PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
38
AFTERNOON.
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
39
UNION OF THE COLONIES.
On motion of the Hon. Col. Secretary, the House went
into the order of the day, viz : the consideration of the
Report of the Quebec Conference, and the Despatches and
papers relating thereto. The question, it was agreed,
should be discussed with the Speaker in the chair ; and
the rule was suspended which prevents a Member from
addressing the House more than once on the same resolution.
The COL. SECRETARY.—Mr. Speaker : with your permission I shall initiate the discussion of the important
subject which is this evening to engage the attention of
this House, by submitting the following Resolutions:—
1. Resolved, That the best interests, and present and future
prosperity of British North America, would be promoted by a
Federal Union, under the Crown of Great Britain, provided such
Union could be effected on principles just to the several Provinces
and Colonies.
2. Resolved, That the existence of immense Military and
Naval forces in the neighbouring Republic, renders it specially
incumbent on the people of British North America to take the
most efficient precautionary measures by which their independence against Foreign
aggression may be secured.
3. Resolved, That a Union, such as in times of extraordinary
danger would place the Militia, the Revenues, and the Resources
of the several Provinces, at the disposal of a General Parliament,
is necessary in order to maintain the independence of British
North America against Foreign aggression, and to perpetuate our
connection with the Mother Country.
4. Resolved, That a Federal Union of British North America,
based upon the Resolutions adopted at the Conference of Delelgates from the Provinces
of Canada, Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick, and the Colonies of Newfoundland and Prince
Edward Island, held at the City of Quebec, 10th October, 1864,
as the basis of a proposed Confederation of those Provinces and
Colonies, would, among other advantages, promote the development of the trade and
manufacturing capabilities of these
Provinces and Colonies, and advance the general prosperity, by
inducing the substitution of a customs tariff, uniform and common to the Confederation,
in lieu of the various tariffs now in
force in the several Provinces and Colonies.
5. Resolved, That the Report of the Conference of Delegates
from the British North American Provinces and Colonies held
at Quebec in October last, taken as a whole, contains a declaration of princlples—as
the basis of a Federal Union—which this
House considers just to the several Provinces and Colonies.
6. Resolved, That this House, believing it is only by mutual
concessions and compromises the several British North American
Provinces and Colonies can ever agree upon those principles
which shall form the basis of a Union, orders that the report of
the Conference of Delegates from these several Provinces
and Colonies held at Quebec in October last, be published
throughout this Colony for the deliberate consideration of the
people, on whom will devolve the acceptance or rejection of the
proposed Union.
7. Resolved, That until the larger Maritime Provinces and
Canada shall have mutually agreed upon terms of Union, it is
inexpedient that the people of Prince Edward Island should be
called upon to decide on the question.
8. Resolved, That in case the Provinces of New Brunswick,
Nova Scotia and Canada, should at any time mutually agree
upon the basis of a Union, the question be then forthwith submitted to the decision
of the people of this Island.
I have submitted these resolutions together, in order that
honorable members may at once be made aware of the
views which the advocates of Confederation, upon the
terms proposed in the Report of the Quebec Conference,
intend to submit by resolution to this House. Although
I have submitted these resolutions together, my intention
is, to take the opinion of the House upon each.
Hon. J. C. POPE.—Mr. Speaker, I wish to state that the
Col. Sec. is somewhat out of order, as I gave notice yesterday that I would propose
a resolution on the subject.
Pursuing the course that he has done, he ought at least
to have intimated that this was an open question, and
that a free expression of opinion was expected upon it
from hon. members on both sides of the House. I do not
desire to obstruct the Colonial Secretary in his speech
now since he has commenced, but merely to inform the
House that the resolutions which he has submitted do
not express the views of the Government.
Col. SECRETARY.—Mr. Speaker, I am satisfied that I
am in order. I did not deem it necessary formally to
declare to this House that the resolutions just submitted
do not express the views of the Government. It is well
known, Sir, not only in this House, but from one end of
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
40
the Island to the other, that the members of the Government, with two exceptions,
are hostile to the proposed
Confederation. The Report of the resolutions of the
Quebec Conference does not come before this House as a
Government measure. Confederation is an open question,
and in this discussion I recognize but two parties-the one
composed of the four or five members who are favourable to
Confederation, and the other consisting of the six and
twenty members who I believe to be opposed to Confederation. Mr. Speaker, I enter
upon the discussion of the
questions involved in the Report of the Quebec Conference,
deeply sensible of their magnitude and importance, and
of my utter incompetency to do them justice ; but, Sir, in
this House the number of those who advocate Confederation, which this Report contemplates,
is so very small- consisting of some four or five only-that we cannot afford
that even one should remain silent. In taking the lead in
the discussion of this subject, I am encouraged by the
consciousness that the gentlemen who will follow me, in
support of these resolutions, are abler than I am to do
justice to the great question in which they relate. It is
generally known, Sir, that the Quebec Conference had its
origin in the resolutions which, last Session, were passed
by the Legislatures of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and
Prince Edward Island, authorizing a convention of
Delegates for the purpose of conferring upon the subject
of a Legislative Union of these Provinces. When the
resolution assenting to the Convention, of which I have
spoken, was before this House last Session, I declared
myself in favor of the Legislative Union which it contemplated, and at the same time
expressed regret that the
Legislatures of the neighboring Provinces had not proposed
the larger scheme of Union, which should include all the
British possessions in North America. Of the thirty
members of which this House is composed, but two
declared themselves in favor of a Legislative Union of
these three Maritime Provinces, although several hon
members expressed themselves as not averse to a Federal
Union of all the Provinces. In due time Delegates from
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island,
assembled in Conference in this Building. The Government of Canada had been sent to
this Island a deputation
composed of the leading statesmen of that Province.
