Further progress was made on " A Bill to authorise the Woodstock Railway Company to
issue debentures."
ADJOURNED DEBATE ON MR. FISHER'S
AMENDMENT.
MR. ANGLIN.—Before I begin, I will
express my regret at having occupied the attention of the House so long. I felt, and
still feel, that the debate has hung on so long that it is scarcely warrantable to
protract it, but some of the hon. members wanted explanations of various kinds, which
so interrupted me as rendered it impossible for me to get through yesterday. I do
not want to complain of it, but I bring it forward as an excuse for taking up the
time today. I concluded last evening with drawing your attention to a despatch from
Mr. Cardwell, and was endeavouring to show what there was to justify us in entertaining
some doubts as to the exact meaning of the despatch. There was nothing ungenglemanly
or uncourteous in our conduct in expressing such doubts. I would like to have you
point out to me what paragraph—what sentence—what line, or what word there is in that
Memorandum in which there is any thing disloyal or any thing that evinces disrespect.
True, we alluded to the
Times newspaper, but we knew that those Canadian delegates were in England plotting against
the liberties of this country, and we knew they had with them extraordinary resources
to enable them to do so. We found in that paper false statements which had originated
in this Province, but had been copied in that leading paper of the world, and made
the foundation of newspaper articles; we believed these articles were inspired by
these Canadian delegates and Mr. Cardwell and the members of the Imperial Parliament
102 DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1866
were told the same stories, and were led
to misunderstand the whole nature of our position. That was the reason which led us
to say :
" The Committee, of course, cannot suppose that the British Government share the ignorance
with regard to the history and character of the Federal Scheme which appears to prevail
among the British public, and which induces the " Times" newspaper of the twentieth
of June, to observe that " the two Canadas have put aside their ancient jealousies,
and are ready to meet in a common Legislature, in apparent forgetfulness of the fact
that they have so met for the last five and twenty years," &c.
We thought he did show that ignorance in that dispatch, but we think new light has
been thrown upon it by subsequent events. When we found statements of this kind in
the " Times" newspaper operating upon the English people, who are Mr. Cardwel's masters,
we did not think it unjustifiable to make an allusion to an article which we believed
was put before the people of England to create an erroneous impression of the state
of things which existed in this Province and I do not think we should be characterized
as mean and low by so doing. The House will judge whether it was justifiable or not.
I am free to admit it was out of the ordinary course of proceeding, but it had become
somewhat necessary from the state of things that existed. It was not in accordance
with strict decorum, but by so doing we were bringing the matter more forcibly, fully
and clearly under the observation of the Colonial Secretary, and I appeal to the Honse
to say if there was anything low or mean in our referring to that paper. We go on
to say :
" The resolutions agreed to by the leading Canadian politicians in the month of June,
1864, as the basis of the formation of the existing Cabinet, and adopted solely under
the pressure of local exigencies, contain the statement that on consideration of the
steps most advisable for the final settlement of sectional difficulties, the remedy must be sought in the adoption of the Federal principle, and provide
that if such negotiations were unsuccessful, they would be prepared to pledge themselves
to legislation during the next session of Parliament, for the purpose of remedying
existing difficulties, by introducing the Federal principle for Canada alone."
Was there anything disloyal, or not in
strict accordance with facts, in that ? Having heard so many attacks upon this " Minute
of Council," I did expect to find it pointed out what particular part of it deserved
such epithets. I have heard nothing beyond this, that we dared to doubt the precise
meaning of Mr. Card- well's words, and a reference to the Times newspaper. We continue :
" It is perfectly clear that the existing
difficulties were the motive and groundwork of the scheme, and that the Federal Union
was only sought as a means of separating the Canadas—a separation which the Canadian
Government are pledged in all events immediately to effect—a fact which perhaps sufficiently
accounts for the eagerness with which they seek to force its immediate adoptions upon
unwilling communities, for they are well
aware that did the plan avowedly contemplate only the separation of the Canadas, it
would be impossible even speciously to present it to the Imperial Government as in
a manner a scheme of union. Mr. Cardwell is perfectly right in supposing that the views and wishes of Great Britain are entitled to great
weight, and they will be ever received with respectful attention in this Province
; but the Committee feel certain that if there be one view with regard to the Colonies
which is more clearly and distinctly held than another by Her Majesty's Government
and the people of England ; if there be one wish on their part, with respect to which
there can be neither hesitation nor doubt, it is, that the people of this Province,
and others, enjoying, through the wise liberality of England, parliamentary institutions
and free self-government, should act in reference to their own affairs, as seems to
themselves most consistent with their duty to their sovereign, and most conducive
to their own interests."
