PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
32
TUESDAY AFTERNOON, March 22.
At 4 o'clock the House waited on His Excellency with
the address, and, on their return, the Speaker reported the
reply.
Hon Col. Gray, Messrs Coles, Longworth, Hensley,
and Messrs Sinclair and McLennan were appointed a
Committee to join a Committee of the Legislative Council
to prepare an address of congratulation to Her Majesty, on
the occasion of the birth of the Son of the Prince of Wales.
Hon Col. Gray, in moving the 2d reading of the Bill,
for vesting the Command of the volunteers in the Commander-in-Chief of the Island,
explained that doubts had
arisen as to the command of the colunteer force; the latter
were in a different position from the regular army and
militia. In Britain the volunteers were under the command of the Lords Lieutenants
of their respective Coun
ties, and the Commander-in-chief exercised no control
over them, save when on active service. Here we had no
officers analogous to Lords Lieutenants of Counties, and
the Bill would vest the command of the volunteers in the
Lieutenant Governor of the Island, during the absence
from it of the Governor General. The Bill and the despatch relation to it having been
referred to Committee of
the whole, the former was agreed to.
Hon Mr. Longworth submitted the report of the Medical Attendant of the Lunatio Asylum.
Hon Col. Secretary, the Blue Book for 1862, and the returns of the Bank
of P.E. Island, for 1863
UNION OF THE COLONIES
On motion, the House resolved itself into a Committee of that
whole to take into further consideration the various Despatches
and papers, transmitted by Message to the House this Session.
The Correspondence relative to a Union of the three Lower Propose, Mr. Chairman, on
the correspondence before you, which is
to the following effect:-
Resolved, That His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor be
authorized to appoint Delegates (not to exceed five) to confer
with Delegates who may be appointed by the governmentss of
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick for the purpose of discussing the
expediency of a Union of the three provinces of Nova Scotia,
New Brinswick and P.E. Island, under one government and
Legislature - the report of said Delegates to be laid before the
Legislature of this Colony, before any further action shall be taken
in regard to the proposed question.
The question of a Union of the Colonies, is one, Sir, of very
great importance; and I might occupy a large share of the time
of this hon Committee in advancing the views which I have long
entertained on the subject; but, Sir, the present aspect of the
question does not call for much remark. Being ignorant as to
he terms of Union which may be proposed be the sister Provinces, we are scarcely in
the position to discuss whether or not such
a Union would be advantageous to this Colony. If the Provinces
of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were to be annexed to
Prince Edward Island, great benefits might result to our people;
but if this Colony were to be annexed to these Provinces, the
opposite might be the effect. From the documents before you,
Sir, it appears that the Governments of Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick intend to bring before their respective Legislature a
resolution authorizing the appointment of Delegates to confer
with other Delegates who may be appointed, for "the purpose
of arranging a preliminary plan," respecting a Union of the
three Maritime Provinces; and we are called upon to take similar action. Now, Sir,
I cannot avoid expressing my opinion
that our neighbors are proceeding too hastily in this matter. I
think the first point to consider is, Shall there be "a preliminary
plan?" Is it advisable to have a Union at all? On the resolution which I have submitted
it is proposed to appoint Delegates,
simply for the purpose of discussing the expediency of a union of
the three Provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and P.E.
Island, under one Government and Legislature. This is as far
as I deem to be prudent for us to proceed at present. It beloves
this House to view the question in all its bearings before it
should take any action which might be considered as a willingness on our part to have
the constitution of the Colony taken
away. Owing to our insular position, and the difficulty of
crossing the Straits at certain seasons of the year, a legistative
union might in many respects operate to our disadvantage. I,
however, am free to admit that weighly reasons can be adduced
to show why the three Provinces in question should be united
under one Government. It is an old maxim that "union is
strength," and in the case under consideration, I believe union
would be strength. What would have become of the thirteen
Colonies had there not been union among them at the time of
the revolutionary war? What would have become of Massachusetts if good old Virginia
had not stepped forward to assist
her, and given her gallant troops, and more than all a George
Washington - conduct which, I am sorry to say, has met with
base ingratitude from the dollar-worshipping aristocracy of that
northern State? And the strength which union affords may ere
long be required in these British Provinces. it is understood
that Maximilian has accepted the Crown of Mexico, and he
may even now be almost landed in America. Once seated upon
the throne of this new Empire, his government will, in all pro
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
33
bability acknowledge the independence of the Confederate
States. This [illegible] would be followed by France, and the recognition of France,
no doubt, by a peace between the Federal and
Confederate States. What then would become of Illinois,
Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, and others of the Western
States and out from the Mississippi. Sir, they would find it
expedient to join the [illegible] Confederacy. Thus stripped of
their territory south and west, the Northern States would seek
to extend their boundaries in other directions. What then
would be the position of these Colonies? The British Government maintaining, or pretending
to maintain a neutrality
as witness the case of the steam rams at Liverpool- has given
satisfaction to neither contending party. When the [illegible] of
two nations of government are trembling in the balance, they
are each disposed to imagine that every offence not exerted
directly in their favor, operates against them. Owing to recent
occurances the South does not now look with favor on our government, this I regret,
for the [illegible] population of the Confederate States are the natural sons of Britain.