These gentlemen were admitted to the Conference shortly
after its proceedings were opened, and at their instance
the Conference postponed the further discussion of the
question of the proposed Legislative Union, in order to
allow the Canadian Government to submit a scheme for a
general Confederation of the Provinces of British North
America. After a tour through the Lower Provinces the
Canadians returned to Quebec. With the sanction of the
Crown, and at the request of His Lordship the Governor
General, the Governments of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,
Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, sent Delegates
to Quebec, for the purpose of discussing with the Government of Canada, the practicability
of a Federal Union of
the Provinces of British North America under the Crown
of Great Britain. I have heard a great deal said against
the Government of this Island for acceding to the request
of the Governor General. I need not inform this House
that the request of the Governor General, that Delegates
should be sent to represent this Island at the proposed
Conference, was one which the Government would not
have been justified in refusing. Exception has also been
taken to the constitution of the delegation. It was
understood by the members of the respective Governments
represented at Charlottetown, that the gentlemen who had
composed that Conference should be members of the
Conference to be held at Quebec. The Government of
the Island considered it very desirable that the Quebec
Conference all political parties should be fairly and fully
represented. I admit Mr. Speaker, that at the time of
the appointment of Delegates to proceed to Quebec, I
unanimously agree to recommend to the Legislature and
people of this Island the adoption of the resolutions of the
Conference, such resolutions, being so recommended,
would be accepted alike by the Legislature and
the people. At the Charlottetown Conference this
Island was represented by five Delegates. The party in
opposition to the Government, in each branch of the
Legislature, was represented by one member-by the Hon
Mr Coles of the Assembly, and the Hon A. A. McDonald
of the Legislative Council. This Delegation, it was considered, did not sufficiently
represent the Opposition in
this House ; therefore the Hon Edward Wheland, whose
abilities and long parliamentary experiences render him
eminently a representative man of his party, was requested
to join the Delegation to Quebec. The present Solicitor
General was also requested to give us the aid of his
knowledge and experiences. Prince Edward Island, it will
be seen, was fully represented at the Quebec Conference ;
and although the seven gentlemen who composed the
Delegation declared, in Canada, the report of the Conference such as they could recommend
for the adoption of
the Legislature and people of this Island, I regret to say,
Sir, that very few, either in the Legislature or among the
people, are at present disposed to adopt the resolutions of
the Conference. the Conference assembled at Quebec,
and the important subject, for the consideration of which
the leading public men of five Provinces and Colonies had
met together, was entered upon, in a spirit of patriotism,
by gentlemen deeply impressed with the magnitude, and
with the difficulties of the task which lay before them- the devising a constitution
which should unite, under
one general government, the Provinces of Canada, Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick, and the Colonies of Newfoundland
and Prince Edward Island, in each of which is maintained
a distinct and different tariff- a different currency- in
short an entirely distinct government- and which contained in the aggregate a population
approaching four
millions. The Report now under consideration is the
result of their labors. In all their deliberations, the
Delegates kept in mind that it was absolutely necessary
that mutual concessions should be made. The many
difficulties with which they had to contend, could only have
been surrounded by mutual deference and concession.
The resolutions passed by the Conference were not, in
any particular, in accordance with the views of the
Representatives of each Province and Colony. Taken
together, they embodied a constitution which, as I considered, received the unanimous
support of the members
of the Conference. Gentlemen with whom I was associated
in the Delegation representing this Island, have, I am
aware, since their return to the Island, donounced that
which in Canada they approved. It is not my intention,
Mr. Speaker, on the present occasion to call in question
the right of these gentlemen to change their views ; nor
shall I charge them with inconsistency. I do not feel
myself at liberty to allude to the course pursued by hon
gentlemen at the Conference, nor to quote from their
speeches delivered there. There is one very strong reason
why the expressions of members, while at the Conference,
should not be quoted. It is this. It was understood that
the deliberations should be considered private. There is
no record to which to appeal in the events of the correctness of statements attributed
to hon members being called
in question. I shall endeavor to deal with the resolutions
as reported from the Conference, and not with the suggestions or amendments of any
hon member made at the
Conference previously to the passing of these resolutions.
