PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
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MONDAY, 7th May, 1866.
House in Committee on various Despatches and Papers
Mr. John Yeo in the Chair
CONFEDERATION QUESTION
Hon. the Leader of the Government (
J.C POPE).
With respect to the important questions of Confederation I
do not at present intend to say much more than that I
hold in my hand certain Resolutions in which are embodied
my views concerning that question, and which are most decidedly adverse to the scheme
of Union as propounded and
agreed to at the Quebec Conference. To hon. members
holding the same opinion as myself concerning that scheme,
these Resolutions will I apprehend be accepted as a sufficiently full and satisfactory
declaration of our sentiments
concerning it. To some, however, whose repugnance to the
proposed union may be little less than my own, they may
probably be considered too strong; and perhaps, by others,
not strong enough. I shall, however, submit them to this
Committee in their present form and it will be for them
to modify, abridge, enlarge, or accept them in their present
form just as the maority in thier wisdom may determine.
The great reason why we protest against anything in the
shape of Union is our dream of being swamped by the Canadas. When the scheme was before
this House in the
session of 186 , it was condemned by a majority on each
side. As respects the Executive, one or two members of it
are, I regret to say, inveurable to it, but the majority are
strenuously opposed to it. That, however, as respects the
discussion of the question, is but of little consequence, for
opposition to the scheme is not now to be offered as any
part of the policy of the Cabinet, and all parties are quite
free to discuss the question wholly upon its own merits, and
quite untrammeled by political ties or connexions. Two
members of the Cabinet were Delegates to the Quebec Convention and in the Conference
held by that Convention,
none expressed themselves more strongly in favor of the
Scheme of Union projected by it than they did and, for
their consistent adherence to the vonventions concerning it
which they then avowed surely even such amongst us who are
the most opposed to the Union, can have no right whatever
to censure or condemn them; and neither do I believe any
one of us arrogates to himself or assumes such a right.
These gentlemen have, ever since the question arose, noted
with respect to it, most honestly and consistently, and in
perfect good faith. I speak more particularly of the Hon.
he Solicitor General (Mr. Haviland) whose conduct with
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101
reference to the projected Union, has, throughout, been so
open, candid, and honorable, that honestly to impugn it, in
any particular. I hold to be morally impossible on the part
even of the most bitter opponent of the project. I have
said that some hon. members, although in the main approving of the Resolutions, may
think them too strong ; it,
therefore appears to me to be only right that, before we enter
upon a discussion of them. I should explain the reason why
they are so strongly worded. It is this : Great fears are
entertained by the public mind that the Government, in pursuance of the same course
which it seems, is about to be
adopted by Canada and Nova Scotia, and, perhaps, by New
Brunswick, may be induced to send delegates to London for
the purpose of conferring with the Imperial Government on
the Conference Scheme ; and that, although such delegates,
if sent by our Government, might be instructed to oppose our
being included in the Scheme, and they themselves should be
sincere in their intention to do so, yet, when associated in
conference on the question with the British Cabinet, who
are desirous that the Confederation should be accomplished,
and with delegates from the other Provinces, whose mission
will be to endeavour to induce the Imperial Government to
frame, and carry through the British Parliament, a Bill to
decree and establish the Confederation, they might be induced to change their views
and assent to the scheme, as,
perhaps, materially modified in compliance with the suggestions of the Imperial Government
; and so eventually
Prince Edward Island, even against the will of our people,
might be made a member of the Confederate States, or Provinces of British America.
It is to prevent this that, warned by experience, the Resolutions are so strongly
worded.
What has taken place once may, under similar influences, take place again. The hon.
gentleman
then stated by what pressure the Legislature of Prince
Edward Island had, in the Session of 1866, been
induced to appoint His Excellency the Lieutenant
Governor to appoint delegates to confer with delegates from
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, touching the expediency
of a Union of the three Provinces of Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, under one Government and Legislature, the Report
of the said Delegates to
be laid before our own Legislature. He then went on to
state that its having been arranged that the Delegates so to
be appointed by the Governments of these three Provinces
should hold their Conference in Charlottetown, Canada—
at that time engaged in considering the necessity of a
change in its constitution—solicited permission to be present by Delegation at the
Conference, and their request
having been courteously complied with, the issue of the Conference—of which, however,
no report has yet been given
to the public—was, through the influence which the Canadian Delegation brought to
bear upon the Conference, a resolution to hold a further Conference at Quebec, with
the
content of the Governments of the Lower Provinces, for considering the feasibility
of a Union upon a larger basis than
that originally contemplated by the Maritime Provinces.
That Conference was held accordingly ; our Delegates, if
not wholly yet in part, were induced to give their assent
to the scheme of Confederation ; and it is not only, with the
intention of convincing the Imperial Government that the
people of Prince Edward Island are most decidedly opposed
to a Union with Canada upon any terms, but also to prevent the possibility of the
Governments sending deleagates
to the London Conference without acting in the matter in
direct opposition to the will of the people as delcated
through their parliamentary representatives, that the wording of the Resolutions are
so strong and conclusive. I
shall, said the hom. gentleman, say no more upon the matter at present, although,
perhaps, when it has progressed
a little, I may have some observations to make touching the
merits and nature, as I apprehend them, of the Quebec
Scheme of Confederation itself. I will now submit the Resolutions to the Committee—to
be as I have before said, modified, softened, or strengthened according to the will
and
pleasure of the majority ; and, to that end, I beg leave to
suggest, Mr. Charman, that, in the first place, it will be
proper for you to read the whole of them at once to the
Committee.
The Chairman then read the Resolutions as here below
given :—
"This House having had under consideration the message of
His Excellency the Lieut. Governor communicating a Despatch
from the Right Hon. Edward Cardwell, Her Majesty's Principal
Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, upon the subject of a Federation of
the British North American Provinces,
and having most carefully and earnestly considered the project
in all its bearings—
"RESOLVED, As the deliberate opinion of this House, that any
Union of the British North America Colonies which would embrace Prince Edward Island,
upon the terms and principles set forth
in the Resolutions of the Conference of Quebec, held on the 10th
October, 1864, would not only be unjust to the inhabitants of
this Colony, but prove disastrous to their dearest and most
cherished rights and interests as a free people, enjoying the blessings of a priceless
constitution guaranteed to them by the Imperial
Government of Great Britain.
"That, considering the isolated, peculiar and exceptional position of Prince Edward
Island, as contrasted with the other British
North American Provinces and Colonies, this House deems it to
be its duty, as the Constitutional Representative of the people
of Prince Edward Island, to re-affirm the decision so clearly and
unequivocally declared by this House in the Resolutions passed
by it, in its last Session, upon the subject of a Union of the
British North American Colonies, andafterwards communicated
by the joint Address of the Legislative Council and House of
Assembly of this Colony to Her Majesty's Imperial Government.
"RESOLVED FURTHER, That even if a Union of the Continental
Provinces of British North America should have the effect of
strengthening and binding more closely together those Provinces,
or advancing their material and commercial interests, this House
cannot admit that a Federal Union of the North American Provinces and Colonies, which
would include Prince Edward Island, could
ever be accomplished upon terms that would prove advantageous
to the interests and well-being of the people of this Island. cut off
and separated as it is, and must ever remain, from the neighboring
Provinces, by an immovable barrier of ice for many months in
the year; and this Heuse deems it to be its sacred and imperative
duty to declare and record its conviction, as it now does, that
any Federal Union of' the North American Colonies, that would
embrace this Island, would be as hostile to the feelings and
wishes, as it would be opposed to the best and most vital interests, of its people.
"RESOLVED FURTHER, That while this House cannot assent to a
Federal Union of this Island with the other Colonies, they recognize it to bathe duty
of this Colony to contribute, from its local
revenues, towards its defence, in fair and just proportionto its
means,"
Hon. Mr. KELLY. I approve of every word of these
Resolutions ; and I believe,the majority of the Committee
will heartily agree to them. My determination is to adhere to every word of them ;
although, if they could be
made stronger, I would wish that they were.