On the other hand,
the North has never seemed satisfied with the course [illegible]
by the British Government during the present war, and [illegible] one
view of the [illegible] this need not be wondered [illegible], for her people
are a mixed population gathered from all the nations of the
earth. In the event of its peace, the South would [illegible] respects be in a better
position than the North. The Confederate
States unquestionably have a large debt, but [illegible] is chiefly in
the hands of her own people, and might for some [illegible] be
[illegible]. With the North, however, it is different; [illegible]
[illegible] are held all over the world- in England, France,
Russia, and other countries, and her debt, now [illegible]
of Great Britain, will have to be paid. The army of the North
now numbers above 600,000 men, nearly all mercenaries;
men whose services can be bought and sold. These troops
will have to be provided for, and should hostilities come against
the South, the government which employed them would have
to seek for them another [illegible] of those men are
the soldiers of New York, and other large cities, and to satisfiy
their thirst for plunder, they within all probabily demand to be
[illegible] Canada. The village and town of the fine Province will afford them [illegible]
in which to [illegible] and gratify their
[illegible]. Taking [illegible] of the case I think that something will
[illegible] long [illegible] to be [illegible] these Colonies for self- defence.
A Union must be effected [illegible] legislators [illegible] federal. I am not
prepared to say, however, how it is to be carried out or what
are to be the [illegible]. If there is to be a Legislative
Union of these Maritime Provinces, are new government and
parliament buildings to be erected, and where are theyt to be
built? Is Charlottetown or Summerside to be the capital of
Canada or Acadia, or whatever the country may be called?
Are we to be the Ottawa of the United Provinces, and are buildings to be erected here,
[illegible] as in Canada, millions of dollars?
Then again when are the Sessions of Parliament to be held -
in December, January, February, or in June, July or September? Are we to be required
to keep our Representatives [illegible]
some capital in one of the sister Provinces, from autumn to
spring, or are they to be expected to take pole in hand and lean
from ice-berg to ice-berg across the Straits in the dead of winter.
All these questions which would require to be answered,
before I would be prepared to say whether it would be expedient
or not for this Colony to enter into the proposed union. I have
heard it objected by some that, this Island could have no representation in the executive
government of the United colonies, as
on a count of the distance, and the inconvenience of travelling,
members of government from here would be unable to attend
the cabinet meetings of council .I, however, can see no force
in this objection, as any gentlemen who might obtain a seat inÂ
the executive of the United Provinces would no doubt have a
salaried office of ÂŁ1000 a year. It is also objected by some that this
Colony would be swamped in a Union with the other Provinces.
I, Sir, have an apprehensions on their ground, - I would not allow myself or my country
to be swamped by any body of men
on earth. We, Sir, are here to maintain our rights, and we
shall never enter a Union which will deprive us of this birthright
in a united Legislature we might possess the balance of parties,
and if refused our [illegible], might force the government to do us
justice. We would be in a position similar to the Irish member
in the British Parliament who frequently compel the government, yield to their requests.
But as I have already stated
the only coarse which is [illegible] for us at present to adopt, is
that pointed out in the resolution which I have submitted, namely
to authorize the appointment of Delegates in the first place
simply to consider the expediency of a Union.
Hon. COLONIAL SECRETARY- hon Chairman, [illegible]
with much pleasure, the resolution just submitted by my
honorable friend, the Leader of the Government. It proposes that this House shall
authorize His Excellency the
Lieutenant Governor to appoint delegates to confer with delegates who may be appointed
by the neighboring Provinces
of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, for the purpose of discussing the expediency of
a union of the lower Provinces- or rather a reunion of three dependencies. Chief among
the [illegible], from which have sprung the evils under which
this Island suffers, in my opinion, may be ranked the granting the Township lands
in the year 1767 and the constituting
the Island a separate government three years afterwards.