It has been objected that the deliberations of the Conference were conducted with
closed doors. The reasons
for such an arrangement are obvious. The admission of
the public would, for some extent, have prevented that
free and full discussion which was so desirable, while the
daily publication of the expressions of members would
have prevented unanimous conclusions. It has been urged
against the Confederation of the Colonies, proposed in the
Report of the Quebec Conference, that the scheme had its
origin in the local difficulties of the Canadians. It is true
that the sectional difficulties of Canada during the last year
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
41
occasioned a " deadlock." I cannot, however, discover
any force in this objection. This crisis in the political
affairs of Canada led the statesmen of that Province to
consider their position, with iivicw to remedy evils which
were such as to render imprnetioiihlo the further government of the Province under
the existing constitution. I
need not enumerate the many reasons which induced
those statesmen to propose a Confederation of all the
Provinces. They realized, among other things, the
position in which these Provinces stand in relation to the
neighboring Republic, which, within the short space of
four years, from being a purely commercial and agricultural people had become one
of the greatest military and
naval powers in existence. They had also received an
intimation from the Imperial Government to the effect that
the people of the Colonies would be required to contribute
largely to the cost of Fortifications, and other means of
defence, as a condition of England's undertaking to cooperate in their defence. The
Colonies have heretofore left
it to England to provide and maintain fleets and armies
for the security of their country at the cost of the taxpayers
of Great Britain ; and, Sir, I can see nothing unreasonable
in the people of the Colonies being, at this day, called upon to
contribute of their ability, to the cost of their defence. As
subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, we have a right
to demand the protection of the Mother Country ; but if
we have this right, we are most certainly under the
obligation to contribute of our ability to the maintenance
of those fleets and armies which are necessary for the
defence of the Empire of which we form a part. If, Sir,
the existence upon our borders of a vast military and naval
power, rendering it prudent for the Colonies to prepare
means for their defence, together with other reasons, can be
adduced to prove that Confederation is essential to the
maintenance of our institutions, and that it will promote
our common prosperity, it matters not what were the
peculiar circumstances in which the project of Confederation had its origin ; whether
it arose out of the political
dissentions between Upper and Lower Canada, or
resulted from less important causes. The first of the
Resolutions just submitted reads as follows:—
1. Resolved, That the best interests, and present and future
prosperity of British North America, would be promoted by a
Federal Union, under the Crown of Great Britain, provided such
Union could be effected on principles just to the several Provinces and Colonies.
I would willingly have advocated a Legislative Union of
all these Provinces, but such a Union was believed to be
unattainable. The resolution just read, is identical with
the resolution of the Quebec Conference, and will, I
believe, be supported by a large majority of this House
The leader of the Opposition—the Hon Mr Coles—will
certainly support me, so far as this resolution is concerned, seeing that the sentiment
which it expresses was
received by the Conference with acclamation. Union is
stength, and strength in British America is certainly
desirable. The second and third Resolutions are as
follow :—
2. Resolved, That the existence of immense Military and
Naval forces in the neighbouring Republic, renders it specially
incumbent on the people of British North America to take the
most efficient precautionary measures by which their independence against foreign
aggression may be secured
3. Resolved, That a Union, such as in times of extraordinary
danger would place the Militia, the Revenues, and the Resources
of the several Provinces, at the disposal of a General Parliament,
is necessary, in order to maintain the independence of British
North America against foreign aggression, and to perpetuate our
connection with the Mother Country.
To these, I apprehend, there will be no objection on the
part of any honorable member. To defend our hearths
and homes is, I trust, regarded by all as a sacred duty.
It will, I assume, be generally admitted that the people
of the British North American Colonies cannot defend
themselves against the power of the Great Republic upon
our borders, should that warlike nation resolve to "gobble
us up." Our safety, therefore, can only be secured by
the powerful protection of the Mother Country ; and in
the event of a war with the United States of America, the
resources of Britain, great as they are, would be taxed
to the utmost, in order to save the Colonies from subjugation. England well knows
this, and we may depend upon
it that her statesmen are too wise, too mindful of the
national honor to send out a few regiments, or a small
fleet to suffer defeat. If we neglect to discharge our duty
in providing for our safety, we may reasonably expect
that England will withdraw her military and naval
forces, and leave us to our fate. But on the other hand, if
we show ourselves anxious to maintain our connection with
England, and do that which is reasonably required of us,
England will defend us to the utmost. It is to my mind
very evident that we must choose between consolidation
of the different Provinces and Colonies, and absorption
into the American Republic. Consolidation,— the placing
the revenues and the men of the several Provinces under
the control of a central power would, in the event of a
war, be absolutely necessary in order to the efficient
organization of our colonial resources. In Britain as well
as in the Colonies, the opinion is widely entertained, that
our absorption into the Great Republic is inevitable. In
the event of a war between England and the United States
of America, the battle ground would be the British
Provinces. It has therefore been contended by some that
in order to avert so great a calamity, the connection
between the Provinces and the Mother Country should be
severed by mutual consent, and that we should become
an independent nation. Others, Sir, consider that it would
be more to our interest to retain our connection with
England, and to endure, if necessary, the horrors of war—
that we should remain a portion of the Great Empire of
Britain, continue to live under the glorious old flag, and
our Monarchical institutions. The latter is the prevailing
opinion. There is an influential party in England who, I
believe, desire to get rid of these Colonies on the ground that
they are an expense to the Empire; and because colonists do
not accommodate their Customs Tariff to suit the
manufacturers of Sheffield and Manchester. I have
yet to learn, Sir, that the people of this Island have
not a right to enjoy all the privileges of Englishmen to an
equal extent with either Mr Cobden, Mr Bright, or
Professor Goldwin Smith. Our right to these privileges,
I consider, exists in virtue of our allegiance, and cannot
be affected by our neglect to patronize or encourage the
manufacturers of Sheffield or Manchester. I have said,
Sir, that as British subjects, we have our rights ; but
let it not be forgotten, Sir, that we have our obligations ;
and that chief among these obligations is that which
demands that we shall contribute our full share to the
cost of defending the Empire. With the strength of
England available for our defence, I fear not the subjugation of the Provinces, so
long as the inhabitants
remain loyal. The inevitable result of a war with the
United States of America would be the occupation of large
portions of our territory by hostile soldiery ; but the
strongholds open to the sea would be held even against the
gigantic power of the United States. If we once separate
from Great Britain, we need not depend upon England's
assistance should we ever be so unfortunate as to become
embroiled with our neighbours. The manner in which
the English Government recently acted towards Denmark
is calculated to teach us a valuable lesson. Under a
general organization the four millions of inhabitants in
the Provinces could supply a formidable military force.