Mr. SINCLAIR. He was pleased to see Resolutions of
this nature tabled by the Hon. Leader of the Government
He believed that fears were entertained throughout the
country as to the action of the Government on this question.
The Governments of the other Provinces have acted so unconstitutionally, and seem
so determined to force Confeder
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102
ation upon the people, that it is no wonder the people of this
Colony wait with anxiety the action of this Legislature. He
was glad however, to find, by the Resolutions submitted, that
no fears need be entertained that they will commit us in any
way to the principle of Confederation. Indeed, if he had any objection to the Resolutions,
it would be that the language in
the last Resolution was rather too strong. It might imply
that we were so obstinate that no terms could be given us
which would induce this Colony to comply with the desire
of the British Government. He believed terms could be given,
but be firmly believed no terms would be given which would
compensate us for the sacrifice we would make in going into
Confederation. We have this to consider in tabling our
Resolutions to see that they are not such as to prevent some
hon. members from supporting them, although much hon.
members may be opposed to Confederation ; the Resolutions
against Confederation last Session were carried by a majority
of twenty, and if our Resolutions this Session are carried by
a much smaller majority, it might injure the cause by allowing the pro-Confederation
to misrepresent the feelings both of
the House and of the country, by arguing that it indicated a
change of sentiment in favor of Confederation. He hoped
this House would be united in supporting a Resolution which,
whilst drawn up in courteous language, will yet firmly express our refusal to acknowledge
the principle of Confederation.
Mr. DUNCAN. I protest against a Union of Prince Edward Island with the Canadas upon any terms.
We could not
possibly gain anything by it, but it would certainly be prejudical to us in every
particular. We could not be benefited even
by free and unrestricted commercial intercourse with them,
Everything which could be exported from this Island, Canada
produces ; and therefore no trade of any importance can spring
up between that Province and this Colony. If we were to
send up oats to Canada, they would have to send them down
again to Halifax for a market. As for fish, they can export
enough to supply all North America. Our oysters are, perhaps,
all that we could supply them with ; and I would say if they
want them, let them pay for them. Their railroads and
canals would not benefit us. As for our sending delegates
to London, with a view to the procuring of better terms, the
idea was absurd in the extreme. What concessions for our
benefit could our two delegates- - were we to send them—obtain against the opposition
and eloquence of the delegates of
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the Canadas—two for
each of this Provinces, eight in all opposed to our two?
Besides Canada has declared that she will not admit of any
alteration in the Quebec Scheme, and even threatened that
if the Imperial Government should insist upon making any
she would withdraw her allegiance to the British Crown,
and declare herself independent. Nothing could be more
unjust to Prince Edward Island than representation on the
basis of population, as laid down by that scheme, according
to which the Canadas would have 100 representatives in the
House of Commons, more than the aggregate of all the
Colonies, the number assigned to us being only 5. Representation on this basis might
do very well for Canada ; but as
respects Prince Edward Island, it would be nothing but
mere mockery. Again, by that scheme, in exchange for
our revenue, now ÂŁ67.000, we should receive only some
ÂŁ48,000 per annum. Even had Canada, in view of such aÂ
commutation on our part, agreed to give us ÂŁ200,000 sterling to enable us to buy up
the proprietary claims, we should
still, in this point of view, be material sufferers. In fact
the whole scheme has been devised for the benefit of Canada,
and were we to go into it, we would, as I have said before,
be losers in every particular. We would have to yield up
our position of independence—the power to make our own
laws and to direct the application of our moneys—our
local legislature would be little better than a town council ;
and should our local revenue become inadequate, we would
have to sub,it to the burthen of direct taxation ; and, in
fact all our interests would be sacrificed for the benefit of
Canada. The Resolutions are by not means too strong. If
it were possible I would wish to have them made still
stronger.
Hon. Mr. WARBURTON. If the determination of the
great majority of the House was—as he believed it was—
to declare against a Union of Prince Edward Island with
Canada, upon any terms, that determination could not be
expressed in language too strong. It was necessary to give
the Home Government to understand that our resolution
on that head was conclusive. Our representation by 5
members in the House of Commons would be of no service
to us. The allowance to us of 80 cents per head of our
population, as determined by the Census of 1861, in exchange for our revenue, and
in full settlement of all
future demands upon the General Government, would
be a palpable injustice— £48,000 for a revenue already
nearly double that amount ! Besides, according to the
system of taxation which obtained in Canada, our taxation
would be doubled. To give us any chance of justice at all,
the Union, should we be forced to accept, it should be a Legislative Union. In a Federal
Union we should have no power
at all : our Local Legislature would avail us nothing ; and,
in that case, it would be as well that our Legislative Halls
should be blown up in the air. If we were to be compelled
to enter into a Union at all, he would prefer a Legislative
one ; but he believed scarcely one man in the Island, certainly not many, would consent
to a Union of any kind. If
we looked to history, we should find a warning against the
Quebec scheme in the unequal and ill-assented Union of
Hon. Mr. LONGWORTH. Last Session, I supported
the Resolutions submitted by the Hon. the Leader of the
Government (Hon. J.C. Pope) ; and I did so because I
believed that a Union of Prince Edward Island with Canada and the other British American
Provinces upon the
terms laid down in the Quebec Scheme, would be disastrous
to her best interests. I conceive our position to be an exceptional one, and that,
from its peculiarity, although we
should be taxed equally with the peoples of the other Provinces for Railways, Canals
and other Public Works in
Canada, it was not in the nature of things that we could
derive any direct benefit from them. During five months
of the year, cut off as we are by an icy barrier from the
continent, I considered that we could hold no commercial
intercourse whatever with the other Federated Provinces ;
and that, therefore our Union with them, except upon terms
very different from those contained in the Report of the
Quebec Convention, would have been one of extreme hardship and injustice. Another
objection which I had to the
Union was that according to the Scheme laid down in the
Report, representation in the House of Commons is to be
based upon population. Representation on that basis is as
objectionable, as it respects New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia, as it is with respect to Prince Edward Island.
Upper Canada is a growing country and her population will
rapidly increase ; and as that increases, so, according to the
Quebec scheme of representation, her representation in the
Federal House of Commons would increase, whilst that of
Prince Edward Island would decrease. And, in fact, if the
increase in the population of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick does not, in the future,
grow more rapidly than it has
in the past, they will also, if the plan be strictly carried
out, be losers, instead of gainers, as respects legislative represenation. Thus, as
respects representation on the basis
of population, the scheme appeared to me to be unjust to
us, and I was therefore prepared to go against it ; and the
result of our deliberations upon it in this House was its re
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103
jection by a large majority. I. for one, am not changed.
I entertain the same objections to the Scheme which I entertained then, and I am therefore
glad to presume that
the Resolutions just submitted by the Hon. the Leader of
the Government harmonize with the views on that question
of a majority on both sides. In respect to Prince Edward
Island, the allowance of 80 cents per head of our population
in exchange for our revenue, is quite insufficient. What!
only ÂŁ48,000 a year for the relinquishment of our revenue
of ÂŁ70,000 a year. and that too to be in full settlement of all
future demands upon the General Government. A most
princely offer indeed! Why in the course of a few years,
it will in all probability amount to ÂŁ150,000 a year, and
all that, together with our independent constitution, we
would, according to the Quebec Scheme of Union, if we
accede to it, have to surrender for an annual allowance of
ÂŁ48,000 for our local expenses, all of which, with the exception of the salaries of
the Lieutenant Governor and the
Judges we should have to defray ourselves out of that
magnificentallowance ; and, should it not be found sufficient,
we would have to make up the deficiency by direct taxation. This is quite sufficient
to convince us, I think, that
if we were to enter into Confederation on the basis of the
Quebec \report, justice could never be done to us. This is
the decided opinion of the people as a body, generally
speaking, and through a majority of their parliamentary representatives they have
already declared, and will now again
declare, that the Quebec Scheme of Confederation will never
be acceded to by them. That they are most decidedly opposed to a Union with Canada
upon any terms, we know with
certainty, and their decided objection to it, or rather rejection of it, is affirmed
by a majority of their representatives
in this House, last Session. It is now our duty to re-affirm.