The one evil produced the other. In [illegible], in answer to the
prayer of a large number of the grantees, this Island was
separated from the Province of Novia Scotia, of which New
Brunswick was then a part and constituted a distinct government, on condition that
the grantees should provide funds
for the payment of its civil establishment. The grantees,
although they failed to perform their contract in this respect
[illegible], nevertheless, been [illegible] to control the destinies of
the colony, from the first day of its existence as a separate
government, to the present hour. They also, without an
exception, neglected to fulfill the conditions upon which they
received their Townships, yet such was the influence which
they were enabled to command, that they did so with
impunity. Their lands became liable to [illegible], and should
have been [illegible] by the Crown, but the grantees induced
the Ministers of George III, from [illegible] , to waive the
forfeitures; and the evil created by the original grantes has,
in consequence, been perpetuated to this day. I have stated
that this Island was, prior to 1769, a portion of the Province
of Novia Scotia, although this was the case, the inhabitants
were not represented in the parliament of Nova Scotia,
nor were the laws of that Province made to extend to
Prince Edward Island. In 1768 the Government of
Nova Scotia sent to the Island a Mr. Morris- Survey or
of the Prince of Nova Scotia- who [illegible] off Charlottetown
[illegible] a Mr. Deschamps, who was appointed by Governor Frank
[illegible] the first Magistrate of the Island of Saint John. This
gentleman in that year opened the Court of Common [illegible]
in Charlottetown, and from his reports, I learn that the population of the Island
then consisted of 271 souls- of whom
2016 were French Acadians. There is something very ludicrious in the idea of a colony
so limited in extent as this
Island, and containing only a few hundred of inhabitants,
having a "Captain General" and "Governor-in-Chief" and
two Legislative Chambers- playing at Kings, Lords and Commoners. In 1774, the fifth
year of the existence of the Island
as a separate government - a census was taken- and it was
found that the population of the Island had increased to
[illegible] souls. In 1784 our Island was re-annexed to Nova
Scotia. It nevertheless [illegible] its separate governmentÂ
and legislature, although Walter Patterson, therefore
"Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief," received Dutch
promotion, and was afterwards known as "Lieutenant Governor." Mr. Chairman, the inhabitants
of this Island have
never been able to remedy the first of the two evils of which
I have spoken, that caused by the original grants and to reinvest in the Crown the
lands so injudiciously granted in
1767; but Sir, they may now remedy the second, they may
now again become one with the neighboring Provinces. I purpose to enquire. How would
such re-union effect this Island.
It must be plain to every gentleman of this Committee, that the
legislation of this Island cannot be of a nature calculated to
develop its resources and to promote its prosperity, so long
as the inhabitants are divided into two parties, the one violently antagonistic to
the other- so long as the chief object
of one party is to hold office, and of the other to obtain office.
I readily admit, Mr. Chairman, that, in my opinion, we have
party legislation in the worst form, and that neither of the
parties into which we are divided, is free from the influence
of party spirit. Partly [illegible] are violent in all communities, in proportion
to their size. Our ocmmunity is a
very limited one, and the difference which divide us partake of a religious character.
85,000 of our inhabitants are
arrayed in bitter antagonism to the remaining 45,000. We
34 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER 1864
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
34
have 35,000 Roman Catholic, the majority of them Irish, of
the extreme, ultramontans stamp, and we have 45,000 Protestants, the majority of whom
are Scotch Presbyterian,
many the sons of covenanters, who will never submit to be
made by Roman Catholics. If this Island were united with
the neighboring Provinces, our protestant populations would
have less ??? to speed Popish supremacy than they have at
present, religious animosities would be weakened, and great
good would be the consequence. Another result of such
union would be the establishment of an uniform currency,
an uniform Tarrif, a common Legislature, and a common
Judiciary. The deliberation of the Legislature of the United
Provinces, upon our Island matters, would be more distinterested, more liberal, and
enlightened, than we can ever
expect from our little Legislature constituted as at present.
Judges who now preside in our Courts, have practised
for many years at our Bar, and are acquainted with almost
every suitor who comes into Court.It occasionally happens
that they are disqualified or try actions brought, and consequences of their having
then employed as Attorney or Counsel
in such actions, and, Sir, although in their impartiality and
integrity have never been questioned, in my opinion, they
cannot but I take in the prejudices of the little community
in which they have so long lived. I would ask, Sir, what
has been the chief subjects of legislation in this House
during the past half century ? The Land Question, - the Land
Tenures - conflicts between Landlords and Tenants, and, Sir,
when proprietors of land in this Island, have, at the Colonial
office, objected to bills passed in this house, and urged that
such bills were passed by tenants to the prejudice of their
landlords, is it not reasonable to suppose that their objections have carried with
them as influence, attributable
chiefly to the character of the legislators. I can readily
understand that Bills passed by our Legislature, as at present constituted, would,
if opposed by the Proprietors, be
disallowed, which, should they be enacted by a Legislature
such as we shall have, in the event of a union, would be
confirmed by the Sovereign in the face of greater opposition.
