before this Scheme was
brought up. He said in case a
Union of
the Maritime Provinces took place, Nova
Scotia would absord the influence of New
Brunswick. If that would be the case in
this smaller union, how much
more would
this influence be absorbed in this greater
majority of this grand Union ? Is it resonable to suppose that a better feeling
will
exist between New Brunswick and
Canada than among the people of New
Brunswick themselves ? I
remember
when a Bill was brought in
to increase
the representation of certain Counties,
there was a strong feeling in
the House
to support it, because it had especial reference to the County of Carleton, as it
was thought it ought to be entitled to one
additional representative. When
the vote
was taken on that question, the
principle
part of the members of the North were
against it. That feeling of antagonism
has always existed between the
two sections of the Province, and they
are afraid
to extend the power on either side. In
view of this, are we prepared to give an
overwhelming majority to Upper
Canada
and trust to their liberality in
dealing
with us ? In regard to trade,
when we are
able to stock our own market, it will be
time enough to look forward to
increase
the market. That time has hardly arrived. In reading a statement
made in regard to the result of the election, and
the votes for and against the
Scheme, I
have to state that statement does
not
show the whole of the anti-Confederate
vote in the Province. I think it it
due to
myself, as well as to the
constituency of
the County of Victoria to state that there
was not one vote polled for
Confederation in that County.
Hon. Mr. HATHEWAY.—I
will be very
brief, inasmuch as I am almost
afraid to
speak upon any subject, because every
advantage is taken of any remarks
which I make. I can state my reasons
for
opposing Confederation without casting
any more reflection on any gentlemen
who may differ from me in
opinion
than is absolutely necessary in my own
defence. At the last Session of the
Legislature resolutions were brought in
by the Provincial Secretary seeking for
a Union of the Maritime Provinces. It
was distinctly stated here that the Provincial Secretary asked for no further
authority than to go to Prince Edward
Island and meet the
delegates from Nova
Scotia and they had no authority to enter
into any negotiations,
for the matter was
to be submitted to the House. I little
expected when we consented to the appointment of that delegation that a minority of
the Executive Council would
have gone to Canada and agreed to a
proposition to unite these Colonies. I
take the broad ground and put it forth
without fear of contradiction, that when
that Conference met at Quebec, there
could be no doubt, from the language
used by the delegates, that it was to be
adjudicated upon by the late Legislature.
If the Government of which I was a member, had been sufficiently strong to have
carried that measure through the House
they would have done so. It has been
said that I had foresight enough to see
what. would be the result of the election,
but I assert and can prove that six hours
after I saw the resolutions of
the Conference, I took a strong objection
to them.
116 DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1865.
On the evening of the day when I first
saw
those resolutions, we were summoned to
meet and discuss them for the purpose of carrying out the arrangements
which had been entered into ; after looking at those resolutions, I went in the next
morning to the Executive Council and
told my colleagues that I met them for
the last time, and went home and wrote
out my resignation ; when I
returned to
Fredericton many of my constituents
persuaded me not to resign. I was surprised
that they should have known that such
was my intention, for I had mentioned it
to no one except my colleagues in the Government, altho' I felt I was doing injustice
to the Government and myself, yet I remained because I felt it was a duty I owed
to my country to oppose the Scheme.
In
Regard to the Intercolonial Railroad.
prospect we may have had under the former arrangement would be swept away
by this Confederation, for it would be the
interest of Canada, Nova Scotia
and
Prince Edward Island, to have it go by
the North Shore route, and it was known
in England and known by the Canadians
that the line would be constructed by that
route, and I would sooner it
would go
there than to be put through the
centre of
the country where nobody lives. Canada
has a trade with the north part of the
country already, and no party will remain
in power that does not pass the
railway
through by that route. Let me ask my
hon. friend from Restigouche, where is
the survey of Mr. Fleming ? Does he
know why Mr. Fleming has not reported ?
Was it not promised that this survey
should be published before the
election ?
Why is it that his report is kept
back ?
It is kept back for a particular
purpose,
hence it is necessary to move this resolution. It was attempted to be urged that
there was no necessity for us to appoint
delegates ; that there was no necessity
for telling the British
Government that
we were loyal. I we find men occupying
the position that Judge
Haliburton does
in England, charging the men and Government of this Province with
disloyalty ;
telling the people in Halifax that the majority against Confederation in
this country is only 400, and that something should
be done to bring about a reaction. It
was urged by the promoters of this
Scheme, that we must go into Confederation to defend ourselves against the Yankees
who were going to gobble us up ; to
defend ourselves against a nation who
have proved to the world that no
two nations are able to compete with them,
while the advocates of the Scheme admit
that Canada is the most vulnerable point,
and that we were placing ourselves in a
position that they could, under the Conscript Act, take our young men
out of the
country to fight her battles. We have
never shown anything else but allegiance
to the Sovereign ; we hare never burnt
our Province buildings, or
professed anything but respect for the Queen's representative. If they have got into
difficulties let them protect themselves, and not
call upon us to support them. If there
was no other Section of the Scheme that
would condemn it this Section
would,
which allows the Government of Canada
to make any advance which they may
deem necessary for the Militia defence of
the country, and the debt would be assumed by the General Government. I
was amused at the remarks made here
that if the constituents had an
opportunity of speak out there would be a majority of the people of the country in
favor of
Confederation. It might be so in the
County of Albert, or the County
of Restigouche,
where, I believe, one of my hon.
friends was returned by 400 votes, and
the other by 300. In those little counties
influences are brought to work in regard
to their mines and minerals, but after all
they could carry but a bare majority, and
this is not criterion to judge or base an
opposition to this resolution. The Government expected to come in with a majority
of no less than twenty-six. I say
this question was not fairly tried, the
Opposition had to contend with the promises of nine or ten million dollars that
was to be expended in the country ; these
strong influences were brought to bear on
the tradesman and mechanic. We, on the
other side, could draw no picture of the
future ; we could not go out and tell the
candidates to come out in favor of Anti-
Confederation, and we would secure their
seats ; we could not go out and promise
mean that we would do this and that for
them. It, therefore, comes with a bad
grace for the other party to say that these
elections were carried by the side issues. I
have heard it stated that the Scheme of
Confederation was not tried at all at the
election, but that it was rejected because
the Government had made themselves
obnoxious to the people. When I left
that Government we were in a majority, and could have carried that measure—if Dr.