We must all admit that Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
must be the best judges of their own affairs, and have a
constitutional right to decide concerning them for themselves. But, when we see it
asserted in their papers that if
a Union, on the basis of the Quebec Scheme, take place at
all, it must include Prince Edward Island ; and, further,
whilst admitting that possibly, if we exerted ourselves to
procure them, better terms might be conceded to us, maintaining but we shall not be
allowed to stand aloof ; it behoves us most distinctly and peremptorily to declare
that we
were to admit that such terms could be conceded us as
would make our union with the other Provinces beneficial
to us, that would go a long way towards warranting an assumption on the part of the
other Provinces, and even on
that of the House Government, that, by a little skillful
management on their part, and the promise of one or two
flattering concessions, we might be induced to give a favorable ear to the Scheme
; and, as respects proceedings on our
part, the next step might be the appointment of delegates
to the London Conference. And, that step once taken, our
delegates would decide ; we could neither insist upon better
terms, nor could we fall back upon our original resolution
to reject the scheme. We would be completely trapped,
and our heads drawn into the noose. Our best course.
therefore, will be not to admit the possibility of such terms
being accorded to us as would be acceptable and conducive
to our interests. The first Resolution repudiates the idea
that we can be embraced in any Union of the Provinces,
upon the terms of the Quebec Scheme, in any way which
would be beneficial or advantageous to us. The second is
stronger ; and one hon. member (Mr. Sinclair,) has said
that it is too strong. But it only says that this House can
not admit that a
Federal Union of the North American
Provinces and Colonies, which would include Prince Edward
Island, could never be accomplished on terms that would
prove advantageous to the interests and well-being of her
people ; and assigns a reason for that affirmation ; but it
does not say that, if Great Britain and the other Provinces
would agree to it, a
Legislative Union, which would allow
us to retain our Revenue might not be made acceptable to us.
It has been said that if Prince Edward Island remain
out of the Union, she will either be left in a most undesirable isolated position,
or be annexed to the United States.
As to the perils of isolation, the people, I feel certain, will
be very willing to encounter them provided they are left in
the enjoyment of all their present rights and privileges,
And as to annexation to the United States, I believe that
will never take place against their will ; and, moreover, I
believe that such annexation will never be sought by them,
so long as Great Britain shall be willing to regard them as
her children, and to watch over and protect them, with that
truly parental care and solicitude for their well-being, which
she has hitherto manifested towards them. The people of
this Island will never consent to be annexed to a foreign
power, unless great Britain shall herself cast them adrift.
That, however, I believe she will never do ; and our present happy connexion with
her will, I trust, endure for
so, ages to come. As long as Britain is willing that it shall be
we will remain true in our allegiance to the British Crown.
But the duties of Great Britain to us, and to her other
subjects in these Provinces are great. It is her duty to
protect us, by her fleets and armies, against any foreign foe.
But, whilst we assert this, we freely admit that it is also
equally our duty, in each of the Provinces, to contribute
freely from our local revenues towards our defence ; and
cheerfully will we of Prince Edward Island fulfill that duty
in fair and just proportion to our means. I shall steadily
resist anything like an acknowledgment of the principle of
a Federal Union of these Provinces as asserted in the Quebec Report ; for I believe
that were we once to admit that
principle, we would, inevitably, be driven into it. Our acknowledgement of the principle
would be tantamount to our
signing and sealing of the bond ; and we, our children, and
our children's children would be bound by, it for all time to
come. I know hon. gentlemen in this house will say that
it is our duty to acquiesce in the Quebec Scheme of Confederation, because that scheme
is not only approved of by Her
Majesty the Queen and her Government, but also because it is
their earning desire that it should forthwith be carried into
effect. Now, with great deference to the opinion of those
hon. gentlemen, I beg leave to say that, although in sentiments of loyalty and attachment
to the British Crown, I in
no way yield to them ; yet, representing, in this House,
a large independent and intelligent constituency, whose
opinions concerning the projected Union of these Provinces
fully coincide with my own, to these opinions it is my
bounden duty firmly to adhere. Now is the time for us to
be cautious. These are my sentiments, and, in pursuance
of them, I am ready to support the Resolutions now before
us ; but if they can be amended without an acknowledgment of the principle of Union,
in such an amendment of
them, I shall, most likely, be found quite willing to acquiesce. I will not trespass
upon the attention of the
House any longer, at present, further than by again saying
that I am prepared not only to vote for the first Resolution,
which says that it is "the deliberate opinion of this House,
that any Union of the British North American Colonies
which would embrace Prince Edward Island, upon the
terms and principles set forth in the Resolutions of the Con
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
104
ference of Quebec, would not only be unjust to the inhabitants of this Colony, but
prove disastrous to their dearest
and most cherished rights and interests as a free people, enjoying the blessings of
a priceless Constitution, guaranteed
to them by the Imperial Government of Great Britain " ;
and, as respects the second Resolution, which declares that
" we cannot admit that a Federal Union of the North American Provinces and Colonies,
which would include Prince
Edward Island could ever be accomplished upon terms that
would prove advantageous to the interests and well-being of
the people of this Island,"— I am also prepared to vote for it
in its full integrity ; although, should it be found possible
so to modify it—without any acknowledgement of the principles of Confederation set
forth in the Report of the Quebec
Conference—as to render it more acceptable to such hon.
members as may think it rather too strong in its present
form,—to such a modification of it I shall certainly offer no
opposition.
Mr. BRECKEN. Having, at length, in the House, last
Session, and subsequently, at public meetings, expressed
his views concerning the projected Confederation of the
British North American Provinces, he did not think it
necessary that he should then enter into any thing like a
full recapitulation of them. The Resolutions submitted to
the Committee were certainly very strong : the last, in his
opinion was too strong. However, it was to be remembered
that in debating the question of Confederation, they were
not debating a party question, nor one of only passing interest ; but one, their determination
of which might affect,
advantageously or otherwise, the destinies of Prince Edward
Island for generations to come. John Bull had always
claimed, as one of his greatest privileges, the right to
grumble, and to stand out, to the last moment, for whatever
he thought himself fairly entitled to ; and that privilege the
people of this Colony had never been backward to claim and
assert. The Quebec Confederation Scheme was, it was well
known, favourably viewed by the Imperial Government, and
equally so, it was said, by Her Majesty the Queen ; yet
admitting all that—and he was not disposed to dispute it ;
for he could see no impropriety in its being so regarded at
Home—he did not think, as some did, that we could fairly
be subjected to the imputation of disloyalty because, so far
as that Scheme was meant to apply to Prince Edward Island,
we were adverse to it, and should express our aversion to it
in the strongest language. He certainly did not, for one
moment, imagine that the Imperial Government would ever
consent to sanction any Scheme of Confederation, by which
it was obvious to them that the interests of even the smallest
and most feeble of the Colonies would be sacrificed for the promotion of those of
the largest and most powerful. The Imperial Government were, doubtless, bent upon
carrying out the
Confederation Scheme ; but, in their determination to give
it effect, they contemplated nothing but the general good of
all the Provinces which it was intended to embrace. They
could conceive nothing but the retardation of the individual
interests and progress of these Provinces, and general feebleness, as the natural
consequences of our governments, independent of each other, our diverse laws, our
different currencies and hostile tariffs. This justly appeared to them
a most anomalous state of things. A group of Provinces,
lying closely together, and all paying allegiance to the same
Sovereign, could not, or at least ought not, it seemed to
them, to have separate and conflicting interests ; and, therefore, it was, seeing
that all of them were rapidly approaching
to a state, the further expansion of which would require that,
as respected all the relations of trade, commerce, laws, and
government, they should, as it were, intertwine with and lean
upon each other—that the Imperial Government thought
the very best thing which could be divised for them, was such
a Union as would consolidate their growing strength, and
give to all an interest in, and a share of the individual or
peculiar resources and privrleges of each. And, to that end,
it had doubtless appeared to them that no Scheme could be
more happily framed than that of the Quebec Conference.
