PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
60
WEDNESDAY, March 29.
Debate on Union of Colonies resumed.
Hon. Mr. LONGWORTH - Mr. Speaker. This question
comes before us with a different aspect from that which it
presented last Session. Last year the question of a Union
of the Maritime Provinces was discussed on the suggestions of the Lieut. Governors
of Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick. An argument has been drawn from this, that
it was wrong in the Island Government to send delegates
to Canada without the previous consent of the Legislature.
We thought it but right to follow the example of our
sister Colonies in complying with the request of Lord
Monok. The number of delegates who were appointed to
the Conference which sat at Charlottetown was increased
by the addition of the Hon Mr. Whelsh and the Hon
Solicitor General. The Government had every confidence
in the judgment and ability of the gentlemen whom they
had appointed on the Canadian mission. Whatever
might be the result of the Conference, the Government
had expressed no opinion ; they left it an open question,
andtherefore every member has a right to express his own
opinion on it. It is not my intention to discuss the
great principles involved, nor the various details set forth
in the Report of the delegates as the result of their
deliberations. In view of the thorough manner in which
the subject has been handled in the press and at public
meetings, it is unnecessary to encumber this debate with
figures and calculations. The first consideration that
occurs to my mind on the subject is the peculiar situation
of the Island. We are an agricultural country, our
fishers are but partially developed. Our insular position
necessitates our entrance into the Union under circumstance less
favorable than either Nova Scotia or New Brunswick. Canada
has great resources, and her agricultural capabilities are unbounded. Nature has united
Canada and New Brunswick. It
is impossible that we can participate in the advantages anticipated
from the Union in proportion to the other Colonies ; therefore, in
my opinion, the Conference at Quebec should have treated us as
entitled to an exceptional
status in the Confederacy. I do not
mean to say that under no circumstances would a Union be
advisable, but we should have been placed upon a different
and more favorable footing than the other Colonies. I agree that
the Report is an able one, but many of its details will not bear
scrutiny. As to the principle of representation by population ;
although not objectionable under some circumstances, yet I do
not approve its application in the present matter. The representation in the Lower
House should have been on the British
principle, while the example afforded by the United States
Senate could have been advantageously followed in the constitution of the Upper Branch
of the Legislature. When my hon.
ad learned friend, the Hon. Solicitor General, says that the
delegates from the Maritime Colonies exercised a controlling
influence in the framing and adoption of the Report, it appears
to be an admission that they were novel principles, principles not
hither tested by the experience of any previous Confederation
of which history makes mention. It shows me that it was a
plan devised to meet some complications or the particular views
of some parties. The Island representative to the Upper Branch
would ahve some check which might avail to compensate for the
wretched minority which we would be entitle to for the
Lower House, where a presentation of 5 our of 194 might
render it impolitic for our members of oppose a measure they
disapproved of, lest they should not be permitted to carry any
vote which they might wish. I cannot use any prospect of might
for this Colony in a Legislature composed in such proportions.
Canada could, at any moment, on vote as ; now is there any
reason to suppose that Nova Scotia and New Brunswick would
unite to save us. But Sir, looking at this question in £ pounds ;
billings and pence, point of view, the scheme fails to commend
itself to my judgment. What are the terms proposed ? We are
to receive some £48,000 per annum in commutation of a revenue
which has been increasing for the last fourteen years, until last
ear it approximated to £86,000, and which it is but reasonable
to suppose would continue to increase in the same way as it
has manifested for th period to which I have referred. When
it is asked of us that we should surrender our separate rights and
submit to the terms which the proposed Confeders may impose
upon us, do hon members realize the full extent of the concession
involved ? We are requested to give up not merely the difference
in amount of revenue to which I have referred, but matters of
higher moment. We are required to yield up our position of
comparative dependance as a separate Colony, and to reduce
the scope of our legislative functions to the privileges of a local
vestry in the Mother Country - the right of levying pariah taxes
for local purposes. In reference to what hs been said on the
subject of free trade with Canada and the benefits we would
receive from it, I will take the liberty of confirming my views
by extracting from the official statistics the returns of our commerical Intercourse
with that country for a few years. From
our Public Accounts it appears that the duty paid on Imports into
P. E. Island from Canada in 1868, was, on
| Ale and Porter |
£9 |
8 |
9 |
| Soap |
2 |
3 |
3 |
| Leather |
1 |
13 |
7½ |
| Miscellaneous |
|
15 |
9 |
| Tobacco* |
43 |
13 |
6 |
| Wines* |
12 |
17 |
7 |
| Tea* |
8 |
14 |
7½ |
| Salt* |
7 |
17 |
3 |
| Molasses* |
2 |
3 |
6 |
| Total |
£89 |
7 |
10 |
| Those marked thus * (evidently not |
|
|
|
| the productions of Canada) paid |
|
|
|
| in duty |
75 |
6 |
6 |
| Leaving for Ale and Porter, Soap, |
|
|
|
| & c. the supposed produce of |
|
|
|
| Canada |
£14 |
1 |
4 |
In 1860, 1861, and 1862 the duty on Imports into P.E. Island
from Canada, amounting to the aggregate value of £15 15s, 9d
was only £4 5s 6d for the three years, or £1 8e 6d a year ! ! !