The people of this Island should ask themselves these questions. In the even of a
union will they be called upon to
pay more in the shape of taxes than they pay at present ? If
so will they derive more than corresponding benefits ? It
must be evident to every member of this Committee, that if
the farmers of this Island shall have better Roads, Bridges
and Wharves, better accomodation for shipping their products
better communication by means of steamers over our rivers,
and with the other Provinces, and better markets than they
possess at present, they will be able to pay a moderately increases taxation with
greater ease than they pay the taxes
now extracted from them. The farmers may rest assured that
a ???? with the adjoining Provinces would not cause their
lands to yield less than they yield at present. Would the
circumstances of our being united cause capital to be
invested in this Island ? If so, it is for our interest that we should
be united. The chief exports of this Island are Ships and
Agricultural Produce - Oats. I, Mr. Chairman, cannot regard the future of this Island
as being as bright, or as
promising as many consider it. The past year, it is true,
has been one of unexampled prosperity. But do we not owe
this to the fact that shipbuilding is a most precarious
business, and that whether it shall continue profitable or
otherwise, it must soon cease with us, simply because the day
is very near, when materials for the construction of ships
will not be found on the island? Already our shipbuilders
import materials from New Brunswick and Nova Scotia.
The report from Mr. Wightman has showns us that forty per
cent of the tenantcy of this Island do not produce from their
farms a sufficiency of food. How do these people procure the
necessities of life ? I answer by the employment which
shipbuilding demands. What will become of such persons
when shipbuilding can no longer be carried on in this Island -
when our forests shall have entirely disappeared ? They must
emigrate - or depend upon the sailor upon the fisheries. We
have during the year just passed exported from the Island
about 1,490,000 bushels of oats, for which our farmers received remunerative prices.
The demand in the United
States, consequent upon the war, had greatly increased the
value of oats. But this unhappy war must come to an end.
The termination of the American Reciprocity Treaty we may
look for, and should this event occur during the present year,
and, a duty, as formerly, be imposed upon our agricultural
produce on its importation into the United States, we shall
have to depend chiefly upon England as a market for our
oats, and the English market is an uncertain one. At present
it is very low. Mr. Chairman :-Many persons consider the
enormous export of oats during the past year as a proof of
agricultural prosperity. I view this exportation in a very
different light. I consider it proof of bad farming - an
evidence that, tempted by the high prices which oats have
commanded during the past three of four years - our farmers
have grown them, to the great injury of their lands. It is
well known, that land which will not yield wheat, or barley,
will give good oats, and that oats are a very exhausting crop.
Where oats have been grown upon the same land several
years in anccession, without manure, as they generally have
been in this Island, the result must necessarily be the conplete exhaustion of the
soil. Mr. Chairman : - Those who
pride themselves upon the agricultural prosperity of this Island at the present time,
should not forget that of this 1,400,000
bushels of oats exported, at least 800,000 would be required
to pay for the bread stuffs imported, - for the more than 40,000 barrels of flour
brought into the Colony in 1863. Not
only are the lands of the great majority of our farmers, becoming exhausted by injudicious
cropping ; they are also fast
being denuded of materials necessarily required for fuel and
fencing. Many farms are not destitute of both. Such ???
for fence poles may be found in hedges and dykes ; and these
the farmers can themselves construct ; but when firewood
shall have disappeared, coal will have to be purchases and
when the agriculturists of this Island shall be necessitated to
pay for coal, and to haul it from the harbors on the coast to
their farms in the interior - ??? then shall have no more
new land - rich in the mould formed by the decayed leaves or
fertilized by the ashes obtained from wood burns in the
process of clearing to fall back upon, when manure will
have to be obtained in order to render productive the lands
which over-cropping have exhausted yield when hedges
will have to be planted, and dykes constructed, ??? will
large portions of Prince Edward Island be far less prosperous
than they are at present. Add to this, the evils something
from the inhabitants being divided into two parties, each
regarding the other with animosity. Under such circumstances, Mr. Chairman, I fear
that if left to ourselves, we
shall share the fate of the Killkenny Cats. We have no
mines, no minerals, no quarries of limestone, no extensive
forests. Our dependence, ultimately must be solely upon
our Agriculture and our Fisheries. To develop these, we
require capital. Would a Union with the sister Provinces,
cause capital to be invested in this Island ? I think Mr. Chairman, it would. This,
I repeat, is a very important consideration.