In that opinion, however, at least so far as it respected
Prince Edward Island, they were certainly in error ; and
what had especially led to their mistake, with respect to us,
was their ignorance—for it could not be forgetfulness—of
our peculiar position, resources, and trade. They did not
comprehend our exceptional position. That they should be
ignorant on that head did not surprise him , for, at the Detroit Trade Convention,
he found several of the Delegates
to that Convention, although comparatively speaking our
near neighbours almost as ignorant respecting our resources
and trade, as must of necessity be the peoples of China and
Japan. The Imperial Government thought that, if we went
into the Confederation, our material interests would all receive an immediate and
most sensible progressive impulse ;
and that, in fact, our prosperity would increase in every
direction. As respected our representation in the Confederate House of Commons, small
as the number was at
which it was set down in the Report, on the basis of population, and decennial readjustments
on that basis, at the
expiration of the first ten years of the Union, our representation would be still
further diminished. The allowance
of ÂŁ51,850, to be made to this Island, in consideration of
the transfer of our revenue and of' the powers of taxation to
the General Parliament, was manifestly a very inadequate
compensation for our relinquishment of our Revenue,
now amounting to ÂŁ70,000, and which, in a few years
would, in all probability, amount to ÂŁ100,000 per annum.
That allowance would not suffice to defray our annual local
expenditure ; and, whenever it should be found necessary for
us to undertake any large public work for our own local
benefit, we would have to provide for the expense by extra
direct local taxation. As respected the direct benefits which,
it was said by the advocates of Confederation, we would derive
from the Canals and Railroads of the other Provinces, and
towards the past and future cost of which we were to contribute, considering that
we should be shut out from the use and
advantage of them for five months of the year, it would be
about just as reasonable to say that on account of the benefits which we might derive
from the construction of public
works in Kamtschatka, we should contribute towards the expense incurred by it.—His
greatest objection to the Confederation Scheme was based on his dread of the enormous
taxation to which we would, in all probability, be subjected
under it. The construction of fortifications, the creation of a
Confederate army and navy to afford protection against the
annexation proclivities of Brother Jonathan, the deepening
and widening of the Canals of Upper Canada, and the construction of other public works,
which would be required as
the country became more and more opened up and improved,
would necessitate such an outlay of public money as could
not be raised independently of extraordinary taxation ; and
to prevent either that, or to check any extravagance on the
part of the General Government, the small share which we
should have in parliamentary representation, would render
us powerless. The hon. and learned member said he did
not go quite so far as some anti-confederates ; for he believed that, if the other
Provinces went into the Union we
should not be able to keep out. We were told that the
British Government would not deprive us of a Constitution
which they themselves had guaranteed to us. But we
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
105
ought to remember our great indebtedness to the Mother
Country, and to take care that our refractoriness should not
be the cause of some estrangement of feeling towards us on
her part, and incline her to resent what she may deem our
undutifulness towards her at the present juncture. Some
again said that, if we refused to go into the Union, no
course would be open to us but that of annexation to the
United States ; but annexation to the United States would
not be our fate, even if we desired it. The Imperial Government, ignorant as they
might be concerning our trade
and resources, knew too well the importance of the geographical position of Prince
Edward Islandthe key to the
St. Lawrence—to allow us to annex ourselves to the United
States. Some said it would be better for us, at first to go
into Union as grumblers, than to be obliged to go in afterwards as beggars ; there
was nothing disreputable, they said,
in grumbling—it was a British privilege ; but begging was
position degradation. That might all be very fine ;
but, he maintained, there would be nothing mean in going
in by begging, even at the eleventh hour, if, by remaining our until then, we could
obtain better terms
than were offered to us by the Quebec Scheme. He
said, with the hon. member for the Third District of
Prince County, (Mr. Sinclair,) that to give us better
terms was not impossible ; but he believed that Canada
would never, of herself, consent to give us better terms
His (Mr. Brecken's) opinion then was that our best policy
would be to keep out until Canada, in her eagerness to include us in the Union, should
offer to treat with us on fairer terms ; and then, should we find that we were suffering
by keeping out, self-interest might induce us to accept the
best terms we could get. The second Resolution, he said
again, was too strong. To say that no terms of Union that
would prove advantageous to our interests and well-being
as a people, could be offered, was certainly saying too much
and going too far ; but, when he took into consideration the
object to be attained by so wording the Resolution, which
was the rendering it impossible for the Government to consent to the appointment of
delegates to the projected London Convention—a course which, if adopted, would in
all
probability result in a repetition of the Quebec agreement—
he was quite prepared to vote for it, too strong as, in its
prima faciesense, he thought it. If Deletgates were appointed, by our Government,
to to attend the London Convention, even for the purpose of opposing the Quebec
Scheme, and endeavouring to procure a modification of it
for our benefit, he feared they might, as at Quebec, be won
over to the opinions of the Canadian and Nova Scotia Delegates in favor of it. Still
he would like that Resolution
to be remodelled, if that could be done without an acknowledgment of the principle
of a Union on the Quebec basis ;
for, as it stood, a position was assumed in it, from which
possibly we might hereafter have to recede. It was the
duty of the House, however, to speak out clearly, plainly
and without ambiguity.
Hon. Mr. McEACHEN. He was happy to be able to endorse the Resolutions exactly they had been submitted
by the Hon. the Leader of the Government. They were
strong ; but not too strong. he agreed with the hon members (Mr. Sinclair and Mr.
Brecken) that were we to admit
the principle as set forth in the Quebec Report, that was
the possibility of its being made just to Prince Edward Island, we would have been
drawn to it. If we allowed the small
end of the wedge to be insinuated, it would soon be driven
through. He was glad to hear the hon. and learned member for Charlottetown (Mr. Brecken)
allude to the right
claimed by John Bull to grumble and to be stubborn when
called upon to resign any thing which he believed himself
entitled to hold ; and to hear the hon. member then base
thereon an argument for the people of this Island being like
John Bull, stubborn in the retention of their free constitution. Such stubborness
was certainly becoming in a free
people ; but although he would not deny that the sons of
John Bull had an hereditary right to assert that privilege,
yet yet would say it became them not—the descendants of the
men who were conquered by the Normans and lost their liberty
at the battle of Hastings—as well as it did the descendants of
those men whose ancestors—the Caledonians of old—beat
back from their mountain fastnesses of liberty the conquering
eagles of Imperial Rome. He (Hon. Mr. McEachen) was a
descendant of those unconquered heroes of the North ; and he
would never consent that, in asserting our right to preserve
our free constitution, with all its rights, privileges, and immunities, we should
adoph the cowardly, cringing tone in
which it suited venality and corruption to plead for the attainment of the objects
of their selfish designs. There was
no reason to fear that we should be driven into the projected Confederation. The people
of Prince Edward Island had
a Constitution as well as Canada ; and, if they did their
duty, they would never lose it. Mr. Cardwell would, no
doubt, be glad if he found us willing to agree to go into the
Union on the terms of the Quebec Scheme ; but, if he found
we were not willing, he would not dare to force us into it.
If once, like the Hungarians and the Polels, we should be
deprived of our Constitution, we would never be able to regain it. He would, therefore,
support the Resolutions,
both in the spirit and the letter. They were certainly
strong ; but they were not too strong for him. We know,
said the hon. gentleman in conclusion, what we enjoy under
our present free Constitution ; but we know not what we
should have to endure, were we, by a Union with Canada,
on the terms of the Quebec Scheme of Confederation, to be
deprived of it.