yAnother and most important consideration is the position in
which we, under Confederation, will be placed with reference to
our obligations to contribute to the defence of Canada. We have
been told that an army and navy must be organised for the protection of that country,
for the local defence of which, in the
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61
shape of permanent works of military defence, competent
authority had declared that no less a sum than 1, 143, 000 sterling
will be required. In view of those considerations, and looking at
the vast sums of money which, under the terms of the Report it
is calculated to expend in the building of Railways and Canals
and other Public Works, I am of opinion that if we should cast
in our lot with Canada, instead of witnessing a reduction of her
present tariff from 20 to 15 per cent, as intimated by the
advocates of Union, we should see it largely increased. In fact
the only argument on which the probability of the supposed
reduction can be based is that the Lower Provinces would consume a much larger amount
of dutiable articles than they do
present. I maintain that it is a reasonable inference that the
tariff of Canada would, under Confederation, rise instead of
falling 5 per cent. Our exports being a similar character to
those which Western Canada furnishes in abundance, the idea
of a mutual interchange of commodities is chimerical, and the
only result to our people from Confederation would be direct
taxaction, which would be necessary to raise the revenue, our
proportion of which we would have to assume. This question,
Mr. Speaker, should be viewed from the single stand point of the
individual Colony to be affected by it, and therefore I do not, as
one of the representatives of Prince Edward Island, regard the
expression of public opinion which has been elicited on it in the
neighboring Province of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. It
is our duty to deal with it as if affects ourselves. The Colonies
to which I have alluded are territorially situate with reference to
Canada in a manner very different from this Island, and therefore
arguments which, on that account might be used in those
Colonies in favor of the project, cannot hold or apply here. As
a representative of Prince Edward Island I feel it my duty conscientiously to record
my solemn protest against the principles
and terms of a Union which, in my judgment, would prove most
injurious to the best interests of this my native country.
Mr. SINCLAIR.-The advocates of Union can easily
occupy time in speaking on this question. Extensive
railways, large canals, and cities springing rapidly into
existence is such a beautiful and glowing picture that it
forms a theme on which they can expatiate at pleasure.
But, Mr. Speaker, when we seek to examine the picture
it is found to be nothing but dreams and vanishes away
I think it would be most detrimental to the interests of
Prince Edward Island to enter the proposed Union. But
still I am open to conviction. I have, however, listened
to the able speeches of the advocates of Confederation
without my opinion being changed-without being able to
think otherwise than that Union with Canada would ruin
the Island politically and financially. One great argument
of the friends of Union is the "glory argument." It
would, say they, open a wide field for our young men.
This Colony, however, small as it is, might send forth
talented individuals from among her sons. It is true
greatness to product great men. We might belong to
Russia with her vast territories, but would that make us
great ? What is it that leads Englishmen, Scotchmen and
Irishmen to be proud of their respective countries ?
It is because they have been distinguished by many great
men. And this Island might be the same. I am proud
of being descended from British ancestors, but I am proud
also of being an Islander. (Hear, hear.) I believe that
the people of Prince Edward Island can take their position
beside the people of any country in the globe. There is
nothing in her present situation to prevent her sons from
rising in the world. It is argued further that by doing
away with hostile tariffs this Colony will make great
strides in improvement. I do not admit that we have
hostile tariffs. The view I take of such tariffs is that they
are to prevent competition, namely to foster manufactures by preventing people from
buying in the cheapest
market. This would be the nature of the tariffs under
Confederation, for it is well known that Canada, Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick cannot manufacture for many
years the articles which we require. It is well known,
also that it is impossible to carry on manufactures
extensively with a sparse population, the arguments of
the Hon Solicitor General to the contrary not withstanding.
Labor cannot be so cheap in a new country. That a large
part of the population of Britain is dependent on manu
factures, was evidenced by the fact that many of those
working for low wages in factories were nearly starved
when cotton became high. This could not be the case in
an extensive country like America. Prince Edward
Island, on account of her position, can never become a
great manufacturing country. Our exports will not be to
Canada, because she does not want our agricultural
produce, still we will be compelled to purchase many
manufactured articles there, for if we shut out the
Americans by hostile tariffs they will not trade with us ;
and British goods will be excluded in the same way. We
have, therefore, seen that the "glory argument" promises
no benefit, and that the tariff argument is worse. What
then are we to receive to induce us to enter Confederation?
The hon and gallant member for Belfast says we are to
get a large sum of money from Canada to buy up the
proprietors' lands. I maintain that by the terms of this
Report we will not receive a single farthing from Canada.