Dow, Mr. Fisher and
myself had been united—through the
House
of Assembly by a majority of twenty-two.
When I hear it put forth to the country
that the dissolution was caused in consequence of the necessity that existed,
inasmuch as Canada and Nova Scotia
were going to pass the measure, and time
would be lost if we waited another year.
When did that occur to the Government?
If that was correct, then was the Government of which I was a member guilty of
an outrageous fraud upon the public in
the County of Northumberland, in issuing a writ for the return of one member.
There was no such intention or determination on the part of the Government to
dissolve the House. It was not dreamed
of, until it was made known that I intended to resign. We were told that Nova
Scotia was going to carry the Scheme by
an overwhelming majority ; Canada was
going to carry it, and that New Brunswick would be left out in the cold. Why
did not Nova Scotia carry it? No statesman there dare run the risk of losing his
position by bringing it forward, in view
of New Brunswick having rejected it.
They had honesty enough to admit that
they could not carry it. We were told
that by the assimilation of our tariffs the
people were to grow rich and that we
had no field for the operations of the mechanics, unless we went into Confederation
; while the fact was, that Canada had
abundance of every thing with which we
could supply her ; and we would have to
depend upon her for all time to come for
the necessaries of life. Then it was said
we would get the railway at one-
twelfth of its cost ; but was it no behind the scenes that it could not be built
without going on with the simultaneous
construction of the Canal system. It had to
be built with our own money, but under the
direction of the Government in Canada.
If we believe that there are strong representations made to the British Government
which might cause them to take action
against us—is it not our duty to
appoint
a delegation to check that influence ? In
the report of a speech of a leading statesman in England, that the Scheme was
rejected in Prince Edward Island, in
consequence of religious disaffection,
every one that knows the Island,
knows that
it is not the case. The
Government put forth all its influence
to carry this Scheme. They told the
people of Fredericton that in view of the
Intercolonial railway coming near them,
the seat of Government would be established there for all time to come, and they
would derive advantages which no other
County would ; they had a great portion
of the talent of the country in their favor.
The delegates were men of great talent,
and they had within their means promises
of elevation to the other branch of the
Legislature. I met in my canvas, letters
calling upon men to vote for Confederation. If I have done no other service
in opposing this Scheme than bringing
out the talent of the late Surveyor General, which, but for this Scheme, would
have remained hidden ; for this I feel I
am entitled to the thanks of the constituency of Restigouche. In the reply made
to the move of the resolution, he had
evinced the ability of an able financier,
and when the House knew that he had
none to assist him, that his own fertile
brain, they were entitled to every consideration. If this Confederation Scheme
had been carried, it would have brought
our Legislature down to a mere municipality, and no man of any standing would
have accepted a seat in it. It may be
that there is a hidden hand somewhere,
and it may be that they are sincere in
their motives, or it may be a desire to get
back into their positions again. I would
rather lose my position to-morrow than I
would do an act which I believed would
bring a stain upon the Legislature or a
stigma upon the country which gave me
birth. I am not prepared to give the
people's rights to Canada, knowing their
former history. We have nothing to gain
by this connection, while Canada has
every thing to gain ; they could come into
the Province and take thirty thousand
seamen to man their boats. I am not
going to say that our safety consists in
our helplessness ; but I believe that there
is no more danger of the United States
declaring war against New Brunswick
than there is of our declaring war among
ourselves. Heaven forbid that I should
be an annexationist ; yet, in any attempt to force this measure upon up, I
could have my own choice which of the
two evils to take (Mr. Connell.—You
would force others.) I would force you
to remain where you are for the next
three years, if my voice would help to
keel down Confederation. I shall not
take up any more time, but having made
these few hurried remarks in reference to
it, I shall take my seat.
Mr. MCCLELLAN.—I rise to reply only
to that portion of my hon. friend's speech
which has referenc to the County of Albert. The Chief Commissioner has complained
of the members attacking him in
the House ; we have done so because he
was the only organ of the late Government
in the present. Although there may be a
great gulf between the present and late
bridge over that gulf, it must be the Chief
Commissioner himself. I have not attacked him unjustifiably, because in my
remarks that have been made he has been
generally the aggressor ; he has on several occasions alluded to the influences
which were at work in the County of
Albert to secure my influence in favor of
Confederation. At the last Session of the
Legislature, a motion was made to appoint a delegation to confer on the Union
of the Maritime Provinces ; if he had
DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1865. 117
listened to
me then, he would
not have
been ignorant of my views in regard to
Intercolonial Union. I understood the
commission
to refer to outside influence.
(
Mr. Hatheway.—I alluded to a paper
published in the County of Albert,
and
from his card in it I concluded that altho'
he was in favor of Confederation, he was
not in favor of the Scheme.