Hon. Mr. HENSLEY. As to the first Resolution, which
went to reaffirm the decision of the House, in its last session,
upon the question of a Union of the British North American
Colonies, to the effect "that any Union of those Colonies
which should embrace Prince Edward Island, upon the terms
and principles set forth in the Resolutions of the Quebec
Conference, would not only be unjust to the inhabitants of
this Colony, but prove disastrous to their dearest and most
cherished rights and interests as a free people, enjoying most
blessings of a priceless Constitution guaranteed to them by
the Imperial Government of Great Britain,"—having heartily concurred in that Resolution
when it was first affirmed, it
was not necessary, perhaps, for him to say more than that
he still firmly adhered to the opinion then expressed by him
of its propriety. And neither did it appear to him to be
necessary that he should, in his opposition to the Quebec
Scheme, restate the arguments which, whilst speaking upon
the first Resolution, had been so ably brought to bear
against that Scheme by the hon and learned member for
Charlottetown (Mr. Brecken) with every word of which he
agreed. He would, therefore, proceed to give his views
touching the propriety of the second Resolution, which declared
that the House could not admit that a Federal
Union of the North American Provinces and Colonies,
which would include Prince Edward Island, could ever
be accomplished upon terms that would prove advantageous to the interests and well-being
of the people of the
Island. He looked upon the declaration in that Resolution
in much the same light in which it had been viewed by
the hon. member for the Third District of Prince County
(Mr. Sinclair) and the hon. and learned member for the Se
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
106
cond District of Queen's County) Hon. Mr. Longworth).
He was not exactly of opinion that it was quite impossible—
as was affirmed by that Resolution—that any terms of Federal Union could be offered
to the people of Prince Edward Island which would prove advantageous to their interests
and well-being ; but he believed that no such terms
would be agreed to by the other Provinces ; and he thought
that, lest it should, in any way, be made to appear that we
acknowledge the principle of the Quebec Scheme of Union,
and should, in consequence of such assumed acknowlegment, be dragged into it, it was
necessary to express ourselves in the strong, unequivocal, and decisive language used
in the framing of that Resolution. It had been said to the
anti-Confederates, " If you object to the terms of the Quebec Scheme of Union, why
do you not lay down such as
you think it would be advantageous for the Island to accept." He would reply, that
we have no desire whatever
to become a party in the projected Union of the Provinces ;
and it would be the height of absurdity in us to lay down
terms for a compact which we are not only unwilling to enter
into ; but from which we are determined to stand aloof so long
as we shall have the power to do so. These were the rea
sons why he was in favor of the second and third resolutions. Were we ones to admit
the principle of the projected Federation, it would be impossible for us to keep out
of
it. He would go back to the inception of the scheme about
three years ago. When in the Session of 1863, the question was first brought before
the Assembly, whether it would
be better for Prince Edward Island to enter into the proposed
Confederation of the Lower Provinces, or to remain as she
was in her separate and independent position, there was not
found one hon. member of the House to advocate her entering
into such Confederation ; on the contrary the whole House
were of opinion that if Prince Edward Island entered into the
Confederation, she would inevitably be swamped by the
weight of the debts of the other Provinces—that she would
forfeit the right of self-government, and would, besides, be
crushed by the weight of excessive taxation. The hon. and
learned gentleman then went pretty fully into the history of
the Question of Confederation, from its inception up to the
present time, for the purpose of shewing that neither had the
Scheme ever been favourably entertained by the Legislature,
nor bad Legislative Authority ever been given to our Island
Delegates to enter into any consideration of it, either in
Charlottetown, at Halifax, or at Quebec, with a view to our
becoming a party to it. Upon what grounds, then, he asked,
would our Confederates say that the Report of the Quebec
Conference was binding upon us, when even the appointment
of Island Delegates by the Government had been made independently of Legislative sanction.
We were, indeed, only a
small Colony, but we were possessed of a free representative
constitution ; and we had quite as much right to retain it as
had the English to retain theirs. He had, however, yet to
learn that Great Britain would, so long as we continued true
to ourselves and firm in our allegiance to the British Crown,
ever seek to deprive us of it. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
might derive great advantages from their Union with Canada ;
but not so Prince Edward Island, separated as she is from
those Provinces, by an immoveable barrier of ice for five
months in the year. Mr. Brown in Canada, in his advocacy
of the Confederation Scheme, had said they wanted an outlet
to the sea ; and that, independently of Confederation,
they could not obtaiu without going through another country.
That was trne enough. But what had Prince Edward Island
to do with it ? Canada's obtaining that outlet, by means of
Confederation, would confer no benefit upon us. It was all
very fine to say we would, under Confederation, belong to a
great country, and would consequently grow in wealth and
importance ; instead of being as we were, a little isolated insignificant Colony.
We already, said the hon. and learned
member, belong to a great country—the greatest in the
world—and we have no desire to belong to any other. Great Britain will never cast
us off so long as it shall be our wish to
remain under the protection of her flag ; and we are willing,
as the third Resolution expresses it, to contribute, from our
local revenues, towards our own defence, in fair and just proportion to our means.
I do not see that our present isolated
and independant position, even although the other Provinces
should confederate, would, in any way, prove disadvantageous to us, unless Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick should
enact hostile tariffs against us ; but that, I believe, Great
Britain would not allow them to do.
Hon. Mr. WHELAN then rose and moved that all
after the word " Resolved" be struck out of the Resolutions submitted by the Hon.
the Leader of the Government,
and that the following be substituted : —
"As the opinion of this House, that the Confederation
of Her Majesty's American Colonial Possessions would be,—while
in conformity with Her Majesty's frequently expressed desire—
conducive to their welfare, separately and collectively. And this
House believes that a plan of Confederation might be so framed
as not to involve the sacrifice of any material interests on the
part of any Province ; but inasmuch as the people of Prince
Edward Island do not appear to be prepared to regard with
any favor the project of Confederation, it is unwise to press it
upon public attention, as its discussion is only calculated to produce excitement
and apprehension, without reasonable cause.
"AND FURTHER RESOLVED, as the opinion of this House, than
there should be no vote passed by the Legislature of this country in favor of a Confederation
of the Provinces until the people
shall first be afforded an opportunity of pronouncing their judgment on the question
at a general Election."