Without such organization—which would be the result of
Confederation—the Provinces separately can do little or
nothing. We have recently had a discussion in this
House on the subject of our Militia. To train the Militia of
this Island would require an annual outlay nearly equal
to our entire Revenue ; and were our Militia to be
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
41
rendered efficient, of what service would they be unless
they were available for the defence of the frontiers of
Canada or of New Brunswick? That our sons would
be required to shoulder arms and march to the frontiers
of Canada has been urged as an argument against Confederation. This Island is of no
importance in a military
point of view. It will never be a battlefield. A Gunboat or a
Privateer might enter into any one of our numerous
harbors do a great deal of mischief, and depart before
our defenders could be mustered. Unless under a general
organization our Militia will necessarily be useless. I am
not aware, Sir, that I am the most inefficient officer in the
service, although I have held a commission for a quarter
of a century, and have never seen the company to which I
am supposed to be attached. Although opposed to
spending money uselessly upon our Militia, I am in favor
of training every man in the Provinces capable of bearing
arms, provided such training be conducted under a general
organization, believing that readiness on our part for
defence, would be our best protection against invasion.
The fourth resolution reads thus :—
4. Resolved, That a Federal Union of British North America,
based upon the Resolutions adopted at the Conference of Delegates
from the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,
and the Colonies of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island,
held at the City of Quebec, 10th October, 1864, as the basis
of a proposed Confederation of those Provinces and Colonies,
would among other advantages, promote the development of
the trade and manufacturing capabilities of these Provinces and
Colonies, and advance the general prosperity, by inducing the
substitution of a Customs Tariff, uniform and common to the
Confederation, in lieu of the various Tariffs now in force in the
several Provinces and Colonies.
The most effectual means of advancing our prosperity would be
found in a Union, such as is proposed in the Report of the Quebec
Conference. A great deal has been said and written on the
subject of the proposed Confederation by our Island statesmen,
who have told the people of the disastrous effects the Union
would exert upon our trade and manufactures. If the gentlemen, to whom I allude, have
not instructed, they have, at least,
amused the more intelligent of their hearers and readers. It
is true, Sir, that our trade is chiefly in agricultural produce, that
our manufactures are few, and that there are physical disabilities
which will prevent us from becoming a great manufacturing
country. For five months in the year we are cut off from communication with our neighbors,
yet, Sir, our manufactures are
capable of expansion, and under Union they would expand. AtÂ
present the manufacturers of Leather and of Cloth are obliged to
limit their operations. If they manufacture more than they can sell
in this little Island they have to export, subject to a heavy duty.
Yet even in the face of this duty we now export Island Manufactured Leather to New
Brunswick. But, Sir, Union would
develop the enormous manufacturing capabilities of Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick. Great, Prince Edward Island never can
become, her geographical position , her limited area, her small
population, and the absence of all mineral deposits, preclude us
from becoming a great country ; but, Sir , the Provinces with
which it is proposed that we should unite, contain every element
of greatness ; there is no reason, then, why they should not become
a great and prosperous country, or why we should not share their
greatness. It is argued that the Canadian Tariff would follow
Union, and that the people of Prince Edward Island would,
under its operation, be necessitated to pay an increased amount
of duties. I do not believe such would be the case. It is true thatÂ
the Canadian Tariff is very much higher than the Tariff of this
Island. Tea and Sugar , imported under the Canadian Tariff,
would probably cost higher than they cost at present ; but, it is
equally true that a variety of articles on which we now pay
duty, would then, as the manufactures of the Confederation
come to us duty free, and the saving which we should effect on
these articles of Home Manufacture, would very materially exceed the excess of duty
which we should pay upon foreign importations. It has been urged, that under Confederation,
although we might obtain from within the Confederation many
articles, the manufactures of Canada, Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick, the Canadian Tariff would prevent such articles from
being imported from Britain and the United States. But, Sir,
if, under Confederation, the people of Prince Edward Island
should be able to procure British Colonial Manufactures cheaper
than they can now procure similar articles from the United States
or Britain, they would evidently be gainers by Confederation.
The great wealth and prosperity of Britain are mainly attributable to the coal and
iron which she possesses. The importance
of the possession of iron was recognized many ages ago. When
Croesus exhibited to Solon his treasures of gold and silver, the
Philosopher is said to have remarked to the King, " that whensoever another should
come who had better iron than he, he
would be master of all his gold and silver." Coal and iron have
caused Britain to become the workship of the world. Where is
there, on the face of the earth, a country that possesses more
valuable deposits of iron and of coal than Nova Scotia ? She
has an inexhaustible supply of the most valuable iron, coal, and
limestone, in close proximity to each other and to navigable harbors, and in addition
has an abundance of fertile land. Sir, Nova
Scotia with all these advantages must become a great country.
(Hear, hear.) Why, I would ask, as a British American, do we
not make an effort to develope our boundless manufacturing capabilities ? Were you,
Sir, to go to the enterprising people of the neighboring republic, and to enter their
manufactories, you would there
learn the fact that a large number of their most skilful mechanics
are men from these British Provinces ; this Island has contributed
her proportion of these valuable men ; they year after year leave
their native country and never return to it, because, Sir, there is, at
home, no employment for them. (Hear, hear.) The sooner the
Colonists set to work to establish manufactories, the better will it
be for all of us. But, Sir, to this, Confederation is requisite.