What surprised me was, that, knowing that it was
distinctly stated that the Scheme
could
not be altered by the dotting of an I, or
the crossing of a T —any
person could be
in favor of Confederation.) If he read my
card published in the
Eastern Advocate,
it
made no such statement. I stated in my
card that I was in favor of a Union of
the
North American Colonies based
upon fair
and equitable principles, and
went on
showing the benefits
of uniformity in our
tariffs and postal arrangements,
whichh
could be brought about by a Union. I
did not say a word about this Scheme, for
I held it derogatory for a member to commit himself to the details of an
arrangement which only a few months before had
been laid before him. I was at that time
attending to my own business,
and had no
time to fully consider the merits
of the
Scheme ; therefore, I did not explain that
I was prepared to commit myself to every
detail, but so far as I had examined the
Scheme, I saw nothing objectionable
in
it. The Chief Commissioner has on two
occasions allude to the influence of the
Government in respect to the election in
the County of Albert. I say I do not feel
myself in a position to acknowledge any
favor from the Government ; there was
no expenditure of money came from outside of the County of Albert to influence
the election there. The Banking influence of men who make money out of poor
people, who wished to retain their power
of discounting notes, and securing money
from the poverty of the country, helped
to defeat Confederation. I was returned
to represent the County of Albert without
any influence being brought to bear
either directly or indirectly ; but there
may be other constituencies in the
Province which are not so pure, on which
money influence may be brought to bear.
To prove the fearful existence of bribery
at elections in some places, arising probably from the fact of there being in a small
Legislature so many prizes and so few
blanks, I have only to refer to the testimony of Mr. Allen, one of the representatives
of York in 1857, now Attorney General. I presume matters may not have
changed much, and it is therefore easy to
conceive how Confederation was defeated
in York.
Mr.
MCCLELLAN.—Speech of Attorney
General delivered in this House in 1857,
in reply to Mr. Hatheway, then opposed to
him. I referred to this the other day,
when the people of Albert were charged
by the Hon. Chief Commissioner of Works,
of their elections being influenced by
money of the wealthy, &c. Mr. Allen
stated, among other things, " that the
most unhappy desecration of the franchise
prevailed, not among the men who labored with their hands, but the most influential
men in York would sell their votes
at elections, and the evil had really become
fearful. What is found at elections but
the grossest frauds and corruptions practised by the wholesale purchase of votes.
Come to this House and you find it little
better.
Mr. LEWIS.—I
do not think there was
one dollar expended
in the County of Albert to influence the votes on that occasion, neither was there
any promises of
preferment ever given in any
shape or
form. (Mr. Anglin.—Why
was it then
that a member of the Government was
there at the time, and afterwards boasted
that he had carried the County ?) If he
did say so, it was not the case ; his presence in the County had no influence upon
the election.
Mr.
CUDLIP.—In reference to the
remarks made by the hon. member from
the County of Albert. I feel bound to say
that extraordinary efforts were put forth
by the Government to carry this election.
Suppose two candidates start even to run
an election, they will both spend money ;
but
if one has the support of the Government he has a prospective advantage, for
there is always an indirect tendency to go
with the strongest side. When my colleagues and myself were elected
it was
put forth that we were elected by the rabble. The hon. member for Albert said
Confederation was defeated on account of
the Banking influence. It is a strange
thing that the men holding the money of
the country can be the rabble.
Dr.
THOMSON.—I
thought it was my
duty as a British subject, with British
feelings, to strive to retain our privileges
from the grasp of parties
who tried to
sweep away the rights of our Province.
At one time we were united with
Nova
Scotia, but were separated by the consent
and direction of the British Government,
because it was thought it would
be conducive to our welfare. This proposed
Union is not for thepurpose of having
one Legislature, but is a Federal Union
where the dominant party will have power
to tyrannise over us if they think proper.
It is an old saying that we should "Give
glory to God, honour to the King, and live
honestly with all men." The Liberals
have not done this, for they have taken all
the glory to themselves, and have honored
neither King, country, nor anything else.
This country was not big enough for
them, and they wanted to extend it, like
the fable of the frog and the horse. The
frog enlarged himself until he burst, and
so it was with these delegates, they would
not act in such a sway as was commensurate
with their means;this country was too small
for them, and they must get up this big
scheme ; but the " hand writing was
upon the wall," and their place knew
them no more. If we went into this Confederation we would have to put up new
buildings, and it would cost us as much
to keep up this Central Parliament as it
would be to keep a standing army of thirty
thousand people. We would gain nothing
by going into Confederation either directly or indirectly ; we are in the habit of
importing more dutiable goods than the
Canadas, more particularly Lower Canda ; therefore, we would contribute to
the general revenue about double the
amount that they do. The delegates may
have thought that it was a good move for
us to enter this Union, but they did not
were over-ruled by the people of this Province. If there are any influences at
work in England in regard to legislating
for this Province, we should send a delegation home to counteract it ; we must
protect ourselves, for " self-preservation
is the first law of nature," This delegation is not for the purpose of annoying
others, but for the purpose of setting ourselves right before the people and Government
of England, for oftentimes a small
matter, if allowed to remain, will grow to
something worse ; upon this ground I
would
like to see this delegation. The
same delegation that are to go
to
Halifax
might as well be appointed to go to England, to save the expense of appointing
two delegations. The expenses of
this
Scheme would have been enormous, inasmuch an we would have had to have kept
up our own Legislature, and a union of
all the Legislatures in Canada, and we
give
them the power to tax us as much as they please ; if there was any necessity for
this Union it would be better to
have one
Parliament for all ; by this means we
would save a great deal of expense. I
believe, instead of this
Union, we should
try to get a Union with Britain, by getting
a few members in the British Parliament ;
there they could do us some service ; there
should be a few members in the British
Parliament for every Colony that is,
of
British descent. If there is any change
to be made in our Constitution we should
have a two-third vote before we adopt it,
and that vote should be given fairly ; every
man above twenty-one years of age
should have a fair vote, let it
be for Annexation or whatever it may be.
Hon. Mr. SMITH.—As I feel an anxious
desire to close the Session as speedily as
possible. I shall make
a very short speech.