The hon. gentleman then proceeded to say that he thought
the question should not be pressed upon the people before
they were educated up to it, and their judgment matured
respecting it. As he had said to his own constituents, he
did not think it was the duty of the province of the Assembly
either to pronounce in favor of Confederation, or to reject it,
until the decision of the people should be fairly given, either
for or against it, at the polls. With all due deference to
the House, he begged leave to say, however, that he did not
believe any decision, either for or against Confederation, on
the part of Prince Edward Island, would materially affect
the action or determination of the other Provinces concerning it ; and that, if they
were favorable to it, Prince Edward Island would be placing herself in a very absurd
and
ridiculous position by refusing to accede to it. But whilst
the question appeared to be settled in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, and to be in
a transition state in New Brunswick,
he thought our wisest course would be to leave it as it now
stood, for the calm and deliberate consideration of the people, until time and events
should throw new light upon it,
and, perhaps, bring new influences to bear upon their minds
concerning it. He could not, however, for one moment, suppose, that provided the other
Provinces were confederated,
Great Britain would allow Prince Edward Island to remain
out of the Union, to be a source of weakness and annoyance
to the Federation, which, if she stood alone and aloof from
it, she, most undoubtedly, would be. He would then merely
ask the Chairman to submit the Resolution which he had
proposed as an amendment to the Resolutions submitted by
the Hon. the Leader of the Government, although it had
been his intention to speak to some other points of the question. That intention he
would then, however, forego ' as
another opportunity might, perhaps, be afforded him of carrying it into effect, and
of repelling, at the same time, the
unjust, the unmanly, the cowardly insinuations of bribery,
corruption, and treachery, which had, by certain parties
in the community, been thrown out, not only against him,
but against other gentlemen, members of the Assembly,
who had, in common with himself, and in pursuance of their
honest convictions concerning the question, been the open
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
107
and candid advocates of such a Confederation of the North
American Provinces as would include Prince Edward Island. Will any of those who stigmatize
us produce proof
for their assertions ? I challenge them before the conntry
to show proof. " Bribed traitors " forsooth ! Are Her
Majesty's Ministers "bribed traitors ? " Surely it cannot
be thought that the Colonial Minister and Her Majesty's
Government, who have given a decided opinion in favor of
Confederation, are " bribed traitors ! " And let me
ask these calumniators this question : Are the Catholic
Hierarchy of Nova Scotia the Archbishop of Halifax, and
the Bishop of Arichat, who have pronounced in favor of
Confederation—are they " traitors ? " Are they influenced
by improper and corrupt motives in bringing this question
favorably before their fellow Colonists ? I bring this question before you and ask
it in it is your firm conviction that I,
and others in a much higher position than myself, should be
designated as traitors. It is false and dishonest in the
highest degree to bring such an accusation against us in the
face of the country. I do not ask you, Sir. I will not ask
you, to believe that I am perfectly sincere in this matter ;
but I will ask you to allow me to use my own opinion, and
because I do advocate this measure in accordance with my
honest convictions—because I think this House should not
place itself in a position hostile to the British Government,
or antagonistic to the course pursued by the other Colonies
—am I to be singled out for contumely ? I never, in the
course of my parliamentary experience of 20 years, was
made the subject of so much calumny—so many false accusations, as n reference to this
question. I do not, as the
Resolution which I have submitted shows, force my opinion
on the country. I have not done so since I returned from
the Quebec Conference. I may say that at that Conference
we did not get as much as I, as one of the delegates, think
we should have got ; but we got what I think should be accepted as a compromise, and
I say now, in the presence of
this House, and of the country, that ALL the Delegates did
agree to the terms there proposed, notwithstanding their disagreement afterwards as
to matters of detail. When I returned from Quebec I was assailed because I stated
this palpable truth, and many times since, in such language as it is impossible for
me to characterize. But I will allow that to pass.
I do not seek to press the question upon the people. I do
not wish that without the most mature reflection, they
should accede to Confederation ; but I do wish that, before
they decide either for or against it, they may be fully enlightened concerning it
; and I will ask this House not to
pledge itself to any course concerning it until the people shall have pronounced concerning
it at the polls.
It is my right—a right which God has given me—to form
my own opinion on all public questions, and I will endeavour to exercise that right.
But surely I and they who
hold the same opinions as myself on the subject of Confederation ought not, on account
of those opinions, to be subjected to insult and persecution, most vile and most unjust,
on the part of any who hold different opinions on that subject. I ask you, Mr. Chairman,
most respectfully—I ask
this honorable Committee—whether this system of persecution shall continue to be practised
? I appeal to the good
sense and love of fair play which characterizes the members
of this community, whether a man shall be allowed to have
an opinion of his own or not ? I do not object to this
House expressing its disapproval of Confederation, without
reference to the Quebec Scheme, because that is thrown
aside ; but in regard to the general plan of Confederation,
any opinion is that these Colonies would assume great importance—they would obtain
stability and security against foreign
aggression, and they would also obtain more efficient protection from Britain, were
they confederated, than she could
extend to them should they remain in their present isolated
condition. I do not wish to trespass upon the attention of
the House, but I rose to submit the Resolution which is now
before you, and it is of that mild character that I do not
think hon. members should vote against it. But, however,
if they do, I shall be enabled to place my opinion upon record, which is, that I am
favourable to Confederation, provided it be based upon a plan just to the several
Provinces,
without sacrificing the interests of any, and also providing
that the people be perfectly prepared to accept it. Anything more fair, I do not think,
could be presented to the
House. If you pass the other Resolutions, which are very
strong, it will not affect the question one way or the other.
Let me tell you that the decision of a Colony of only 80,000 inhabitants will have
but very little effect in deciding
the fate of three and a half millions of people, however
much some gentlemen may be under the impression that
the other Provinces may be confederated and Prince Edward Island remain " out in the
cold." The Confederacy
of the United States took place under very peculiar circumstances, and Rhode Island,
an isolated Province, as
small nearly as we are, although at first refusing to enter it,
was yet, before long, very glad to seek admission into it.
So, if a Federation of the British North American Provinces
take place, and Prince Edward Island be left out, will she,
in like manner, sue to be admitted into it. Would any one
tell me—and I put the question plainly—would the United
States, if no Confederacy had taken place, have been so
powerful a nation as they are to-day ? We are not seeking
a separation from Great Britain, but to combine our
strength, by which we may be able to resist aggression,
whether from Fenianism or from any other quarter. Last
year, we were told that the advocacy of this question was
premature, because there was not the slightest probability
of an interruption of the friendly relations existing between
Great Britain and the United States on account of the Fenian organization ; but now
we know that the Fenian organization, contemptible as it is, has been such as to render
it necessary, on the part of Her Majesty's Government, to
take extraordinary precautions against its aggressions. In
England a law has been passed suspending the Habeas
Corpus Act in Ireland, because the Fenian organization was
supposed to have taken effect there. In the Colonies, extraordinary preparations have
been made for resistence to
any possible attacks on the part of that lawless association.
The resources of the several Colonies have been pledged for
their individual defence. We were told, last year, that
there was no necessity to prepare for defence ; but what do
we see here this year ? A unanimous vote placing all the
resources of the Colony at the disposal of the Government
for the purpose of putting the Island in a position of defence. What does that indicate
? Is it not that our liberties are threatened ? Does it not indicate a feeling of
insecurity—a feeling that Prince Edward Island is not safe
while those marauders threaten the invasion of the other
Provinces ? A gentleman in the other branch of the Legislature said, on a former occasion,
that in the event of Confederation, if Canada was to be threatened by hostile invasion,
the young men of Prince Edward Island would have to go
and fight for that Province. I ask you was there ever such
intolerable nonsense uttered by any man in his senses !
Does any man suppose that the young men of this Island
would have to be sent to the borders of Canada ? No, Sir ;
it was nonsense sought to be imposed upon the people. The
fact is that, for twelve months past Canada has been exer
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
108
cising its great influence—spending its enormous resources
—to ward off the doe, and has been a protection, not only
to Prince Edward Island, but to the whole of the Lower
Provinces. There have been no raids into these Provinces ; and, if they were to be
invaded, Canada surely would
be, and that Province once lost to the British Crown, these
Maritime Colonies would fall an easy prey, either to Fenians, or to some other foe.
But I think, Mr. Chairman,
that, in view of the hostile spirit manifested by the Government of the United States
towards these Colonies, in a
variety of ways, it is right that we should take counsel and
set in accordance with the views of the British Government. It is scarcely necessary
to observe that the United
States have no love for Great Britain—no desire to see
these Colonies remain a part of the British dominions.
And they would rather that they should remain separated
and isolated, than be consolidated in power by Confederations, so that, one by one,
they might fall an easy prey
whenever they should choose to set about their absorption.
Isolated, they could be—united, they could not, be absorbed,
United, Great Britain would employ her whole power to
defend them ; isolated she would not. All I wish to say is
that the subject having been so well debated last year, I
am not disposed to trespass upon your patience, Sir, and
that of the House, at present ; but I ask that forbearance
which is due to any person holding an opinion of his own
on a great public question. The Resolution I have submitted is not offensive to those
holding views opposed to mine.
It is that I believe Confederation would be conducive to
the best interests of these Colonies ; but I will not press it,
but leave it to the people to decide ; and I may express the
hope and belief that, while hon. members have their own
opinions, they will not use offensive expressions, or insinuate
that any member is influenced by improper motives in advocating his own views of the
great question now under our
consideration. I am influenced by no such motives ; and,
if I be assailed on any such grounds I will take the earliest
opportunity to retaliate. I do not bring any charge against
those whose views upon the subject are adverse to my own,
nor offer any offence to their sensibilities. They have a
perfect right to believe that Confederation will not be conducive to the interests
of the Colony. I believe it will ;
but I beg that we may be permitted to agree to differ. I
leave the subject for the present ; perhaps before the debate
closes I may take an opportunity of offering a few more observations concerning it.