The 28, 000 interest, or thereabouts, which it is said we
are to draw for the proportion of debt in our favor,
would not be drawn at all-it would only be placed to
our credit. We would have our share of the aggregate
debt of the Colonies to pay, and amount placed to our
credit annually would be just equal to the interest which
this Colony, according to her population, would require
to pay on the debt of Canada, Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick. So that by this arrangement not one penny
would really come to the Island-it would only save us
from being taxed for the debt of other people. Besides
this, however, we are told that this Island is to receive a
capitation grant of 80 cents which will yield a little over
20, 000 ; and that the salaries of her judges, and some
other expenses will be paid, amounting to about 10,000
more. But as our Revenue is now 66,000, by this
arrangement we would lose over 30,000 annually, with
the tariff as ours is at present ; if the Canadian tariff,
however, were adopted, the sum lost would be nearer
90,000. But some maintain that the expenses under
Confederation would be less. This is more than
questionable, for there would be a general government to
support, public works to be undertaken, and the cost of
defences to provide for. It has been estimated that the
whole expenses under Confederation would amount to
$13,000,000, but I believe it would be nearer $20,000,000.
It is impossible to say what the future shall be, but I
may be allowed to make a calculation, basing my figures
on the past. The expenditure of the Canadian Government for six years, from 1857 to
1862, was 21,432,584,
or an average yearly expenditure of 3,572,110. Now
taking the population of Canada at 2 1/2 millions, it is a
simple question, in simple proportion, if 2 1/2 millions of a
population expends 3,572,110 a year, what wuld
P. E. Island, with a population of 80,000 expend at the
same rate, and I find we would expend 114,307
a year. Now we will see what P. E. Island did expend
during the same period. In the same 6 years the
Government of this Island expended 299,168, or an
average yearly expenditure of 49,861 ; so that if we had
been in connection with Canada the last 6 years, we
would have had to pay for the Canadian Government the
sum of 386,672. This is the sum which we have gained
by being out of our without Confederation for the last six
years. Canada cannot decrease her expenditure, so it is
well for us in looking forward to the future in financial
matters to judge by the past. But then, again, by this
scheme we will be required to give up our political
independence. What is dearer to a man than this country
and its institutions ? By accepting Confederation we
would be surrendering everything which we can politically
hold dear. While we have a system of self-government, we may sometimes get into difficulties,
yet affairs
will soon rectify themselves ; but if we cast in our lot
with other much more numerous than ourselves we will
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62
my remarks without protesting against the manner in
which this question has come before us. A subject of
such importance as this should have been before us for
years, and canvassed fully by the press and the people ere
it was submitted to the House in the form which it
assumes in the Report under discussion. It has not
originated with the people, and almost the first clause
which it contains deprives them of a right, as it provides
places for at least 77 Councillors in a general parliament
of the Colonies, where they will be independent of the
people, and independent of the Crown. What authority
had the delegates to go to Canada and thus sign away our
rights ! They may say that they were invited by the
Governor General. I say the Governor General has no
power to interfere with the constitutional liberties of the
people of the Colony. The people or their representatives
alone should take up this question, and I look upon the
action taken in this matter as a conspiracy against their
privileges.
Hon. Col. SECRETARY moved an adjournment, and Hon.
Mr. POPE opposed the motion.
Mr. HOWAT.—Mr. Speaker ; I would prefer that we
should finish the discussion this evening, as the advanced
season renders it desirable that we should get through
the business of the Session as soon as possible. As to the
question of Union I may say that I am opposed to it on
any conditions. The proportion assigned to us in the
United House of Commons would deprive us of all
influence in that branch of the Legislature, and our
situation in the Upper Branch would render us more
helpless still ; and the fact that some of the most able and
intelligent men in the Island failed to obtain better terms
at the Conference is as strong an argument as I require
show me what our position would be under Confederation.
The advocates of Union who have addressed you on the
subject have endeavored to show that our taxes will not
be increased when united ; but how, I would ask, could
the expenses to be incurred for an army, a navy, and
fortifications be met except by increase of taxation ?
Increase of manufactures to any considerable amount would
require a protective tariff, and our Legislature can adopt
the principles of protection or free trade, as it suits them,
just as well at present as they could under Confederation.
The Hon. Solicitor General has remarked upon the benefit
we should receive from Union by having an independent
Legislature, but by the Report of the delegates I perceive
that our legislation would require approval in Canada,
and might afterwards be disallowed at Downing Street.
As to the defences in Canada they would be no safeguard
to us. The loyalty of some of the Canadians is not beyond
doubt in my mind, and notwithstanding the allusion made
by the Hon. Solicitor General to such men as Cromwell
and Washington, I am disposed to judge of the future of
some people by their conduct in the past.
Mr. HOWLAN seconded the motion for an adjournment.
It was unfair to press a division to night when some
members had not spoken.
Hon. Mr. POPE, though anxious to close the debate, was
not disposed to treat the Minority unjustly, and would
consent to the division being taken to-morrow evening.
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