Tariffs between the Provinces must be abolished. The population
of Nova Scotia is too limited to support extensive manufactures,
and the same thing may be said of New Brunswick. In illustration.
I may be permitted to state that the latter Province is capable of
producing an unlimited supply of very valuable coal oil—an article on which we last
year paid in duty nearly £1,000.—The proprietors of the coal oil works produce the
article only in limited
quantity. They cannot send their oil to Nova Scotia or to this
Island, by reason of the duty which, in each of the Provinces,
is imposed upon its importation, and therefore their mines are
only partially worked. Unite the several Provinces, as proposed
in the Report of the Quebec Conference, give to Nova Scotia to
New Brunswick, to Prince Edward Island four millions of customers. If this should
be done, our young men, who have become skilful artizans in the workshops of the United
States,
would find employment in their native Provinces. Sir, it is impossible to over estimate
the manufacturing greatness which
Nova Scotia is capable of attaining. The iron and coal of that
Province are now exported to Europe and to the United States
where they are employed in the manufactures of aricles which
we now import from these countries. The time is propitious for
Confederation. We may reasonably hope for the restoration of
peace in the United States. Intercolonial free trade would in the
words of the resolution promote the development of the trade and
manufacturing capabilities of the Colonies and advance the great
prosperity, but intercolonial free trade is impracticable without
Confederation. The proceedings of the Conference at Charlottetown and Quebec were
wached with interest by the civilized world. The people of those countries of Europe
which
send emigrants to America have had their attention directed to
the British Provinces. Let these Provinces become consolidated,
and then emigrants to come from Europe, as well as many now
in the Republic, will seek the British Provinces as a home instead of the United States,
now so heavily taxed. I come now,
Sir, to the 5th and 6th Resolutions :—
"5. That the Report of the Conference of Delegates from the
British North American Provinces and Colonies held at Quebec
in October last, taken as a whole, contains a declaration of
principles—as the basis of a Federal Union—which this House
considers just to the several Provinces and Colonies."
"6. Resolved, That this House, believing it is only by mutual
concessions and compromises the several British North American
Provinces and Colonies can ever agree upon those principles
which shall form the basis of a Union, orders that the report of
the Conference of Delegates from these several Provinces and
Colonies held at Quebec in October last, be published throughout this colony for the
deliberate consideration of the people, on
whom will devolve the acceptance or rejection of the proposed
Union."
I am sorry to say, Sir, that I have no hope of carrying a majority
in favor of the declaration, that the principles of Union contained
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
43
in the Report of the Quebec Conference are just to this Island.
I, believe them to be so. I declare I myself in favor of this
Report, while at the Conference, because I so believed, and, Sir,
I trust I have too high a respect for myself to say now, that the
principles of Union therein laid down are not just to this Island,
because the great majority of the people regard them as unjust.
The resolutions which form the Report, as I have already stated
are the results of mutual deference and concession, and in my
humble judgment are such as we should eagerly accept. I have
been told, Sir, that by advocating the adoption of the principle
of the Quebec Report, I am placing myself in antagonism to the
people of this Island, and especially to my own constituents. I,
Sir, should consider myself unworthy of the confidence reposed
on me, as a Representative of the people, were I to shrink from
the full expression of my opinion upon a great subject deeply
affecting the interests of the Colony, simply because my constituents, or the people
of the Colony, are supposed to entertain
any question, can, in themselves, have no influence upon my
opinion. In the present instance, I believe Confederation would
promote the best interests of the Island. I may be aware that
my constituents think otherwise, and are opposed to Confederation. My individual opinion
may remain unchanged, but a
knowledge of the views and wishes of my constituents, would
most materially influence my conduct. Popular opinion
is proverbially changable, and I expect ere long to hear
many of those who now denounce the Report of the Quebec
Conference admit that after mature deliberation, they have
come to the conclusion that its principles are just. I regard the terms of the Report
of the Quebec Conference—so
far as they relate to Prince Edward Island—to be, in a financial
aspect, just and even liberal. The average indebtedness of the
Provinces generally, is equal to $25 per head of the population.
The debt of Prince Edward Island is, in reality, but little in
excess of $2 per head. By the terms of the Report we should
receive annually from the General Government the interest of an
amount equivalent to $25 per head of our population—less the
interest of our actual indebtedness—or in other words we should
receive annually ÂŁ30,000 currency from the General Government, over and above the
interest upon our public debt. I shall,
doubtless, be told that under Confederation our Tariff would be
raised so as to yield a revenue equivalent to $25 per head of the
aggregate population of the Provinces, and that therefore we
should pay annually, in extra taxation, a sum exceeding ÂŁ30,000.
I, Sir, contend that, under Confederation, we should, for reasons
which I have already stated, pay less in duties than we pay at
present, notwithstanding the higher Tariff. If I am correct in
this view of the matter, it is clear that the ÂŁ30,000 a year
would be gained, as a consequence of Confederation. This
ÂŁ30,000 a year, together with the annual allowance of 80 cents
per head of our population, estimated according to the census of
1861, and a few other items, would be sufficient for our requirements. (Laughter.)
But, say the opponents of Confed
eration, "our population will, in a few years, be double what
it now is, while our income from the General Government will
not increase." I think I am justified in asserting that the
expense of maintaining our Government would not be materially
increased, although our population should be doubled. The
allowance of 80 cents per head is fixed alike to all the Provinces.