Could the representatives of free
men, having to assert the rights of free men, speak in more respectful language than
that. We had to assert the rights of the people of this Province, but in doing so
I declare again emphatically, that it was our most anxious wish and earnest desire
to cloth our thoughts and ideas in such respectful, deferential, loyal language as
would leave no room to doubt of our expressing what we believed to be due to the loyal
people of this Province. We continue :
" To confer on this Province the
right of self government would have been mockery, if in consequence of its claims
to deference as a protector the wish of the mother country was in all cases to be
followed whenever expressed, whatever the opinion of those to whom the power of judging
has been solemnly entrusted by the Sovereign and Legislature of Great Britain, and
who being on the spot and fully conversant with the subject, consider themselves not
unable to judge with respect to their own affairs."
Who are they to whom the Sovereign
and Parliament have entrusted the right of judging in the affairs of this Province
? Is it not the people of the Province themselves through their representatives. If
any man says otherwise he misconstrues the spirit of our Constitution. We say ;
" When a wish is expressed by Her
Majesty's Government, it will be received with that deference which is due to suggestions
emanating from so high a source, and will be considered with an anxious desire to
meet the views of Her Majesty's advisers."
Is that the treason of which I have been accused before my country ? If it be, it
is treason which is shared in by every man who holds a high place in the history of
his country. If I was endowed with any share of vanity, I would feel proud that I
was deemed worthy to be placed in so high a position. I prefer retirement, but when
attacks are made on me, and through me on the Government, which is working for the
welfare of the country, I feel it my duty
to repel those attacks, and prove how unfounded they are. We continue :
" But if such views should unfortunately not coincide with the views of those on whom
alone the responsibility of action in the Province falls, the Committee feel assured
that Her Majesty's Government will expect and desire that the Government of this Province
should act according to their own convictions of right, and in conformity with the
sentiments of the people they represent."
I again proclaim my solemn conviction, that that is the language of loyalty and truth,
and that it was our duty on that occasion to have spoken as we did. If there be in
that memorandum one word an honest, impartial man can say is unbecoming for the Government
of this country to utter in an address to the Imperial Government, I would humbly
retract it. We pondered and deliberated over every word in it, and we had no intention,
wish desire or idea o conveying in it either insolence or disrespect, much less disloyalty
or treason, and I defy any man to make treason, disloyalty or disrespect out of it.
It stands before the intelligence of the empire, and it speaks for itself. I feel
proud of it, and I am prepared to reiterate every word it contains. There has been
no change of the opinions of the people in regard to Confederation. I meet men day
after day, of all classes and all creeds, I speak to them in familiar intercourse,
and I receive letters from all parts of the Province ; but from the time of the last
election up to the present moment, I never yet met the man who has changed from being
in opposition to Confederation and become an advocate of the Quebec Scheme. True,
the strong declarations of the Imperial Government have produced an effect upon the
minds of some parties in the Province. We declare we are willing and anxious to meet
and carry out the views of the British Government so far as is consistent with our
interest ; but this Quebec Scheme, the more we reflect upon it, the more we feel it
will bring ruin and destruction upon the Province It is said that you, the people
of New Brunswick, must abandon everything—sacrifice your independence—throw away your
property, and place yourselves completely under the control of Canada, because Mr.
Card- well says you ought to do so. That would be an unreasonable, slavish loyalty
We say we object to that scheme, more particularly to the principle of representation
by population ; but we are told that the people of Upper Canada have fought for that
for twenty-five years, and they will never give it up. Some people say they object
to the federal principle ; but the people of Lower Canada say they can only be protected
by that, and they never will consent to any other scheme. All our objections go for
nothing ; we must consent to any thing Upper or Lower Canada may demand. They may
refuse to consent to this or that, but if we refuse to accept any of the terms which
they choose to give us, we are denounced as being disloyal. Will such arguments as
that be accepted by the people of this country. That Memorandum has been one of the
chief charges against the Government, and I have shown how disgraceful those charges
are. They have charged the Government with being in my hand as
DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1866. 103
though I was dictator. What would
make me dictator? Were my talents of
such wonderful power that I, a comparative stranger in this country, should have
the control of the Government. The ad
vocates of the Scheme found they could
not appeal to the common sense of the
people with any chance of success; they
therefore, appealed to the passions and
prejudices of the people to do their work.