I stated during the canvas at the election,
that the delegates which discussed this
Scheme of a Union of the North
American Province was wholly
unauthorised,
and I am prepared to assert now in my
place, that in my judgment their whole
proceedings were entirely unauthorised.
History will be searched in vain to find a
parallel to this case. If it was
necessary
for the delegates appointed to discuss a
Union of the Lower Provinces, to have
Legislative authority, how much more
necessary was it to have authority to discuss this larger Union ? I do not think
another case can be found of a Government meeting in Conference and
agreeing to a Scheme, making an organic
change in the Constitution of a country. I think before they gave their consent to
a Scheme, and pledged themselves
to carry out that Scheme with all the influence their high position gave them,
they should have first consulted the people. These delegates who assembled on
Prince Edward Island for a particular
purpose, abandoned their business and
arrogated to themselves powers that did
not legitimately belong to them, and undertook to alter the Institutions of the
country and surrender the independence
we have so long enjoyed. Is it not the
duty of the Government to exercise their
functions within the four corners of the
Constitution ? Is it not their duty to
preserve inviolate the independence of
the people ? In my opinion these gentlemen transcended entirely their powers :
they should not have gone ; or if they
went upon the invitation of the Governor
General, they should have gone and listened to the proposition and returned, before
pledging themselves to use all their
power, with all the agency the Government could wield, to sustain this Scheme.
How did this originate ? Did not you
hear in the early part of the canvas that
it had emanated from the British Government ? How fraudulent was that ; nothing the
kind had taken place. It was
concocted in Canada. I will call Mr. Galt
to show how it originated. Did it originate in Canada for the benefit of the
Maritime Provinces ? Did it not originate from their own political necessities? I
can prove it out of the mouth of
Mr. Galt himself. He says : "The circumstances under which the Government
found itself the last Session of Parlia
118 DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1865.ment were
these : One Government had
resigned from inability to
obtain Parliamentary support enough to govern the
country. Another of which, he (Mr.
Galt) was
a member, had been defeated
by a majority of two ; and it did not
appear possible to form any
Government
under which any material difference in
this
respect could have been produced.
Under these circumstances it was the duty of those administering
the public affairs to make sacrifices of their interests
and of their
personal position, and to
unite to seek a remedy for the evils
that
existed ; and he was happy to say that
men were found willing to undertake
this
responsibility. He desired in this connection to allude more particularly
to his friend
and colleague, the Hon. George Brown,
who, feeling that the period had
arrived
when extreme views should no longer
be
pressed, in the most patriotic and straightforward manner approached the Government
of the day when they were
considering what course
to take, and suggested
that some basis should be found on which
a common platform could be raised.
This
consideration resulted in an undertaking
on the part of the Government, into which
the Hon. George Brown and two other
gentlemen representing the Liberal party
of Upper Canada had entered, to address
themselves to the preparation of a measure that would partake of a federal character
as far as necessary with respect to local measures,
while it would
preserve the existing Union in respect to
measures common to all ; that
they would
endeavor,
if necessary, to strike
out a Federal Union for Canada alone ; but that at
the same time they would
attempt, in considering a change in the Constitution of
this country, to bring the Lower Provinces in under the same bond, as they were
already under the same Sovereign. It
was highly proper that before
touching
the edifice of Government that had been
raised in Canada, they should address the
statesmen of the Lower Provinces, and
try to induce them to form a common system. If it were found impossible to have
a Legislative Union of all the British
American Provinces, then they could reserve to the local Governments of the
several Provinces the control of such subjects as concerned them, while the rest
should be committed to the care
of
the General Government." Now do
we
want any further testimony to
show that
this did not emanate from the British
Go
vernment. These delegates were assembled in session before they had any communications
from the British Government
at all. This Scheme arose from the political embarrassing necessities
of Canada,
and not from the philanthropy of
Canadian statesmen for the benefit of the
Lower Provinces, but to enable
them to
obtain power. I made a statement in different speeches which I delivered upon
the electioneering tour. I
ventured to
suppose that the authors of this
new Constitution, framed in a short time
might be
biased in their views by the
prospect of
personal aggrandisement ; for
this I was
taken to task, and was told I was imputing motives. I say it is our duty to watch
those in power, for the tendency of power
is to be aggressive. This Conference
held their meetings at Quebec to frame
a new Constitution, with closed doors. It
was different in the United States,
the
public
there were admitted, and some of
the speeches made on that occasion have
been handed down as model of eloquence.
It was curious that in connection with
this Conference there was a geographical
sketch made, pointing out the particular
adaptability of persons for the different
offices to be created by the
resolutions of
this Conference ; although it may be,
that
the gentlemen who went from this Province and Nova Scotia had'no
idea of going into any office under this new administration. This Scheme, which
was the
most ingeniously contrived piece of political machinery that was ever planned
by any set of men, was to be pressed
through the then existing Legislature
without any reference to the people
Keeping that fact in view, and allowing
this Scheme all the elements necessary to
bring it into existence, how were the
Legislative Council to be appointed ? ten
of them were to be taken out of the Legislative Council of this Province, irrespective
of party politics. This would
have the effect of neutralizing any opposition there, for they are men, and like
ourselves are susceptible of these influences. How are their places to be filled
up ? Would there have been no members in the House who could have been
fonnd ten men in the House who would
be influenced by considerations like these.
Then there were seven men in the Government, that would make seventeen, and
there would be only four more wanted to
carry the Scheme. I think those four
men could be found. It might be, they
would be animated by patriotism ; but if
not they could be prevailed upon by some
influence which the Government could
wield, and thus twenty-one members
could be found to carry the Scheme. This
was my view, and for stating that view I
was criticized and maligned. I intend to
condense my remarks, because to notice
all the points would take hours. If I had
consulted my own feelings I
should not
have spoken at all, as I have become
tired of the subject ; it is like addressing
a jury after they have rendered their verdict.