When the population of Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,
and Newfoundland, shall be increased to 7,000,000 or 8,000,000,
those Provinces will receive no more than 80 cents per head of
heir population in 1861. In all the British North American
Provinces, Revenue is derived chiefly, from Customs and Excise.
When the population of the Confederation shall be double what
it now is, the consumption of articles paying duty will be vastly
increased, and the revenue proportionally augmented. Reduction
of taxation would follow, as a matter of course. The great
Public Works of Canada will by-and-bye by completed, her
Strongholds fortified, her Canals widened and completed, and her
Lakes and Rivers rendered navigable; and, Sir, I consider myself
fully justified in assuming that the increase of population
throughout the Confederation, and more especially in Canada,
will be so rapid, the consumption of duty paying articles so
great, that at no distant day the rate of taxation per head, required for the maintenance
of the General Government, will be
less than is now paid in Prince Edward Island, the least taxed of
the Provinces. In Canada, Roads, Bridges, and other local
works are not provided for from the general Revenue, as in
Prince Edward Island. The alleged excessive local taxation
in some of the municipalities of Upper Canada has been
adduced, in order to terrify the people of this Island, and cause
them to oppose Confederation. The people of Prince Edward
Island would not be, in any degree, affected by the local or
municipal taxation in Upper Canada. If taxation for local or
municipal purposes be excessive in Canada, does not this fact
warrant the assumption that the people of Upper Canada would
be our allies in the work of keeping,as low as possible,the general
taxation, by which alone we should be affected. Mr Speaker, let
it be assumed that there are disadvantages to which Confederation would subject us.
Assume, Sir, that we should have to
pay for our Tea and Sugar one penny per pound more than we
pay at present, and a halfpenny a yard more for Calico. Do
not such disadvantages fade into insignificance when contrasted
with the benefits which would result from Confederation ?
The old Colonies—now included in the United States of
America—in little more than half a century, under Confederation,
became one of the most prosperous nations on the face of the
earth. Those Colonies entered upon their Confederate existence
possessing fewer advantages than we now enjoy. Why should
not we emulate their example ? Why shall we not unite our
resources, and enter upon the career of prosperity which is
clearly open to us ? What Confederation did for the older
Colonies, it would do for us. We have Railways, and Steamboats, and machinery which
they had not. We have a country
in many respects equal to theirs. Are we prepared to admit
that our people are inferior to the old Colonists, or to the
Americans of the present day? We have hitherto imported tabs,
and buckets, and wooden wares, from the United States. Have
we not wood wherewith to manufacture these articles ? Why
should we send to the United States, or across the broad
Atlantic for the simplest iron castings, seeing that we export
from Nova Scotia to those countries, both coal and iron ? Confederation would prove
our best security against foreign invasion,
and preserve to us our Monarchical Institutions. I feel, Sir,
that I am approaching what my eloquent friend, the member for
Charlottetown, Mr Brecken, is pleased facetiously to designate
the "glory argument." I attach great importance to this glory
argument. I desire to live under Monarchical Institutions, and
the glorious flag of old England. Sir, there are in this House
honorable members who smile when the glory argument is
mentioned. Their fathers made great sacrifices in order that
they might enjoy those privileges which are the inheritance of
British subjects. In the Maritime Provinces are now to be found
the descendants of men who left the United States upon the
declaration of Independence, abandoning their property and the
homes in which their children had been born, impelled to do so by
the "glory argument." The American loyalists were attached
to Monarchical Institutions. They valued their privileges as
British subjects ; and rather than become Republicans they made
the greatest sacrifices, and sought new homes on British soil, in
the wilderness in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince
Edward Island. But,Sir, to return to the commercial argument.
Confederation would give us better markets than we now have
for our agricultural produce. Halifax, Boston and St John would
become great and populous cities, the emporiums of trade and
manufactures; and, with these capitals we have, even now, daily
communication. In these cities we should find ready and greatly
increased markets for our produce, and consequently should be
better able to bear increased taxation, than we are at present to
also give us the Inter-colonial Railway, with its many advantages.
But, Sir, one at least of the opponents of Confederation—a
gentleman high in position in this Island—has argued as a reason
why we should not accept Confederation, that the Inter-colonial
Railway would injure the people of this Colony. It would, says
the gentleman to whom I allude, be the means of bringing under
cultivation large tracts of wilderness land in New Brunswick,
the produce of which would compete with the productions of this
Island. The Inter-colonial Railway, argues the same authority,
" word afford great facilities for supplying the St John and
Halifax markets with grain and other agricultural produce to be
bought from Upper Canada." These, Sir, are specimens of the
arguments which have caused the people of this Island to regard
Confederation as a project which would ruin them. Imagine,
Mr Speaker, the farmers of the far West, by means of this
railway supplying the markets of St John and Halifax with
"grain and other agricultural produce"—potatoes?—to the
prejudice of the people of Prince Edward Island. In the markets
of Upper Canada the prices of grain, and other agricultural products
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
44
are usually higher than in Prince Edward Island, and the nearest
of those markets, is at least one thousand miles further from St
John or Halifax, than is any portion of Prince Edward Island.
7. Resolved. That until the larger Maritime Provinces and
Canada shall have mutually agreed upon terms of Union, it is
inexpedient that the people of Prince Edward Island should be
called upon to decide on the question.