At the very time was denounced at the
hustings of York as " the great monster
that held the Government in the hollow
of his hand." I was not virtually a member of the Government. My colleagues
knew at that time it was my intention to
resign, and that I was in the minority and
could not have my own way. At the time
when it was proclaimed that the contest
was between Anglin and the people of
York, I said to the Attorney General, "you
know best whether you and I are to part;
you know best whether the proceedings of
the Western Extension Company are such
as to satisfy you ; if they are, I must leave
you, and you might as well have benefit of my absence." The Attorney General said
he never would consent to truckle
to such a cry, and I felt he was right, although I urged him to make any sacrifice,
for I did not want my position and
character to stand between his country
and its prosperity. Another charge
made against this Government was,
that they refused to publish for the information of the people of this Province.
the despatches which were sent from
the Colonial Secretary. The Government never refused any thing of the kind. It has
been shown by the Attorney General that it is an unusual course
to publish despatches ; the usual course
being to submit them to the people
through the Legislature. Under the
circumstances in which we were placed
Mr. Cardwell expected those despatches
to be published, and now it is called a
serious crime because they were not
published here as soon as they were
published in Halifax. In order to give
coloring to those charges they have to
put aside physical position, geographical difficulties, space and time. I had
one of those despatches which had been
printed in Halifax, and my men were
putting it in type before it reached His
Excellency. The despatch received during the last Session of the Legistature
was forgotten until a few days after the
House was adjourned. It has been said
that persons holding Governmental offices should reside at Fredericton. I
hold that the County of York is not the
Province, and they are not entitled to
all the political offices. lf every mem
ber of the Government, upon taking office, would have to remove to Fredericton, no
man having a family in any
other part of the Province would leave
his business and remove his family to
Fredericton upon the uncertain tenure
of a political office. We cannot perpetually have a quorum to attend upon
His Excellency. The duties of the Commissioner of the Board of Works often
call him to different parts of the Province, and so do the duties of the Postmaster
General. Must they be at Fredericton when every steamer from England comes in, because
there is a possibility of their receiving a despatch,
which must be published within twenty-
four hours ? What difference does it
make so long as it comes before them
in ample time for them to consider and
take action upon it. This is an absurd
charge against the Government, and which, when tested by the light of common sense,
disappears altogether. (
Mr.
Lindsey—Why was not the despatch of
the 12th of April published during the
Session ?) That was an oversight, it
was published a few days after the Session closed. I think have taken up
every count in the indictment, and
shown how futile they are. In regard
to Confederation, under the Quebec
Scheme, there has been no change in
public opinion whatever, and it is almost
a waste of the time and patience of the
House to argue against it. It is a scheme
which cannot bear the light, for the more
light that is thrown upon it the more
hideons does it appear. When the
scheme was first devised its advocates
set their wits to work to find arguments
in its favor, and their chief argument
was, that it was necessary for defence.
They said, whatever else you may think
of it, this one point cannot be disputed.
" union is strength." We must have
this Confederation scheme, as it is the
best we can get We must have some
scheme of Union for the purpose of defence. It cannot be posponed, the army
of the United States will cross our frontier, and unless we are united we cannot offer
any resistance, therefore the
urgency of the case admis of no delay.
The people felt that there was nothing
in this, for that scheme would not give
us one additional man, or one additional dollar, or enable us to use one man
more efficiently. We have to look to
our own right arms, and our own means,
to defend ourselves if trouble should
come, for it is ridiculous to think we
should receive any help from Ottawa.
We cannot concentrate our strength
where there is no interior ; and no military men of any character would venture to
take the grounds, that by uniting
with Canada we would concentrate our
strength. Have those fortifications been
erected which the Hon. John A. MacDonald said would admit of no delay when he
was advocating this scheme of Union.
Since his return from England the Canadian Legislature has met, but they have
made no provision for defence. There
has been nothing done to erect fortifications from Halifax to Sarnia ; the only
money that has been expended has been
expended by the Imperial Government.
I has been said that if we went into
union the Inter-colonial Railway would
be built, and we would concentrate our
troops. If this railway was built, it
would have to occupy a position no
over twenty-five miles from the frontier,
and a mere handful of men could cross
the border and tear up the rails, burn
the bridges, and render the road impassable for weeks. From the position
of the country, it would take all our
forces to guard that road and the line
of telegraph which would have to be
constructed alongside of it. If that
road was constructed we could not
spare any men to send to Canada,
neither could Canada spare any for us.