If it can be shown that one result of a union would be that
persons in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick would employ
capital in this Island, in farming and fishing, it is clearly
for our interest that we should assent to the proposed Union.
The Railroads of Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, will soon
connect our island, very closely with the commercial capitals
of those Provinces. Our lands are more easily cultivated
than are those of either Provinces, and are quite productive as the land of Nova Scotia
or New Brunswick, - the
alluvial lands of those Provinces excpeted. Our Fisheries
are the best in the British Provinces. Soon being the case,
I think it may fairly be assumed that if this island, were a
portion of the Union, under a common Legislature, in which
the people of the adjoining Provinces had confidence, and
which would afford a guarantee for enlightened legislation,
and the protection of the rights of property, we should find
many disposed to invest their capital in this Island, who
will never do so, so long as it remains what it now is, a very
little community torn by the contentions of rival political
and religious parties. I have said, Mr. Chairman, that I
cannot regard the future of this Island as bright, I view
that of Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick very differently.
It has been stated that the debt of those Provinces is enormous and their taxation
excessive. As to taxation it is very
little in advance of our own. The amount of their debt is
not such as should occasion any alarm. They have constructed Railroads, and in doing
so, have created a debt it is
true ; but in this ago, in every country, Railroads are a
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
35
necessary. Mr Chairman, hope are long to see Rairoads
___ those Provinces Halifax to Canada and
accessible to immigrants. The resources of the neighboring Provinces are boundless.
In Nova Scotia, especially,
__, Coal, and ___ are to be found in inexhaustible
quality. In New Brunswick, in addition to minerals, these
____ forests had extensive districts of land suitable
for cultivation. In those Provinces are noble Harbors open
all the year round, and, Sir, I cannot believe that the day is
far distant, when by means of the railroads, of which I have
spoken, the trade of Canada will find its outlet during a
great portion of the year, in the Harbors of St John, and
Halifax. I should have been better pleased, Sir, had the
resolution before you, proposed a Union of all the British
Provinces on the Atlantic Board. Such a Union, I consider,
made some day take place, and I trust the Union of the maritime Provinces will prove
the first step towards it. Who can
ever ___ the commercial greatness which these dependencies of Great Britain are destined
to attain ? Less than a
century ago, the entire exports of Great Britain did not exceed $50,000,000. The exports
of Canada alone, for 1868,
reached more than half this amount. At the time of the
accession of Queen Ann, the exports of Great Britain were less
by one fourth than the exports of Canada, for 1868. Burke,
the friend and advocate of the British Colonies, employed his
eloquence to portray, the commercial growth, which during
a life time, those of the North American Colonies of his day, —
now included in the neighboring Republic,—had attained.
He pictured them in 1704, men in a commercial sense, utterly
insignificant—of Countries which served for title more than
to amuse with stories of savage life and unsouth manners.
In 1776, he saw them possessed of a Commerce equal to this,
which, seventy years previously, had made England the envy
of the world. The progress of the Colonies, after they attained their independence,
was far greater than that which
had excited the wonder of Burke. Mr Chairman, at this day,
British North America comprises a larger territory than was
possessed by the Revolted Colonies in 1776, larger than the
limited States now possess, and although much of this
territory must necessarily remain sterile, so far as agriculture
is concerned, it is nevertheless valuable. The population of
Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward
Island, is greater than was that of the Revolted Colonies of
the date of their independence. Our mines and minerals
and forests are as valuable as were theirs. We have magnificent, rivers and lakes
connecting the Atlantic with the far
West. Our people are a hardy race characterizes by determination of character, and
fitted to overcome those ___
which are caused by the nature of our climate, which however, is not more savage than
in portions of Germany, of
Sweden, of Norway or of Russia. We possess all the elements, essential to the formatio
of a great and powerful
people. Why should we not advance towards greatness in
something like the same ___ as did the Revolted Colonies ?
The manufactures of England, are the chief source of her
wealth. Those who have travelled through that Country
are aware, that it is little other than a vast workshop, from
which a great portion of the world is supplied. Why should
not the people of British America have their manufactures ?