Prince Edward Island is the smallest of the Provinces or Colonies,
and no action which this Legislature may take, will, in the
smallest degree, affect the great question of Confederation. If
New Brunswick and Nova Scotia reject Confederation, we shall
not be allowed to avail ourselves of the privileges which
Confederation would confer upon us; on the other hand, should
New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland adopt the resolutions of the Quebec Conference,
the Opposition of Prince
Edward Island would be of no importance, we should in the latter
case be obliged to enter the Confederaion. It must, therefore,
be evident that, until the larger Provinces agree to Confederation, it will be inexpedient
to appeal to the people of this Island
upon the question. The concluding resolution proposes:—
8. Resolved, That in case the Provinces of New Brunswick,
Nova Scotia and Canada, should at any time mutually agree
upon the basis of a Union, the question be then forthwith submitted to the decision
of the People of this Island.
I, this afternoon, observed that the countenances of several of
my colleagues in the Goverment, wore a more than usually pleasing expression. The
occasion of this happiness was a telegram
which had been received, announcing the defeat of the Hon Mr
Tilley the leader of the government of New Brunswick, and of
several of his colleagues. This, my friends, regard as the defeat of the Confederation
scheme in that Province, and they
are happy. I, Sir, deeply regret the result of the recent elections in New Brunswick.
I dread the consequences. My honorable friend, Mr Tilley, informs me that, although
"beaten," he is
not "conquered." I, Sir, would much prefer to share defeat with
that gentleman, in the great cause in the advocacy of which he
has fallen, than participate in the victory which his opponents
imagine they have gained. No honorable member should, in my
opinion, object to the resolution just read. I hold, Mr Speaker,
that, circumstanced as we are, and knowing as we do that
nine-tenths of the Electors of this Island are opposed to confederation, it would
be improper in us to pledge our constituents to
the scheme of Confederation. On the other hand, Sir, I contend
that this House, acknowledging, that the people should be consulted, before any such
proposition shall be accepted, is not justified in declaring that the people will
accept Confederation.
The subject will, hereafter, receive more deliberate consideration than has heretofore
been given to it, and I confidently look
forward to a great change in public opinion. There are several
subjects in the Report upon which I have not remarked. There
will be dealt with by the gentleman who will follow me, and at
the close of the debate, I shall endeavor to reply to some of the
many objections, which I believe will be urged against Confederation.
Hon J. C. POPE.—Mr Speaker, I submit that the Hon Col.
Secretary, in moving the House into the consideration of the
subject now before you, has manifested a very great want of
courtesy towards myself, as a member of this House. It
is a well observed rule that any member having given notice of
his intention to move in any matter, shall, as a matter of course,Â
have the privilege of introducing the subject of which he has given
the notice, and of opening the debate ; and it is not expected
that any other member shall, as the Col Secretary has done,
watch an opportunity of moving in it ; but having done so, it was
his duty, as a member of the Government, to have explained to
the House that it was not a Government party question, and one
on which the Government generally took a very different view
from that entertained by himself. The conduct of the Colonial
Secretary is calculated to place the Government, of which he is
a member, in a false position, and looks to me as if he wished
to put himself right, as a delegate, with the people of Canada.
Knowing well the strong feelings entertained by all the
members of the Government except two, and by the people of
this Island generally against a Federal Union of the Provinces,
he should, I think, have pursued a different course. He has, to
say the least of it, acted most uncourteously, and I must now
return the compliment by moving that the whole of the Resolutions
submitted by him be struck out and the following submitted :—
"1. Resolved, That Prince Edward Island, being entirely
dependant on its Agriculture and Fisheries, has nothing to
export for which Canada can furnish a market. That while
such is, and ever must be the relative commercial position of
this Island and Canada, the products of our soil and Fisheries find in the extensive
markets of our parent country, the
United States and the West Indies, ready and profitable customers. The proposed Union,
while admitting the produce
and manufactures of Canada into this Island free, would by
assimilation of taxes enormously increase the duty to which
those of Great Britain and the United States are at present
subject, thereby compelling this Island to take a large portion of its imports from
Canada, making payment therefor in
money instead of procuring them from countries which would
receive our produce in exchange,—an arrangement so inconsistent with the fundamental
principles of commerce must
greatly curtail our commercial intercourses with the United
States, and would, in the opinion of this House, materially
diminish our Exports to that country, and prove most injurious to the agricultural
and commercial interests of this
Island.
"2. That if the relative circumstances of Canada and this
Island rendered a Union practicable, the evident injustice of
the terms agreed to by the Quebec Convention would prevent
their being ratified by the Legislature of this Island. Without alluding to all, it
is proper to notice some of the objectionable features of the Report. Without admitting
the principle
of Representation according to Population under all circumstances to be sound, it
is, in the opinion of this House,
particularly objectionable as applied to this Island in connexion with Canada, taking
into consideration that the
number of our inhabitants is, and must continue comparatively small, owing to the
fact that we have no Crown Lands,
mines, minerals, or other resources sufficient to induce immigrants to settle here,
and that we never can expect to become
to any extent a manufacturing people, in consequence of our
navigation being close for nearly half the year, and all
trade and communication with other countries stopped.
Under this principle, the City of Montreal alone would,
at the present time, have a representation greater than the
whole Province of Prince Edward Island, and under the
provisions of the Convention which regulate the mode of readjusting the relative representation
of the various Provinces
at each decennial census, looking at the rapid increase of the
population of Upper and Lower Canada heretofore—particularly the former,—and the certainty
of a still greater increase
therein in the future, over that of the population of this Island, it follows as a
certain and inevitable consequence, if a
Federation of the Provinces were consummated upon the
basis of the said Convention, that the number of our Representatives would, in the
course of a comparatively short
number of years, be diminished to a still smaller number than
that allotted at the outset to us.