If war did occur with the United States, it would not be a pigmy war, for we
would have to content with hundreds
of thousands of men. I have been
through Canada and examined the
country with it view to this question.
and I can say, that in case of war with
the United States, that Canada, with
all the aid the empire could afford her,
would have as much as she could do to
take care of herself, and she could not
send a single man to our aid. Under
the old arrangement for building this
Inter colonial Railroad, it was said we
would have to pay 3 1-2 thirteenths of
the amount required, but under the
present arrangements we would have
to pay but one thirteenth. I believe
that there are some men in this country
so easily duped to believe that absurd statement. Instead of paying the
one thirteenth, we will have to pay it
all, and they have power to extract it
from us by means of their tariff. They
promise to build the road, but we have
no security that they will do so. If they
did, it would be charged to the general
revenue, and so would the extension of
the canals and the purchase of the North
West Territory. It had been calculated
that this territory could be purchased
from the company for $1,500,000 but
they have refused to part with 4,000,000
acres of that territory for ÂŁ5,000,000
sterling. We would have to pay
our share of that, and we would have to pay our share of all their extravagance.
Within the last
ten years the expenditure of Canada has
increased four-fold. It has been stated
at several public meetings that it was
not the intention of the Conference. or
rather the Government of Canada, to undertake the construction of this road from River
du Loup to Truro. but they
were to give $12,000,000 as a free gift
to a company to build it. That's $12,000,000 could be obtained under the Imperial
guarantee at four per cent., the
interest on which would amount to
$480,000. We had submitted to us last
year the report of the Controller of
Customs; and it is a most extraordinary
coincidence that according to his calculations of what our revenue of last year
would have been by the adoption of the
Canadian tariff, we would have paid
into Canada the precise sum of $180,000,
which would have been the interest on
the whole sum required to build the
road.
A few years ago, at the beginning of
the war, there was a foolish and excessive sympathy shown, by some of the
people of these Provinces, for the Southern states and their cause. We know
that in several places, and in our
own Province amongst the rest,
expeditions were fitted out against
the Northern States. A body of
men went from St. John to take
the Chesapeake, and the Government
did not do their duty to the United States,
for they should have taken means to have
punished a crime like that. We know
that such things occurred throughout Canada, but when the fortune of war turned, they
soon quailed before the increasing strength of the neighboring Republic,
and to satisfy the Government of the
United States, they psssed the Alien Act,
that deprived any stranger coming into
the country of his legal rights. It enabled
any person to go to a Magistrate and say,
I suspect such a one, and he was imprisoned without the benefit of the habeus
corpus. Having passed this Act, they
were relieved of certain restrictions which
were placed upon these Provinces. I was
told by some of the hotel keepers of St.
John that we must do something to satisfy the people of the United States, for
those restrictions were ruining their business. I said I would never consent to the
passage of any law that would virtually
bar this country against the stranger or
the alien, and any law this kind I
104 DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1866.
would consider an insult to the independence of this people, for we should maintain
our independence no matter what our losses may be. If we had been into Confederation,
we would have had the Alien Law too, and no Southern refugees would have dared to
linger about our streets. Our land would no longer have been an asylum for the unfortunate,
and while we shared in the glory of Canada, we should have drunk to the dregs that
cup of humiliation. The remark was made during the course of the debate that it was
a pity that we had to go as five different Provinces, to negotiate concerning the
Reciprocity Treaty. If we could all act as one country, and have our interests in
common, how much more influence we would have, and how much better terms we could
get. If nothing else would satisfy the people of this Province that they are better
off out of Confederation, the proceedings at Washington ought to do so, and we should
be glad that Mr. Galt had no authority to speak for us.