Mr. HOWAT. I must say this is a very moderate Resolution, Mr. Chairman, but there are two or
three points in
it in which I cannot concur. The hon. member, (Hon.
Mr. Whelan) proposes to admit the principle of Confederation ; and the Resolution
would teach us that, while the
hon. member himself would not force us into a union with
the other Colonies, yet some other power would do so. Now
the hon. member has not clearly explained what power that
is by which we are to be forced, but I admit that some
grounds for the argument may be drawn from the despatch
of the Colonial Minister, who says it is the strong desire of
the British Government that we should go into Confederation. But whether he thinks
that despatch is to force us
into the Union, or whether it is some power in the Colonies,
I do not understand. Whatever power it is I do not know
how we could respect a Government of which we stand in
dread. Up to the present time we have been proud to look
to the British flag, not in dread, or as a coercive, but as a
protective power ; and I do not think, therefore, that we
have anything to fear in that direction. When the Governors of the different Colonies
were at Downing Street,
we have reason to believe that they were instructed to use
their influence to carry Confederation ; but I am at a loss
to know why any force should be brought to bear upon us.
Hon. Mr. WHELAN. Will the hon. member allow
me to put him right ? I did not suggest, either in my remarks, or by the Resolution
which I have submitted, that
any force was to be used. Then why should the hon. member dwell so long upon that
word ?
Mr. HOWAT. Well, I may have mistaken the tenor
of the hon. member's remarks, but that was the impression
they left upon my mind ; and I cannot believe that the
British Government, which has always protected the Colonies, would now force us into
Confederation. The amendment proposed by the hon. member (Mr. Whelan) is certainly
very moderately worded ; but it admits the principle
of Confederation, and, therefore, I will oppose it. I do
not think the Resolutions of the hon. the Leader of the Government are too strong
; but I have a small objection to
them, which was, that while they do not admit the principle of Confederation as applicable
to this Island, yet I was
afraid that they were admitting it in regard to the other
Colonies. However, as some hon. members think it will
not bear that construction, I am willing to waive that objection, though I consider
that there is a pressure brought
to bear upon the other Colonies, which, in my opinion, is
hardly constitutional. And I would regret, to the latest
day of my life were I in any way to assist in strengthening that pressure, which might
result in carrying Confederation. I believe the day has come when we must make a
stand for the preservation of our independence ; for, when
we see a pressure brought to bear upon the other Colonies,
we may be sure that our turn is coming. If the other
Colonies go into Confederation, no doubt a pressure will
be brought to bear upon us also ; and then does it not remain for us to make a united
effort to resist any attempt
to take away our constitution, our revenue, and, I might
almost say, everything else belonging to us ? I was opposed to Confederation last
year, for I saw there was
danger even in admitting the principle of it, and I am just
as much, or more, opposed to it now. Suppose, for argument sake, we should even go
into Confederation with terms
with which we would be satisfied, would we be safe then ?
I should say no. Does not the British Government recognize the right to change the
constitution ? Now, if this
is the case, though I do not profess to have any great
knowledge in constitutional matters, I believe that, even if
we should go into it with the most favourable terms, the
Federal Government would have power to change the constitution, and therefore we would
not be secure.
Hon. Sol. GENERAL : I would like to know what authority
has laid down a constitutional law of that kind ?
Mr. HOWAT : Well, it appears to me that the constitution
of the United States is undergoing a change ; and if we go
to former times we will see that even the British Constitution
has undergone a change. Surely then, if those constitutions
have been changed, it is reasonable to suppose that an agreement of this kind might
be changed also. And considering
that we would be such a small portion of the Confederacy, our
voice would not be heard in it. We would be the next thing
to nothing. Indeed I would almost as soon be without any
voice in it at all. We would be as small a minority as the
hon. member on my right (Hon. Mr. Laird) and myself are
in this House. Are we then going to surrender our rights
and liberties ? It is just a question of "self or no self."
Talk about a local Legislature ! It would be a mere farce.
We would not even have the control of our local affairs, for
every trifling or petty bill would have to be sent to Ottawa for
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
109
the approval of the Federal Government. This House would
be dwindled down to a level with the small municipal bodies
throughout Canada for the management of local affairs.
Again I say that, for the good of the country, I will waive
any objections I have to the Resolutions of his Honor the
Leader of the Government, and will give them amy hearty
support ; believing, as I do, that we require a united effort
to resist any invasion of our rights and liberties. Taking
away the constitution of a country is a serious affair. We
have now the management of our own matters; and if one
party does not please us, we can have another ; but the moment we would go into Confederation
we would cease to have
any control even of matters which concern ourselves. The
other colonies speak of us now with the greatest contempt,
and then what chance would we have? All we would get
would be by begging. Therefore, I will resist, to the utmost
of my power, any attempt, either to drive or lead us into
Confederation.
Hon. Mr. DAVIES : When this question came before us
last year, there was a Resolution submitted by which the
members who supported it would be pledged to support the
Quebec Scheme ; and as I was not in favour of that scheme,
I opposed that Resolution, but still I am in favour of Confederation on fair terms.
It has been argued by the hon.
member for the East Point (Mr. Hensley) that, as attempts
have been made to force it upon the people of New Brunswick, that, therefore, we should
not admit even the principle.
He believes we have a Constitution which cannot be taken
away from us without the consent of the people. Well,
then, if we have, how can an affirmation of the principle draw
us into Confederation ? I shall support the Resolution of
the hon member for St. Peter's, (Mr. Whelan,) which states
that no action is to be taken till after a general election ; and
I am glad to be able to now to express my opinion, so that, at
the election the constituency I represent may return a member who is opposed to it
if they desire to do so. I think it is
better fairly and openly to state one's opinion so that there
may be no mistake or misconception about it. Attempts have
been made to draw a parallel between the Union of the Colonies, and the Union of Ireland
with Great Britain ; but I cannot see any similarity between them. An agitation has
been
kept up in Ireland for many years, chiefly on account of religious disabilities, but
which I believe will soon be done away
with my objections to the Quebec Scheme were on a financial
basis. Eighty cents a head, with the light duty adjusted on
a fair basis, and, in view of the comparative smallness of our
debt, would be entitled to the interest of something like a
half a million of money. When we consider that for five or
six months of the year we are bound up by ice, and the great
tide of prosperity by the railroad would be rolling past us,
I admit that, taking that peculiarity of our position into view,
we should get a greater sum than 80 cents per head, which
would only be about one third of our revenue. All they
would pay for us would not amount to a great deal. I think
the grant should be doubled ; then there would not be so much
objection to that scheme. As to being swamped in the Legislature, I have no fear of
being treated with injustice. We
see what influence a few men bees of Ireland going into the
British Parliament have, and it would be the same here.