When I hear the hon. member for
the County of Albert put forward the bold
proposition that if the people of the country were better informed, they would support
the Scheme, and the ex-Surveyor
General says the same thing. I want to
ask that gentleman, and through
him the
members of the late Government,
why it
was, if they courted enquiry or discussion,
that they dissolved the House, after Mr.
Tilley had distinctly
stated to the people
of Carleton that a dissolution would not
take place. I characterize it as an act of
tyranny and cruelty to the people of this
country to dissolve the House in the winter season, when, if they had not been
especially favored with fine weather, not
one-half the aged men could have got to
the polls to render their voice against
this question, in which was involved the
rendering up of their rights which they
had so long enjoyed. When this question
first came up, I asked for information on
the subject ; but official etiquette forbid
its being known to the people of this
country until after it had been shown to
Her Majesty the Queen, and we were indebted to Mr. Palmer, of Prince Edward
Island, for the details of the Scheme.
These delegates kept back this information, but called an assemblage of the
people in St. John, and condescended to
tell them what they had done for them
but would not allow them to see the
agreement by which their country was
sold. Was it right for Mr. Tilley to proclaim to the people that a dissolution
would not take place until after the House
had met, and thus lull the people into a
false security. That was the effect upon
my mind,
for I thought the first place in
which the subject would be discussed
would be in Parliament. You may search
history in vain, to find a case in which,
when the Constitution of a country was
changed, it was first discussed at a public
meeting before it was discussed in Parliament. They should have told the people
of the country whether they were going
to dissolve the House or not. While we
were lulled into a false security, those
delegates were impressing their views
upon the people of the country, and telling them that they would become rich,
because millions upon millions of money
were to be expended among them, while
their taxes were to be reduced. I do not
see how any man could believe it possible,
when looking at our condition, and the
condition of Canada, and the enormous
sums of money to be spent, that our taxes
can be reduced, unless it can be proved
that the more a man owes the less it will
take to pay his debts ; yet, many did believe that statement to be true that a large
expenditure of money was to be made, and
our taxes were to be less. How could
Mr. Tilley, or any other man, say what
this Confederation would do? after it was
once organized they could not control it.
How then could they say how much per
head our taxes were to be nuder Confederation ? These delegates might be there,
and they might not. Men die and pass
away, but the Constitution would live
after them, and Mr. Tilley or anybody
else could not say what they would do,
and what they would not do, after the
Constitution was once adopted. This
taxation must be inevitable, for any man
that knows anything of the history of this
country for the last forty years, knows
that our wants increase as our population
increases. Then what must be the dernier
resort ? what must be the remedy for that
state of things ? It will be direct taxation. I will call the testimony of Mr.
Galt : " If they increased their expenses
in proportion to the growth of population.
they would be obliged to resort to direct
taxation." This is a statement from Mr.
Galt, unquestionably true. Then, in regard to this Intercolonial Railway. You
are aware of the fact that Mr. George
Brown has always been opposed to the
construction of this work, and he was the
cause of that railway scheme not being
accepted by the people of Canada. But
now Mr. George Brown says, that rather
than not have Confederation, he would
consent to build half a dozen such railways. Has he such a care for this Province
that he willing to tax his own
people to give us better terms that was
provided two or three years ago ? Mr.
George Brown, through the consummation
of this Scheme, will accomplish the object
which he has advocated all his life—that
is, representation by population, which
will give Canada, by the rapid increase of
her population, the controlling power of
this whole Confederacy By adopting this
Scheme we surrender our independence,
and become dependent upon Canada, for
this Federal Government will have the
veto power upon our legislation. The
51st section of the Scheme says: " Any
Bill passed by the General Parliament
shall be subject to disallowance by Her
Majesty within two years, as in the case
of Bills passed by the Legislatures of the
said Provinces hitherto ; in like manner
any Bill passed by a local Legislature
shall be subject to disallowance by the
Governor General within one year after
the passing thereof." Here is a written
Constitution with certain rights given and
accorded to the local Legislatures, and
DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1865. 119
certain
rights are given to the General
Government. Suppose there is a confliction between the two Governments
where is the appeal? In, the United
States
they have an appeal to
the Judges of the
land ; but here the General
Goeernment
has an arbitrary veto and we have to submit. I think this is a very
serious defect
in the Constitution. Then in regard to
this representation by
population.We
should look simply to the passing hour
when framing a Constitution, but should
look into the future, and lay the foundations broad and deep, in order to meet the
requirements of coming time. How is
this eighty cents per head on the present
population going to provide for our local
wants fifty years hence, for we know that
the wants of a country increases with the
population ? We will have to resort to
direct taxation. We will now see the
amount we pay for Roads and Bridges,
and what Canada pays ; for when we are
invited to join our interest with Canada,
we should see how she provides for her
own people. We know that we have to
pay $119,000 a year for our Roads and
Bridges, and that it is insufficient to pro-
vied for them ; but the Canadians pay, on
an equal amount of population, only $15,000 for that purpose. For Education we
give $13,000 ; in the same proportion
Canada gives $5,000 or $6,000. The late
Surveyor General says this taxation is a
" great bugbear." Bugbear, forsooth !
It may be for those who occupy high positions and get their ?600 a year,
and do
not much for it ; but it is of
vital importance to those who have to labor, and it is
a question that affects
the great mass
of
the people in this or any other
country.
Then in reference to this Intercolonial
Railway. Was it stated by those who
advocated this Union that, as a compensation for
the advantages we were to derive from this road, we were to
contribute
to the Canal system ? Do you
think
Mr.
George Brown would change his mind on
this Railway question, unless he
felt there
was an advantage to be gained
for this
Canal system, for he is a man that has
ever been characterized as having an eye
single to the interests of Upper Canada.