It is said that Canada would reduce her tariff, that there were to be two additional
Legislatures and two additional Governments ; we were to have the inter Colonial Railway
build, and were to buy out the North Pole ; we were to open up the canals, and the
Northwest territory ; we were to support a great army and navy ; we were to keep up
bridges, schools and all additional expenses, and do it for a smaller sum than we
now require. To prove this, they pile figures together until ordinary minds cannot
distinguish falsehood from truth. It is perfectly absurd, and insulting to the intelligence
of the people, to tell them all this can be done for a less sum of money than is now
expended. Under the tariff as it stood last year, we pay to the General Govern ment
$700,000, and we receive for local purposes only $201,000. In thirty years our population
is likely to be doubled and of course our revenue will be increased in proportion,
but it will all have to be absorbed in the maelstrom at Ottawa, while we will receive
only $201,000, notwithstanding our increased expenses. We came here to oppose that
scheme The hon. leader of the Opposition said Confederation had nothing to do with
this question. If he got a majority he would speak differently. It is very well for
him to make that assertion now for the sake of getting the votes of those who proclaim
themselves to be anti-Confederates. This is precisely the same as was done at the
York election. My hon. friend (Mr. F.) got people to vote for him as an anti- Confederate,
little supposing they would find themselves declared converts to the Confederation
scheme. It has been said that there is some scheme of Confederation in the Speech.
The very men who abused the Government of the country because they did not publish
dispatches the moment they received them, now turn round and say, because you say
you have received certain dispatches, and presume to submit those dispatches, you
prove to us that you have some foul design against the liberties of the people. I
undertake to say they have no scheme to submit. If they had a scheme I should judge
of it as it deserved. If there be any attempt to force Confederation upon us, I shall
be found one of the most resolute opponents of such a scheme. I believe the Imperial
Government has a right to hold communication with this House. Mr. Cardwell has a right
to require that any
dispatch which he chooses to send out shall be submitted to the House, and it is the
duty of the Government to submit them. They do not commit themselves when they express
the hope that those dispatches which they submit shall receive that respect and attention
which is due to suggestions emanating from so high a source. It is quite true that
the paragraph in the Speech is broad enough to cover anything. It frequently happens
that the language of the Speech is very enigmatical, even in regard to the Reform
Bill now before the Imperial Parliament, there is no promise in the Speech that such
a bill would be introduced. The members of the Government have been repeatedly asked
whether they intended to bring in a Scheme of Confederation, and they have declared
they have no such intention. I feel bound to believe what they say until I see good
reason to the contrary. As the Amendment stands, it strikes out of the Address the
passage which says the rights and interests of the people of this Province must be
protected. This is the one portion of this whole Address that this Amendment swept
away : to all other parts they have no objection. This is the most serious blunder,
and I think the whole proceeding is a blunder, for it he had allowed the Address to
pass, and then brought in a motion of Want of Confidence, he could have received all
the document he choos ed to ask for ; neither will he have the privilege of making
the last speech, for there are other paragraphs to pass and other members will have
an opportunity of replying. I have made repeated allusion to the extraordinary position
in which I have found myself placed in this country, without having done anything
to deserve it. While those attacks are made on me, I do not allow myself to feel annoyed
because I feel conscious that I do not deserve them. No man can injure me in the estimation
of my friends, or in my business, but if the late York election is any criterion of
the state of things that exist in this Province, if those misrepresentations upon
my character had the effect, which it is said they had, it is a reason why I should
stand here and refute those attacks as I am now prepared to do. It was reported that
I was proclaimed a traitor by the successful candidate ; he has denied that he said
so, but we know from experience that it is exceedingly difficult to know what he says.
His voice is clear and distinct, but there may be something in the atmosphere which
does not harmonize with it. It may be that ordinary mortals cannot distinguish the
sounds which he utters Certain it is that while he positively and repeatedly denies
that he said certain things, almost every person imagined they heard him utter them.
When he denies that he uttered a certain word or expression, I am bound to accept
that denial, and act as if the denial was true. I do not mean to say that the denial
is not true an apology may satisfy for a charge of that kind, but the most complete,
the most abject disgusting apology any man can conceive, is when he who has uttered
such words afterwards says, I never uttered them. I cannot believe any man holding
his head erect or any man who is thought worthy by his fellow-men to occupy a seat
in this House, would ever be guilty of conduct so contemptible. I prefer to believe
when he says " I did not use such words," he says
what he believes to be true. I am prepared to meet the charge of treason, and to vindicate
my character from the day I came to the use of reason to this hour ; but as my hon.
friend denies making the charge, I am on that point most thoroughly vindicated. The
hon. member (Mr. F.) does admit making several charges against me ; one of them was
that I challenged the people of York to do what I did not. I have often been called
a scoundrel, traitor, and every description of vile names in the category, but I have
yet to learn that I have been called a fool, and surely nothing could be more foolish
and absurd on my part— wishing, as I did, that the people of York would speak out
as they had spoken before on the great question of Confederation—than to challenge
the people of York to exercise their free will, or to say anything that implied that
they had not the right to act as they thought proper. I did put a challenge in my
paper, but it was not a challenge to the people of York. I thought they were then
prepared, as they were before, to fight for their country against Confederation. I
had no idea that they were going to be called to fight against me. (
Mr. Anglin then read his challenge to the confederates of York, to bring out a confederate
to test public opinion in regard to confederation, and after commenting on this, he
read Mr. Fisher's address to the electors of York, on which he also made some comments.)