Even if they were disposed to treat us with injustice, they
could not accomplish it. My colleague has said that our
small population would become less in proportion to the other
colonies ; but I do not look upon it in that light. We have
plenty of unoccupied land yet, which, together with the fisheries would absorb a large
population. I am quite satisfied
to remain as we are ; but I do not think, with the hon. member from St. Peter's, that
whether we agree to have it
or not will have little influence on this question. I think
it is a proof that there is a pressure brought to bear upon
the other Colonies that, while last year their was only a small
minority in favour of Confederation, this year they passed
Resolutions in favour of it, and yet it is pretty well known
that a large majority of the people are opposed to it. Therefore, the inference is
that if there is such a pressure on the
large Colonies, we, of course, will have to follow. From the
time these Colonies were wrested from French, till the intro
duction of Responsible Government, they were governed by
the "old family compact" as it were called ; but not Great
Britain says "you are 3 1/2 millions of people, and it is time
for you to unite und look forward to the period when you
will become a great Monarchy, and one of the first Powers in
the World." These Provinces have almost every element of
greatness, and they are peopled by a superior race of mankind. Great Britain also
knows that we have a great and
powerful neighbour on our borders, and we would be much
more easily absorbed, it is stated, than if united. Many persons say they would rather
be absorbed into the American
Union than be Confederated with Canada ; but they surely do
not consider the enormous taxation to which annexation to
the United States would subject us. I think the Resolutions
of the Hon. the Leader of the Government are very strong ;
and I do not believe with the hon. member from the East
Point (Mr. Hensley) that our Constitution would not be
taken away from us—that Great Britain would still protect
us, if we rejected Confederation. It is too much to expect
that she would do so. It is the policy of the British Government to unite the Colonies
; and I think our duty is not to go
flat in the face of the Despatch before us, and say we will not
go into the Union on any terms. Great Britain will say we
are sorry we cannot fall into your views ; but your geographical position, is such
that you must go into Confederation.
But if our Constitution cannot be taken away without the
consent of the people, I do not see how it can prejudice us to
admit the principle.
Hon. Mr. LONGWORTH: I would be glad if the hon.
member would define his intention as to how far he would
admit the principle. If we do not admit the principle we
may have the right of submitting terms upon which we
would enter the Union, and to which Her Majesty's Government might accede ; but the
moment we admit the
principle we must submit to the Imperial Government or a
Board of Delegates, and I would ask what would be our
fate if the question were submitted to either ?
Hon. Mr. DAVIES: I do not see how, merely admitting the principle, would prejudice our interests.
I
do not wish to send Delegates to England on the question ;
but suppose we did do so, it does not follow that we are to
go into Confederation on any terms that may be dictated
to us, if our constitution cannot be taken away.
Hon. Mr. DAVIES: That does not follow. I believe
that if we refuse to adopt the views of Great Britain on this
question, she both can and will take away our Constitution.
I think she has been preparing us for it.
Hon. Mr. LAIRD: I do not see that there is anything
before us that would lead us to think that we will be deprived of our Constitution
if we do not go into Confederation ; neither do I think we have any reason to fear
such
a result ; and why then should we be asked to surrender it
voluntarily ? For my part, I see nothing to induce us to
go into a Union with Canada. If the Canadians take it
into their heads to agitate a Union of the Colonies, that is
no reason that we should do so too. It is for ourselves to
say whether we will go into the Union or not. I have no
inclination to go into the Union ; for I do not see what we
would gain by it. Our expenses and taxes would be increased, and our liberties would
be curtailed. As our time
to represent the people has nearly expired, we shoud leave
the Constitution of the country as we found it, and if the
people desire a change it will be for them to say so at the
next election. There was nothing about this question
when we were elected ; and I do not think there is any
necessity to discuss it at such great length now, for it is
pretty well understood in the country. The Resolutions
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
110
are strong; but, perhaps, it is necessary that they should
be so. If the people wish for loufederntion at the next
election, well and good; but I would have nothing to do
with it at present. We are not offered anything to induce
us to go into the Union. We would get eighty cents per
head, and never to increase. All the Colonies are progressing. and why should not
this Island do so too. We need
not, so far as I can see, expect fair play if we go into the
Union, and I will, therefore, support the Resolutions introduced by the Hon. the Leader
of the Government.
Mr. HOWLAN: It is very amusing to listen to the
Confederationists. They are not in favour of Confederation
on the terms of the Quebec report at all—not they. We
are to propose our own terms—to say what we will do and
what we will not do—but hear the Resolution which they
introduced last year :—
"RESOLVED, That the Report of the Conference of Delegates from
the British North American Provinces and Colonies held at Quebec,
in October last, taken as a whole, contains a declaration of principles
—as the basis of a Federal Union—which this House considers just to
the several Provinces and Colonies."
Mr. HOWLAN: It is quite fair; I have listened to
the speech of the hon. member (Hon. Mr. Whelan) attentively, and I perceive that his
views have undergone a
change since last year. It is very gratifying to know that
he has seen the error of his ways. The advocates of Union
desire something more this year than we would get by the
Quebec Scheme. Now, suppose that a change has taken
place. and no basis is laid down with regard to the financial
part of the Scheme, what would our position, or what would
our influence be? I might refer to Rhode Island, but that.
is an old story now. It would be said, " Who are you
that attempt to raise your head? A little isolated place
like Prince Edward Island attempting to raise your voice !"
Some say now, " What! do you suppose that little Prince
Edward Island will be allowed to stand in the way of this
magnificent Union?" Then, why ask us to say yes or no?
Why sit here discussing the question when members are so
anxious to get home. It is said that we are only 80,000
people—that we are not able to protect ourselves—and,
therefore, We must go into the Union. And, say some
hon. members, " If you do not go into the Union the Army
and Navy of Great Britain will not protect you ;" but I
have higher authority for stating that the Army and Navy
of Great Britain will protect us. Mr. Gladstone saysthat
the Imperial Government pledges itself to protect. tothe
utmost of its power, every British subject in British North
America. [Cries of—No! No!] I say Mr. Gladstone
does say so; and he is a member of the House of Commons,
and quite as good a statesman as any of the hon. members
who say "No." Is not this then sufficient authority for
us to say that the British Government will protect us? Is
any class in this Island tired of our Constitution ? There
is nothing respecting which we have not the right to petition, or which we have not
the right to ask for why then
should we be forced to give up our Constitution? I see
gentlemen here who are older than my father, and who say
we must go into Confederation. If the ruling statesmen of
Canada and Nova Scotia, say that we must units, is that
any reason why we should do so? If that is the right
and privilege of British subjects. I am sorry I am one; but
I believe that though I live on this little Island, I have as
much liberty as if I lived in London; and I feel proud
that the BritishGovcrnment is composed of men who pledge
themselves to protect us with the whole resources of the
Empire. We are now told that we must unite—that the
British flag will be swept from the seas unless we confederate;— I remember that an
hon. member (Hon.
Mr. Whelan) enunciated very different views a few years
ago. I do not wish to misconstrue the hon. member's
sentiments—far front it—but there appears to be a sort of
hallucination in about the subject; for, otherwise, his mind
and those of some other hon. members, it is difficult to account for the change which
their views have undergone
concerning it. We are told that, whether we adopt the
Quebec Report or not, we must contederate upon some
terms; but I consider that we have just as much right to
call upon the other Colonies to confederate as they have to
call upon us. It is said that, if Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick, go into the Union. we also must, for the purpose of mutual defence; but
we have already placed the
whole Revenue of the Colony at the disposal of the Government for putting the Island
in a state of defence. and we
are willing to pay our proportion for the general defence of
the Colonies; but why should we be forced into Confederation against our will? If,
after a general election, there
should he a majority in favour of Confederation, the case
would be different; but to say that we must unite with
Canada is absurd. If we were considered fit to govern
ourselves, and if we have conducted the business of the Colony,
properly for fifteen years, it does not appear reasonable to
suppose that the British Government will now deprive us of
our Constitution. I do not think the people of this Island
are so much afraid of Confederation; but they object to
being forced into it. We have, at present, as much right
to tax ourselves as Canada has; but, in the event of Confederation, will we stand
in the same relative position to
the other Colonies as Rhode island does to the rest of the
American Union? That island has the same representation in the United States Senate
as New York. Rhode
Island is the smallest part of the American Union, and i
suppose we would remain for a long time the smallest part
of British America; still, we have shown a disposition to
do what we can to defend ourselves, and have thereby
shown that we are not disloyal, but we wish to let it be
seen that Confederation is not as applicable to us as to
other portions of British America, and that. therefore,
we are not disposed to go into a Union on the basis of
the Quebec Report.
Pgogress reported and House adjourned at 10 minutes
to 12.
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