Those Canals will not only be of no advantage to the people of the Lower Provinces,
but will be an injury to them if
the Intercolonial Railway is built, because
they would take the traffic in another direction instead of going on this Railway
to Halifax. We will have to pay our
share for extending those Canals, which
are going to be an injury to us. Hon.
members say there will be two parties in
Canada, and the Lower Provinces will
hold the balance of power. I am prepared to admit that, in general politics ;
but when we come to matters of local expenditure they will be united in one. By
way of illustration, we will say : my hon.
colleague and I are in opposition, and take
different sides in politics ; but when a
Bill comes before the House for an appropriation of money for the County which
we represent, we work side by side. If
$20,000,000 or $30 000,000 was to be
levied upon the people of the Confederacy
for the extension of those Canals, those
parties would be united as one ; their political differences would not divide them,
but they would act together and form one
unbroken phalanx. In seventeen years Upper Canada—taking the ratio of increase
for the last twenty years—would have a numerical majority of representatives over
all
the rest, whereas we get no increase, but
are liable to decrease ; because if Lower
Canada increases faster than we do, our
number will be reduced. Numerical
strength is power, and they will use that
power whether it be for our advantage or
disadvantage. We are told we enter
this Confederacy upon the most favorable terms, and that Canada is going to
build our railway. Where is the money
to come from if they are not able to pay
the interest on their own debts ? Their
expenditure has been more than their receipts except last year ; they have exhausted
every resource ; they have their
toll gates on the roads, and they resort to
the most obnoxious taxes to which no
country resorts, except in the last extremity ; they have imposed their stamp duties,
which are never imposed until every
other means of raising money has failed.
If we entered this Confederation we would
have these stamp duties, and our taxes
would be increased and applied to the
Canal extension in Canada, and the opening up of the North Western Territory. It
is provided in the Scheme that " the communications with the North-Western Territory,
and the improvements required for
the development of the Trade of the
Great West with the seaboard, are regarded by this Conference as subjects of
the highest importance to the Federated
Provinces, and shall be prosecuted at the
earliest possible period that the state of
the Finances will permit." Who is to
determine when the state of the Finances
permit ? Who is determine when the
North West Territory is to be opened up ?
It will be Canada, for she has the unlimited power of taxing the Confederacy, and
her part of the taxes will be more than
made up by the increased expenditure.
Who then can say we go into Confederation under more favorable circumstances
than Canada ? She can make the Canals
entirely free in order to attract the trade
within her own bosom ; her debt being
contracted for rebel losses, and the expenditure on these Canals will never be productive,
which will never yield two per
cent. Our debt is incurred in constructing Railroads in the Province which
would become the property of the Confederation. We go into this Union with
a debt of $7,000,000, and if our railroad
pays six per cent, which it may do after
Western Extension and the connection
with Nova Scotia are built, we will go in
without any debt at all ; we will give up
our revenue of $700,000, and receive $0
cents a head, amounting to $201,000.
The control of our railroad will be in Ottaway, and any man who has a charge
against the road will have to go to Canada to get redress. That accounts to my
mind why it was that public officials connected with the Railway became active
partizans in favor of this Scheme ; never
did I see the powers of Government so
completely prostrated ; they used their
influence upon all persons who held office, and all those who expected to get
office ; they controlled thousands and
thousands of votes in this country ; but
the people of this country were true to
their own interest, and resisted the influences brought to bear, and rose in their
power and rejected the Scheme with indignation. I should like to have some
one here to speak on behalf of that delegation ; they have two of the delegates in
the Upper House, for the people could not
reach them, but every one of them the
people could reach they hurled from place
and power. Everything that was in the
power of the Government to do, was done
to carry the election ; they told the people
of Fredericton they would secure the seat
of Government for ever. Was that fair
to appeal to people's prejudices and local
feelings in order to influence them on this
great
question ? Why was it that the officers in the Post Office Department took an
active part in this election? It was because
every man connected with the Post Office
would become independents of the people
of this country. When the Custom House
officers in this Province were appointed
in England, the people were not treated
as well as they are now. Neither would
the people of this Province be satisfied
or their interests served by having their
officers only responsible at Ottaway. It
is said now that our Legislature is too small
to work out the principles of Responsible Government ; for after it is
divided into two parties it is difficult to
find men competent to discharge the duties of these offices. Let us imagine this
Legislature reduced to a mere Municipality. Would any man of talent accept
a seat in it ? and this Legislature would
have to keep up all the officers in the Government, as they have now in conducting
the administration of the country.
To do what ? To issue Tavern Licenses
and fix bells on sheep, as the hon. member
for York has remarked. Under the provisions of this Bill they have agreed to
give Newfoundland $150,000 per annum.
According to that, the people of this Province will have to pay Newfoundland
twelve or thirteen thousand dollars a-year;
that is our portion of what is paid for her
mines and minerals. I can conceive
Newfoundland refusing to go into Confederation, and this was a bribe offered her
to induce her to enter. I put it distinctly to the country, whether they are willing
to invest to the extent of $13,000,000
a-year for ever in those mines and minerals which are utterly valueless. Then
again, it was agreed that all engagements
entered into for defence, should be assumed by the General Government. It
is well known that a delegation went
home from Canada, and it was supposed
they went in connection with this business, and we would be bound to contribute our
share towards any expnse so incurred. Is it not surprising that this Government should
give its consent to a proposition of that kind, that they should go
blind fold into an arrangement when they
had no voice in regard to how much
should be expended. Then again we
could derive no advantage commercially,
because
Canada can manufacture articles
much cheaper than we can. I will state
to
you the reasons which Mr. Annand
gives
why Nova Scotia did not accept the offer
of free trade from Canada. Some two or
three years ago when it was pressed upon
Mr. Tilley and himself by the Canadian
Finacne Minister :-
" BECAUSE WE FELT that as in
Brunswick and Nova Scotia there
existed a number of infant manufactures, it
would be unfair to the manufactures,
without notice or opportunity to invest their
means in other pursuits, to bring them
into
competition with the more advanced manufactures of Canada ; and secondly, because the Provinces had agreed to assume
heavy liabilities, viz 3 1-2 12ths each of
the cost of the Intercolonial
Railway, we
felt it would be unwise to jeopardise so
large amount of revenue. The following
memorandum, under date 18th Sep., 1862,
signed by the Premiers of the three Provinces, is conclusive on this point :