Mr. Anglin continued. He (Mr. Fisher) said he was forced out by the challenge, to
vindicate the people of York against a man who thus dare insult them, and who sympathised
with the enemies of the country during the Crimean war and the Indian Mutiny. (
Mr. Fisher.—True.) It is untrue ; if he (Mr. F.) believed me to be a traitor, he should not
have worked with me day and night in the House of Assembly, or been willing to take
me into the Government if he had got the chance to form one. He should have turned
his back on me and said, " You may have talent and strength, but with men of such
a description of loyalty I can have nothing to do." He was glad to accept my support,
take me into his councils and be my intimate friend. I was charged with sympathizing
with the enemies of my country, because during the Crimean war I dared to copy Dr.
Russell's letters to the
London Times. There were many at the commencement of the war who said that to conquer the Russians
was mere holiday amusement. They little knew what was due to British soldiers, for
by thee misrepresentations they were depriving them of the credit and glory due to
their deeds. I believe it was best that the truth should be known, although I was
told that I was offending parties, and would lose my business. I said it was the truth,
and it was my duty as a public journalist to tell the truth. Then, in regard to the
Indian mutiny, an outcry was raised because I stated the truth. After the massacre
at Cawnpore, little garrisons in various parts of the country were surrounded by overwhelming
forces, and deeds of valor were displayed and courage exhibited unexampled in the
history of the world. When the tide turned, we find men clothed with Her Majesty's
commission forgetting humanity, and committing deeds which, according to their own
accounts, were not justifiable. We find
DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY FOR 1866. 105
men who were five hundred miles away
from Cawnpore, and had never heard of
the massacre there, executed without trial
or condemnation. I placed the facts before the public then, as I did in the more
recent affair in Jamaica. where men have
been summarily put to death without one
tittle of evidence against them, and this
affaur is now being enquired into through
a commission appointed by the British
Government, through the influence of religious bodies in England. Fortunately
for the blacks, they happened to be members of a denomination which is just now
very powerful in London; if it was not
so, there might never have been a commission appointed. lt makes no difference to
me whether a man is a Protestant
or a Papist. I deal to all the same measure of justice. I would stand up for the
Musselman, if unoffending, as freely as I
would stand up for my own countrymen.
I am in favor of freedom of speech, and I
attempt to find fault with no man who Â
chooses to address his fellow men as he
pleases ; but there is a limit to freedom
of speech. Â License is not freedom of
speech. A man may utter falsehoods, but
the people; when they find how they have
been deceived, will turn on those men
and teach them a lesson which they never will forget.
It is much to be regretted that this Fenian association exists in the United States.
We here can do nothing to interfere in any way to lessen its power.
There are various opinions in regard to
the object of that association. Some people may think they are the greatest scoundrels
that ever disgraced the face of the
earth; others may consider them mistaken
men who, goaded by the remembrance of
bitter wrongs, are led into foolish paths.
It is hard for anyone who has witnessed the
famine of 1848 to speak harshly of them.
At that time, hundreds of my countrymen
died on the streets of starvation day
after day they disposed of their property
at a sacrifice, to prolong their lives, and
when that was gone, they huddled into
some back place to starve on a pile of
straw, exposed to the pittiless rain and
cold winds; and thus, day after day, they
pined away until they died, and morning
after morning their bodies were thrown
into some pit, and often but half covered
up. Those who have witnessed such
scenes can hardly speak harshly of those
men, whatever they may think of their
present undertaking. If this body of
men should come and attempt to conquer
this Province. their project would not
only be foolish but most wicked, for these
provinces have never given them cause
of offence, but have always oflered an
asylum and a home to their fellow countrymen. No hope of redressing the
wrongs of their native country can justify
them in invading this Province ; Â and if
they did, they would find the Irish people
of this Province ready to take the foremost rank to meet and repel such invasion.