They have iron, and coal, and ___, why should they
not turn them to ___ ? Why should they depend upon
England for articles manufactured from iron ? I can see no
reason why. Food is __ easily obtained int he Colonies
then in England and after all, Mr Chairman, the question of
labor ___ itself into bread and butter. It is well known
to this Committee, that the people of New England, before
the Reciprocity Treaty was ___ carried coal, and
__ and ___ from Nova Scotia to the Unitefd States,
manufactured them, and brought them back to us,—that we
___ them and notwithstanding the manufactures had
paid the duties, and a double ___, they became __
Mr Chairman, I was satisfied that Canada, New Brunswick,
and Nova Scotia, will be united, and that, after the example
of the Revolted Colonies, they will become a great and
wealthy people. I desire that this my native Island may
___ their greatness, she not remain, ___ present, the
___ of assembly contests, which prevent all ___ legis
lation. In conclusion, Mr Chairman, the question under
discussion that they should be fully consulted, that the matter
should be fully discussed, and notwithstanding my individual
opinions. I shall not be prepared to vote for a Union. Until
after they shall have been consulted, and the question discussed among them ; but,
Sir, this House is not called upon
to come to any such vote. The question before the Comittee is, shall we send delegates
to confer with the delegates
from the other Provinces, on the expediency of a Union, and,
whatever may be the opinions of hon. members—however
much they may be opposed to the proposed Union—common
courtesy requires us to send delegates as proposed by they
resolution before you.
Hon. Mr. COLES.—Mr Chairman, this is a subject, which,
as the hon. Col. Secretary has justly remarked, is not a
party question ; but I presume it will be like other questions,
there will be a party in its favor, and a party opposed to it.
The hon. member who last spoke, hinted that there is no
security of property in this Colony. Now, Sir, I believe
there never was a measure introduced into this Legislature
so calculated to interfere with the rights of property as the
Bill on the Land Question, submitted this morning by the
hon. leader of the Government. It is only a piece of political clap-trap. The subject
of the war in the neighboring
States has been introduced into this debate, and we have
been told that when it terminates, a host of mercenaries will
be ready to rush in upon these Colonies. I entertain no fears
on this ground, for I have every confidence in the power of
Great Britain to defend her possessions against the combined
force of either the Northern or Southern States. The hon.
leader of the Government said that he could not support a
resolution similar to those passed in the adjoining Province,
_ that delegates should be appointed to arrange a preliminary
plan in regard to Union. I concur with the hon. member in
this view of the subject; we ought first to consider whether
a union at all is desirable. I hold my own opinions respecting a union of the Colonies.
I have long thought that these
Provinces ought to have more influence at the Colonial Office.
This Island as also the other Colonies have labored under
great disadvantage in this respect—a disadvantage which a
union of the whole would probably have removed. Still it
does not appear to me that great benefit would result from a
union of the three maritime Provinces. We have been
making progress, small as our Colonies. I hold in my hand
an order of the date of 1790, for is, which is a fair specimen
of our currency at that time. Now we have two or three
Banks, and an extensive trade ; so I think we better work
along with our separate government, until it is thought that
"the time has arrived" to consummate a federal union of the
whole of British America, allowing each Colony to retain its
own Legislature. If this could be effected with the good will
of the Home Government—Britain acting towards us in a
friendly and paternal manner, just as a father does with a
son setting up for himself—it might be well. The new government might be either a
monarchy or a republic, but I, for
my part, would prefer a monarchy. All the Colonies united
from Newfoundland to Columbia, would be one of the most
powerful governments on the face of the earth ; but with
only Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and this Island united,
we would still be looked down upon by our neighbors. I do
not think the people of this Island would agree to such a
union as is proposed ; if they would consent to a change at
all, I believe they would desire a union that would place the
Colonies in a position that would give them some weight
among the powers that be. As to religious strife here being
an argument in favor of our union which the other Colonies,
a differ from the hon. Colonial Secretary. If people are disposed, to be contentious
in regard to creeds, union with
another body of men will not prevent it. In fact, I believe
that the religious strife which exists in this Island was an
infection from the other Provinces. It occurs to me that this
union delegation will be like the one on the land question ;
it will cost several hundred pounds and produce nothing, I
do not __ that I shall oppose the motion for the appointment of delegates but I would
prefer taking higher ground
than a legislative union of the three maritime Provinces.
We might again _ some points by such a union, yet the other
Colonies have a __ debt, and I am inclined to believe that
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
36
we would get along just as well without being connected
with them. This question should be considered solely on its
own merits, altogether irrespective of what it is taking place
in the neighboring states, or any other country, and I hope
hon. members will take no hasty view of the matter. We
might to some extent the committing ourselves to union, by
if very appointment of a delegation.