The delegates of Nova Scotia and
New Brunswich, and the Government
of
Canada, having under consideration
the
report of the Hon. the Finance Minister,
ofCanada, of the 8th September instant,
on the subject of Intercolonial Reciprocity, agree—
120 DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1865.
1. That the free interchange of goods,
the growth, produce, and manufacture of
the Provinces, and uniformity of tariff, are
considered to be an indispensible consequence of the Intercolonial Railway.
2. But in consequence of the recent
dimunition of the revenues of the respective Provinces arising out of the war in
the neighboring republic and increased
liabilities incurred by the additional obligations necessary to the construction of
the proposed road, the
delegates from
New Brunswick and Nova Scotia regret
that they are not at this moment in a
position to adopt measures to carry this
important principle into practical effect."
This
memorandum was signed by Messrs.
McDonald, Howe and Tilley. That was
a distinct proposition for free trade
made
by Canada, and declined by those gentlemen because it was thought unfair for the
infant manufactures of these Provinces
to enter into competition with the more
advanced manufactures of Canada. What
extraordinary change has taken place in
the minds of these men that induces them
now to think that we are to become rich
by this free trade which was declined in
1862. I did think this delegation which
we propose sending to England could have
been avoided, for these delegations should
not exist except public interest require
them ; but judging from what we see
around us, I think this delegation is required, for after the Scheme had been
rejected by the people of this Province by
an overwhelming majority — in Prince Edward Island almost unanimously —
the
leading statesmen of Nova Scotia, afraid
to submit it to the Legislature—referred
in Newfoundland to the next general election—we find Canada has passed in
her
Legislature a memorial or petition to the
Queen, asking the Queen and the British
Parliament to take steps to confirm this
Scheme. They have also sent a delegation to England for the same object, and
these gentlemen are misrepresenting the-
state of affairs in this Province. I think
that statesmen of Canada have not treated
us well, in sending a delegation to England to impress upon the Colonial Secretary
the desirability of his using some
measures to force us into this Union after
we have rejected it. I do not think the
Government of England will attempt any
means of coercion ; if it does it will produce a feeling of alienation from that
Government with which we desire to live
in connection as we have done in times
past, as freemen and not as slaves; any attempt to force us into this Union we will
resist even to the death. I regret that a
delegation is necessary, but I am satisfied
that it is our best policy to contradict
those statements which are circulated in
England that a strong reaction has taken
place here favorable to Confederation.
When I hear my hon. friend say that in
six months after the people become enlightened they will have a majority in
favor of Confederation, and that we only
represent the rabble and ignorance here;
this has also been stated in the newspapers. In reply I can say that this
House compares favorably with any House
that has ever assembled here before.
They say the public are not sufficiently
enlightened. Some gentlemen say that
they will spend two years enlightening
the public mind. Do you think there is
nothing but pure patriotism and love of
country in this ? It is an arrogance which
no man ought to assume ; to state that the
people are steeped in ignorance, only one
or two being able to grasp the mighty
Scheme of Confederation, and it is necessary
for them to go forth and enlighten
the people.
Mr. CONNELL —I rise to address you at
a great disadvantage after the eloquent
oration which you have heard from the
President of the Council. I know that
there are but few on the floors of this
House that are in favor of the great principles of Confederation, but it is not so
throughout the country, for those principles are gaining ground. I will make a
few observations in reference to the impropriety of appointing this delegation.
I am one of those who believe it is the duty
of the Government of the day to initiate the
various measures desirable and necessary
for the country, and to bring them before
the Legislature. I believe the Quebec
delegation acted in a constitutional manner, and had proper authority to act in regard
to this Intercolonial Union. I find
that in 1862, this despatch was sent by
the Earl of Mulgrave to the Duke of Newcastle :—
Downing
Street, 6th July, 1862.
MY LORD,-
I have duly received Your Lordship's
despatch, No. 47, of the 21st of May, accompanied by a copy of a Resolution
which was passed in the House of Assembly on the 15th of April 1861, relative to
an amalgamation of part, or all, of the
British Provinces in North America. The
resolution points out that the question
might be considered either of a distinct
Union of the Maritime Provinces, or of a
general Union of them with Canada ; and
suggests that it might be desirable, upon
so important a subject, to ascertain the
policy of her Majesty's Government, and
so promote a consultation between the
leading men of the Colonies.
Your Lordship explains that, for various reasons, your Government were of
opinion that it would inexpedient to
act on this resolution last year, but they
now wish it to be brought under consideration.
No one can be insensible to the importance of the two measures which are alluded to
: and I am far from considering
that they do not form a very proper subject for calm deliberation. They are,
however, of a nature which renders it essentially fit, that if either of them be proposed
for adoption, it should emanate in
the first instance from the Provinces, and
should be concurred in by all of them
which it would affect. I should see no
objection to any consultation on the subject amongst the leading members of the
Governments concerned ; but whatever
the result of such consultation might be,
the most satisfactory mode of testing the
opinion of the people of British North
America, would probably be by means of
resolution or address, proposed in the Legislature of each Province by its own
Government.