If there was danger, at the time of
the York election, that these parties
would come down upon us like wolves in
the fold, was that the time to create jealousy in the country, by setting race
against race, man against man. Can any
man who really values the peace and welfare of his country, think of such proceedings
without horror?
I spoke yesterday of an address presented by the Canadians to Her Majesty,
asking her to submit to the Imperial Parliament a Bill for a Union of these Provinces,
contrary to our expressed wishes.
I did not expect that conduct to be
repeated by the members of our Legislative Council to-day. I hold in my hand a document
which I think will startle and alarm the people of this Province. I want to speak
with respect of the other
branch of the Legislature. I presume
that in this matter the hon. members of
that House have acted as they thought
best, and I do not want to question their
motives, but they have placed themselves Â
in a most unenviable position. Under
the Quebec Scheme, ten of the Legislative Councillors are selected from the
small body of eighteen members in the
Upper House. This is a large bribe to
offer them, for they sit there for life.
where, as has been remarked, they can
see acres of plaster and miles of cornice.
They ought to be careful not to give the
people of this country the slightest cause
of suspicion that they were influenced by
anything of that kind. They are not the
representatives of the people of this Province, and they have no authority to
speak in their behalf. They, acting without the concurrence of this House, will
scarcely be regarded more than a mere
aggregation of individuals. Shall it be
said that gentlemen selected as they have
been, by the Government—by the Crown,
representatives of the men appointed to
choose them, some of them not representatives at all—shall be heard above the
representatives of the people? They
have undertaken to address Her Majesty,
asking her not simply to give a favorable Â
consideration to Confederation, but boldly asking her to lay a Bill before the
Imperial Parliament to sweep away the
independence of this Province. I regret
it exceedingly on their own behalf, but
beyond that I am delighted, as it shows
their animus. It shows what they think
of the people and the people's rights.
The address is as follows :—
"To the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty :
"MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN: We your Majesty's faithful and loyal subjects, the Legislative
Council in Provincial Parliament assembled, humbly approach your Majesty with the
conviction that a union of all your Majesty's British North American Colonies based
on the resolutions
adopted at the Conference of delegates
from these several Colonies, held at Quebec on the 10th day of October, 1864. is
an object highly to be desired, essential
to their future prosperity and influence.
and calculated alike to strengthen and
perpetuated the ties which bind them to
your gracious Majesty's throne and Government, and humbly pray that your
Majesty may be graciously pleased to
cause a measure to be submitted to the
Imperial Parliament for the purpose of
thus uniting the Colonies of Canada,
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Prince Edward's Island into
one Government."
These gentlemen may have acted from
the best motives, but they had no right
to act in that way, while the representatives of the people were debating the
same subjects and in so doing they have
insulted the Government. They should
not have gone beyond passing a resolution in favor of adopting the scheme and
asking the concurrence of the House.
That would have been going to the extreme limit of their power and authority,
and I think the Imperial Government
have too high a regard for constitutional
principles to pay the slightest attention
to a document of that kind. They will
regard it as an attempt of those men to get possession of those ten seats in the
upper House at Ottawa. Should this scheme come before us, we will speak on behalf
of the people and say, in this matter the people of the Province are the parties who
have a right to speak and determine concerning this matter.
 MR. WETMORE.— Will this anti-Confederate Government permit an answer to
be given to this address, unless they
think proper to take the entire and complete responsibility of it?'
MR. ANGLIN.—My hon. friend may
put his question to the Government.
MR. GILBERT.— Before my hon.
friend concludes his addess, I would like
to ask him whether he is opposed to all Â
political union with Canada.Â
MR. ANGLIN.—The hon. member has
put a serious question which requires an
extended answer. I do not believe at
the present time a political union of any
kind can be formed with Canada which
would be a benefit to the people of this Province. I do not know of any one opposed
to union in the abstract, but my impression is that the time has not arrived for
any kind of union, and I will
oppose it to the last. At present the
Provinces are distinct communities with
conflicting interests, and the Quebec Scheme does not reconcile them, and the difficulties
can only be overcome by sacrificing the Lower Provinces altogether. lf any new scheme
comes up, it will be
for the people to decide upon its merits,
and I trust they will retain the power in
their own hands to finally settle the destiny of this Province. I will now thank
the House for their attention and close
my remarks. Â Â
The House was adjourned until 10
o'clock Monday morning, the debate to
be resumed at 11 A. M.
T.P.D.
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