"3. That the old Imperial error in granting all the lands
in large tracts to absentees, which deprives this Island of the
Revenue drawn by the sister Colonies from these sources,
our insular position and numerous harbors, furnishing cheap
and convenient water communication which render expensive
Public Works here unnecessary, the Revenue to be drawn
by the proposed Federal Government from this Island, and
expended among the people of Canada and the other Colonies
in constructing Railways and other Public Works, thereby
creating a trade which would build up cities and enhance
the value of property in various localities there—advantages
in which this Island could enjoy a very small participation.
Our complete isolation during five months of the year, when
ice interrupts our trade and communication with the Mainland, and during which period
the Island could derive no
possible benefit from the Railroads and other Public Works
which they would be (equally with the people of those Colonies) taxed to construct;
these and many other considerations,
but which seem to have been entirely ignored, ought, in the
opinion of this House, to have produced an offer of a financial arrangement for this
Island very different in its terms
from that contained in the Report of the Convention.
"4. That while this House recognizes the duty of this
Colony to use every means, to the extent of its limited resources, to defend its inhabitants
from foreign invasion, it
cannot recognize the necessity of uniting in a Confederation
with Canada for the purpose of defence upon terms which,
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
45
in other respects, are, in the opinion of this House, so unair
to the people of Prince Edward Island ; thus sacrificing our
commercial and financial interests for the sake of securing
the co-operation of Canada in a military point of view, feeling assured that so long
as we remain a loyal and attached
Colony of Great Britain. the powerful aid of that great
country will continue, as heretofore, to be extended to us, in
common with the other North American Dependencies of the
British Crown.
"Lastly, Resolved, That this House disagrees to the recommendations of the Quebec Convention, and,
on the part of
Prince Edward Island, emphatically declines a Union which,
after a serious and careful consideration, it believes would
prove politically, commercially and financially disastrous to
the rights and interests of its people."
Hon Col SECRETARY—I submit to you, Mr Speaker, for
your judgment, the question whether the leader of the Government having given notice
of his intention to move the House on
this matter, it was not competent for me or any other member to
propose other resolutions for the approval of the House. The
subject comes before us as an avowedly open question, and
therefore I assert that my action evinces no want of courtesy to
the leader, or any member, of the Government.
Hon Mr POPE —The question, Mr Speaker, which forms the
subject of both sets of resolutions, is the most important which
has ever occupied the attention of the Legislature of this Colony ;
and approving of the abstract principle of the proposed Union,
regret that I must oppose the measure, for the reason that the
details, as adopted by the Quebec Conference, do not offer, in
my opinion, fair terms to the people of the Island. It must be
remembered, in the discussion of this question, that our insular
position, the absence from our soil of minerals, and the difficulty,
I might almost say, impossibility, of communication with our sister
Colonies during half the year, place us, in dealing with this
question, in a position totally different from that of Nova Scotia
or New Brunswick. These Provinces are geographically connected with Canada, and have,
within themselves, the materials
requisite to constitute them manufacturing countries. As to the
argument that our trade would be increased by the Union with
Canada, I cannot recognize its force, for we produce the same
description of articles as that country can or could supply us
with. Our trade must naturally be with Great Britain, the
United States, and the West Indies, the products and manufactures of which we require.
The high tariff of Canada would
raise the cost to the consumer of goods from those countries much
higher than it is at present on the Island, and firmly believing
that the true principle of trade is to buy in the cheapest, and sell
in the dearest, market, I should be doing violence to my own
convictions, if I affirmed by my vote any other rule. I have
said, Sir, that I entertained objections to the details of the
scheme. Among these objections I may mention the principle
of representation by population. A very simple calculation will
show that the adoption of this as a standard would entitle the
city of London to send to the British House of Commons no less
than seventy representatives, and the city of Montreal in the
Confederate Parliament would have a representation greater than
that of this whole Island. Its statistics warrant the belief that in
a few years the population will be so increased by the influx of
the tide of immigration that the Island would lose in the halls of
legislation even the small voice which she might raise at her
entrance into the Union. It is not to be supposed that the
increased taxation which, it is not denied, the Canadian tariff
imposes, will have any other effect than that of driving from our
shores those who would naturally seek in enlarged fields of action
more ample returns for their labor, and greater means of meeting
the liabilities imposed upon them. The military phase of the
question is not worthy of much consideration, for if an invasion
of Canada by the people of the United States should take place,
it would involve, as a matter of course, the necessity of retaining
all available strength in each of the other Provinces for the
defence of their respective territories. While I admit, as
cordially as any, that it is the duty of every man to contribute,
as far as in him lies, to the defence of the country in which he
lives, and that it is not fair to the taxpayers of Britain that they
should be at the exclusive cost of our protection, I am willing to
trust a reasonable portion of that duty to the Mother Country,
the army and navy of which must be kept somewhere; and her
experience shows that nowhere can they be maintained as
cheaply as in the Colonies. In conclusion, I may state that
while I give the delegates credit for sincerity in their proceedings,
my opinion is that they went further than they were authorised
or justified to go.
In accordance with a suggestion of Hon Mr WHELAN, the
discussion was postponed until the papers connected with the
subject should be printed.