Beyond this expression of the views
of Her Majesty's Government as to the
preliminary steps which might be taken
towards the decision of this great question, I am not prepared to announce any
course of policy upon which an invitation proceeding from one only of the
British North American Provinces, and
contained in a resolution of so general
and vague a character as that which you
have transmitted to me. But if a Union,
either partial or complete, should hereafter be proposed, with the concurrence
of all the Provinces to be united, I am
sure that the matter would be weighted
in this country, both by the public, by
Parliament, and by Her Majesty's Government, with no other feeling than an
anxiety to discern and promote any
course which might be the most conducive to the prosperity, the strength,
and the harmony of all the British communities in North America.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
(Signed) NEWCASTLE.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Mulgrave.
&c. &c. &c.
There was authority to the different
Legislatures to act in reference to this
subject. What better course could they
have taken to come to a common agreement than the course they did. I find
also a despatch from the Colonial Secretary to the Governor of Nova Scotia :
" I have your despatch of the 15th of
Sept., communicating such details as
you have been able to learn of the recent
Conference which has been held at
Charlottetown on the subject of Inter-
colonial Union of the British North
American Provinces. I have to thank you
for the interesting intelligence you have
conveyed to me and to state with reference to your request for authority to
permit certain members of your Executive Council to repair to Quebec, there
to resume the discussion of this subject,
that I have received an intimation from
Lord Monek, that he intends communicating with me upon it, and as time is
important, since it is proposed that the
meeting shall take place early in Oct.,
I have no hesitation in giving you at
once the required permission."
Here is distinct authority from the Home
Government. The Government have a
right to initiate and prepare measures
for the benefit of the
people, and when
certain measures come before
them so
desirable for the
interest of the country,
it is the duty of the Government
to prepare them to lay before the Legislature for their approval or rejection.
The report made by the delegates
from Nova
Scotia, in my view, affirms the desirability of such a course. They go on to
say-
" After deliberating daily at great
length until Thursday, the 27th Oct., the Conference adjourned to Montreal,
where a final meeting was held on the
29th Oct. At this meeting it was unanimously resolved that the various delegates should
present the annexed report, as the common result at which the
Conference had arrived, and which it
was agreed should be authenticated by
the signatures of all the members.
Dealing, as this report does, with every
branch of the subject, it is not necessary
that any elaborate remarks should be
added in order to place the whole question fully before your Excellency, but
we have much gratification in stating
that nothing was more conspicuous in
the discussions of the Conference than a
unanimous sentiment of devoted loyalty to the Crown, ardent attachment to
British institutions, and a uniform desire to adopt such a constitution as would
united the resources of all the Provinces
represented in a common effort to preserve the rights and liberties which their
inhabitants now enjoy as British subjects,
and to ensure their continued connection, with the Parent States.
The undersigned cannot conclude this
report without placing on record their
lively appreciation of the uniform good
feeling which marked the deliberations
of the Conference, and the extreme
courtesy and kindness manifested on
every occasion by the Government and
DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1865. 121
people of
Canada to the delegates from
the Maritime Provinces."
I merely refer to this to show the first
statesmen in these Provinces, who were
nominated by the several Lieut. Governors to meet at Quebec to confer,
not for
the purpose of taking away the liberties
of the people, and for the purpose of
acting tyrannically in the matter, but for
the purpose of considering a union that
would be for the good of all the different Provinces, and we find by the Colonial
Secretary's despatches that the
course pursued by them met with the
highest commendation of the British
Government and people. It is said Her
Majesty the Queen and her advisers de
sire to force upon the people of
this
country a union which will take away
their liberties. This is a direct charge
against the British Govemment and
against her Majesty the Queen.
Although there are but few in favor of this
union in the House, yet I am happy to
know that throughout the country there
is now a large majority in favor of it.
The hon. member for St. John (Mr.
Cudlip) talks about rebelling ; is that a
proper position to take, because
a
change of opinion takes place?
In reference to this subject not having been
discussed in the Legislature, Ican say I
always was of opinion that the Government was wrong in dissolving the
Assembly before this
question was discussed. Before the dissolution of the
House I took no part in this
question on
account of my health, being
unable to
leave my room the whole winter, and I
would not have been in my place
now
only that I considered the question of
such vast importance to the
country.
If this question had been fully discussed
in the House, the people of the country
could not have complained that
the question was not fairly settled. As it was
the people did not give a fair expression of opinion upon it. Those opposed
to the scheme took advantage of the
prevailing opinion among emigrants
from the old country of the unfairness
of the union between England and
Ireland, and argued that because
that
union was the means of
depopulating
and bringing a tax upon Ireland, the
same state of things would exist
here if
we entered upon this
union. It
was
argued that it would bring a tax upon
every thing they had, and
finally
they
would lose their Parliament, which
would be carried away to Ottawa.
Was not this unfair to represent these
things in the most
odious light and circulate them where they
would have
most effect, in order to
alarm
the people. The President of the
Council says
how very convenient it was for the Government to state there
would be
twenty
four seats in the Legislative Council at
Ottawa for the members of
the Legislative Council in the Lower
Provinces,
and this would have a great influence
upon their votes. That may be the
opinion of the hon. member,
and
it may
be the opinion of those who are anti-
Confederates, but it may
not be a
correct opinion after all, for they have always been characterized as an
independent class of men. The President of the
Council has also discussed
the great
bug-bear of taxation. I believe,
under
the arrangements made by the
delegates,
we would be in a far better
position
than
we are now ; under that arrangement
we would have had the Inter-colonial
railway built at cost? of "$14,000.000
or
$15,000,000, of which we
would
have
to have paid but the one thirteenth part,
we would be relieved of our debt on
which we now pay about ÂŁ90,000 a year
interest, and would have a large amount
of money at our disposal for our roads,
bridges and schools, and other local
purposes, then we now have.
House adjourned until 10. A. M., tomorrow.
T. P. D.
Cet individu a participé aux :