Hon. Mr. McAULAY - It is true that by passing the resolution before the Committee we are acknowledging
that a
union may possibly be desirable; would while doing so, it
carefully goes against committing us to any course which
Might result in our destruction. A union of these three Provinces, has much to recommend
it. The suggestion has come
from the other Provinces, and it would be uncourteous in us
Not to send delegates to me the delegates whom they may appoint. We might wait until
we hear the report of those
delegates before we pronounce an opinion as to whether
It would be desirable for this colony to enter the proposed union or not. For my own
part, I would rather hear
arguments against than for the union, because it is better to endure the ills we know
man to endure those with which we are
entirely unacquainted. United with the other Provinces, we
would raise money here for revenues that would be divided by
other hands. Supposing even that there was a territorial division
of the money, we would scarcely be allowed to obtain our share,
as if they would maintain that their railways were in part for our
advantage as well as theirs. Another consideration is that our
roads in this Island are not so durable as in Nova Scotia, and
consequently it would require more to keep them in repair-a
necessity which the united Legislature might not be willing to
meet. Religions agitation has been referred to as an argument
in favor of the union, but it is very doubtful if strife would cease
where the same elements continue to insist, merely because the
community was enlarged. I have never taken any active part
iIn this agitation, but I have felt it's effects ever since I first
offered for the seat in this House. It is an evil which a union of
the Provinces would not quash ; we must wait until it dies out
of sheer shame. Now, Mr. Chairman, one point ought to be
considered before we enter into the details of the union. Would
this colony be allowed to retain a representation of 60 members
in the lower House of the United Legislature, in would Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick be allowed to retain the same
representation as at present? If our representation were
decreased, and theirs permitted to continue as now, I conceive
it would be doing our Island an injustice. This is a matter for
the delegates to consider. I shall support the resolution, because the delegates,
on't it authorizes His Excellency to
appoint, are not to be empowered to decide why [illegible] but
merely to hear suggestions, and report to this Legislature.
Mr. CONROY - Mr. Chairman, this subject was partially discussed here last session, and on that
occasion there was a general
expression of opinion against a union of the Colonies. I believe
that I was the only member who spoke in its favor ; and my
reason for so doing was one assigned by the hon. Colonial
Secretary, namely that it might be the means of allaying the
religious feeling in the Island. I have weighed the matter since
then, and must state that I have arrived at a different conclusion, and now think
that this agitation would not be any argument in favor of a union, but rather the
reverse. What have
the other Colonies to give us in return, if our Legislature is taken
away? Nothing, unless they aid us in settling our Land Question, If they could give
our people free land as an equivalent
for depriving us of our constitution, it might be something. But
as the Bill which was introduced this morning respecting the
land question will probably be passed, I cannot see what we
are to gain by a union. At the meeting which my colleague
and I had with out constituents, before we came to the opening
of the session, the subject of a union of the Colonies was discussed, and they desired
us to vote against it should it come up
in this House for consideration, as it might place the Colony in
a worse position than at present.
Hon. Mr. LONGWORTH - Mr. Chairman, the subject and in
consideration is one of vast importance. It appears that the
Legislature of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick have adopted
a resolution to appoint delegates to arrange a preliminary plan
for a union of the three maritime Provinces, and therefore it
seems that they have come to the conclusion that such a union
is expedient. The question is one which has been discussed for
a length of time. The present leader of the Government in
Nova Scotia advocated the scheme years ago, as also did the
leader of the late Government in that Province. The [illegible]
description which [illegible] politicians have [illegible]
future of these Colonies [illegible] while in [illegible]
[illegible] away the [illegible] of [illegible] lower Provinces
[illegible] of the proposal. The union of Canada with these
Colonies [illegible] immediately [illegible] . Objectives have
[illegible] the part of Canada, and this [illegible]
difference of population [illegible]
[illegible]
[illegible]
have changed, and Upper Canada has become the most [illegible].
[illegible] quite an agitation between backwit parts
of that Province with respect [illegible] by population,
and [illegible] of the results is that Upper Canada objects to a reign
with the lower Colonies, on the ground that as they adjoin Lower
Canada, they would probably take part with her. On the other
hand, Lower Canada [illegible] objects to the union fearing that [illegible]Â
the population of these Lower Colonies as regards nationality
and religion, resemble the people of Upper Canada, she would
be such a union be placed in a worse position than at present.
Hence a new scheme of union has arisen and it is proposed
that these three maritime Provinces alone should unite. It is
argued that from their proximity and similarity of interest, they
should be united under one Legislature, and that this is necessary
to give us of these Colonies standing and respectability in the
scale of governments. It is not contemplated to alter our connection with the Mother
country, but merely to make us a larger
dependency of the British Crown. As we are peculiarly situated
in this Island, I think it would be imprudent in us to raise such
resolution as has been agreed to in the other Provinces. They
no doubt feel that the advantage would be on their side, and therefore they had no
hesitation in adopting such a resolution as has
been referred to. They anticipate no danger to their interests in
resolving to take little Prince Edward Island under their wing.
We are not burdened with the same proportionate amount of
debt as the adjooining Colonies, consequently though we might
hesitate in deciding as to the expediency of a union, they at once
commit themselves in the course. They have nothing to lose
for as they have more railways to construct, their debt must go on
increasing. At the present moment, we hear of several Railways
being projected in New Brunswick, as well as a very expensive
one in Nova Scotia to connect Truro with Pictou, and Bills, it is
reported are now actually before the Legislature of these Provinces for giving effect
to those projects. In addition to all this,
it would appear that a change in the policy of the Canadian
Government in regard to the Intercolonial Railroad had recently
taken place, and that that vast scheme for the purpose of opening
a great railway through Canada and New Brunswick to Halifax
is likely to be realized. These undertakings must involve a
large amount of expenditure, and entail upon the Provinces of
Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia a large sacrifice to
their public debts, and, as a necessary consequence, an increased
[illegible] upon the people of those Respective Provinces. The
local Railways must be both at the cost of the Provinces to
with htey belong, and the Intercolonial at the joint ecpense of
the [illegible] . The question now arises, as these works are to be
constructed for the [illegible] of these Provinces, and [illegible]Â
of is, what advantage [illegible] from a union with Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick that we do not enjoy in our present
position ? As an agricultural country, we [illegible] benefit by the
[illegible] of these works to supply [illegible]Â
[illegible]
our Island ; but what [illegible] which we will enjoy [illegible]Â
we enter the union or [illegible] our independent condition. The
hand of nature to be giving us our fruitful a soil and so [illegible] a
climate, has secured [illegible] advantage to be independent of all
political or national consideration similar [illegible] present position
we enjoy comparative [illegible] from taxation. There [illegible] factsÂ
which bargained we lose sight of [illegible] we are prepared to
yield up our local Legislature and the right of taxation [illegible]
for our local purposes and improvements and [illegible] besides
all the other advantages which our independent position as a
[illegible] Colonial Government confer upon us, we must [illegible] thatÂ
we are to receive larger and more permanent advantages - in
fact, as [illegible] for what we are called upon to surrender.Â
The question, then, as has been already remarked is, what are
we going to gain by such a union ? Should it [illegible]
of religious feeling it might be something in the scale ; but there
is very little prospect of this being a result, seeing it is a matter
entirely among ourselves. It is [illegible] been which the other Colonies
can offer, it is only an effect which might arise out of union. It
appears to me that they can scarcely offer us an equivalent for
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
37
our independent position, and hence I consider that the resolution
proposed by the hon. leader of the Government, is the only one
we can safely adopt. We must not commit ourselves to the
union as the other Colonies, by their Resolutions, appear to have
done. We should first consider the expedience of a union ; but
before we can be in a position to do so, we must hear the arguments and reasons which
may be offered in support of it, and
therefore, it is our duty to appoint delegates ; to refuse this much,
would be uncourteous to our sister Colonies. Besides, we cannot lose by obtaining
information; upon all colonial questions
which may have a tendency to affect us as a government or a
people. If the time should arrive when we might be necessitated
to enter into a union, by refusing to confer on the subject now,
we might be placed in a disadvantageous position hereafter.
But while we appoint delegates, we must not tie up our hands,
and commit ourselves to a union, without knowing what equivalent we are to receive.
I admit that it might add to our importance to be a part of a larger Province which
might be called
Acadia or Cabotis, or any thing else, still this would not satisfy
our people unless there was some material and great permanent
advantage to be gained by the change. Though united with
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, we could do little in giving
battle to a government like the United States, if it should ever
be the policy of that country to go to war with England or her
North American Colonies ; consequently, I can see no force in
the argument drawn from probable occurrences in that country.
We must look to ourselves, and our own interests, and act accordingly. The practical
difficulty that would be experienced
by us in sending Representatives across our ice-bound Strait in
the winter season to attend the United Legislature in Halifax, or
some other favored city on the other side of the water, seems to
me at present almost sufficient to overbalance every argument in
favor of the project, unless indeed, Charlottetown were made
the capital of the United Provinces, which we could not expect
it would be. The question is, then, should we give up our
independent position—our separate Government—and become a
part of a greater Province ? My own opinion is decidedly in the
negative, but the question can only be satisfactorily answered
when we ascertain the terms of union, which it would be the
duty of delegates, if appointed, to learn ; therefore, I will support
the resolution before the Committee authorizing such appointment,
reserving to ourselves, as a Legislature, our own action hereafter
upon the results of that Delegation.
Adjourned for one hour.