Title-page 10–12 His non
. . . vana ‘The rabble does not enjoy these. And in truth all
the pleasure of the knights, too, has now passed from the ear to the
vain delights of the fickle eye.’ From Horace,
Epist.,
2.1.186–8,
his nam . . . vana, where
his, ‘these’, refers to entertainments, ‘a bear or boxers’,
which the rabble will call for in the middle of a play, and
equitis denotes the order of ‘knights’ (
equites; see
4.2.381n.) who were entitled, by law, to occupy the first
fourteen rows in the Roman theatre. Jonson changes
nam
(an affirmative) to
non, and so makes the quotation
announce an attitude to his readers or audience, whatever their social
status, similar to that in his address ‘To the Reader in Ordinary’.
Title-page 4–8 A Tragœdie . . . B.I.] F1; VVritten / by / Ben: Ionson. Q
9 HORAT.] F1; not
in Q
14 WILIAM STANSBY] F1;
Walter Burre Q
15 M. DC. XVI.] F1; 1611 Q
14 WILLIAM
STANSBY London printer and bookseller, baptized 1572, d. 1638;
produced the 1616 folio edition of Jonson’s
Works, as
well as Sir Walter Ralegh’s
History of the World and
books by John Donne, William Camden, John Selden, Sir Francis Bacon, and
others; see Bland,
1995 and
1998b, and Gants,
1999. The 1611 quarto edition of
Catiline had been published by the London stationer,
Walter Burre, who during the twenty-four years of his career had
published eight plays, four of which are by Jonson:
EMI (Q),
Cynthia,
Alch., and
Cat. He was known for
successfully publishing plays that failed onstage. His technique was to
emphasize not their theatrical but their literary status and aim them at
a specific, educated social group: see Lesser (1999). He secured
copyright (or controlling interest) in Jonson’s most important plays:
see Brooks (2000), 134; Loewenstein (
2002), 189.
1 WILLIAM, EARL OF
PEMBROKE (1580–1630), son of Sir Philip Sidney’s sister, Mary
Herbert, Countess of Pembroke, ‘received more dedications in the early
seventeenth century than any other aristocrat’ (Evans,
1989, 107). He was
one of Jonson’s most distinguished patrons, and sent him £20 every New
Year’s Day ‘to buy books’ (
Informations, 239–40). Jonson also dedicated
his
Epigrams to Pembroke; he eulogized him in
Epigr.
102 and in
Gypsies (Windsor), 324ff. By the
time F1 was published (1616), Pembroke was Lord Chamberlain and so had
supervisory power over the theatres; and the addition of this title to
the Dedicatory Epistle gives special force to Jonson’s stress on the
legitimacy of the play.
Dedicatory Epistle 1 Title LORD
CHAMBERLAIN] F1; not in Q
3 Posterity
Like the fictive Cicero in this play (
5.3.247) and the historical Cicero
–
In Catilinam (‘Against Catiline’, hereafter
In Cat.) 3.11.26 – Jonson trusts that ‘posterity’ will
appreciate his achievement – and that ‘honour and thanks’ (5–6) will
accrue to Pembroke for appreciating it now.
3 your benefit
the favour you bestow on me.
4 jig-given
fond of frivolous entertainment. Jigs (song-and-dance afterpieces) were
a popular feature of the public theatres, scorned by Jonson in
Alch., ‘To the Reader’, 4–5 (‘the concupiscence of
dances and antics’), and
Bart. Fair, Induction, 98–9 (‘the
concupiscence of jigs and dances’).
5 legitimate
conforming to rules; here, of tragedy. Cf. Sej., ‘To
the Readers’, 4ff., where Jonson explains how and why that tragedy could
be objected to as ‘no true poem’.
5 noise of
opinion common talk (
OED, Noise n. 2 obs.) among the majority of
people (
OED, Opinion n. 1c).
6 crude
undigested, not completely thought out (
OED, Crude a. 6).
6 airy
superficial.
7 judgement . . .
error See .
7 vindicate
set free, deliver. Cf. the title of Merc. Vind.
8 race kind.
The reference is here to the genre of tragedy. Sejanus
was the first and only previous tragedy by Jonson to have been published
(Q, 1603) though he had written earlier tragedies that do not survive
(see Introduction to Lost Plays, vol. 1). The 1603 quarto of Sejanus carried no dedication, but when the play was
reprinted in the 1616 folio it was gratefully dedicated to Jonson’s
patron, Esmé Stuart, Lord Aubigny. The present dedication suggests that
Jonson in 1611 regarded Catiline as technically
superior to Sejanus.
9 censure
judgement (
OED, n. 3 obs.).
But the image of appearing before a ‘magistrate’ (
11) also activates the meaning of
‘judicial sentence’ (
OED, 1 obs.). As in
the reference to Pembroke’s ability to ‘vindicate truth from error’
(
7), literary and
political allusions are fused. He is a true ‘magistrate’, such as wished
for by the Chorus,
2.1.403. Cf. .
10 innocency
an innocent person.
11 magistrate
justice of the peace (
OED, n. 3, though the
earliest example is from 1688). For the idea and its expression here,
cf.
Epigr.
17, 1–4, where Jonson, who wishes ‘legitimate fame’ for his
poems, is not afraid to submit them to the ‘censure’ of a ‘learned
critic’ whom ‘others’ (i.e. bad poets) ‘fear, fly’, ‘As guilty men do
magistrates’. In its other meaning – ‘a member of the executive
government’, ‘in a republic, usually the president’ (
OED,
n. 2, or, in Rome, the consul) – the
word ‘magistrate’ recurs in the play, in passages concerned with what
makes good or bad rule (see ;
3.1.103;
3.2.253;
4.1.45;
4.7.54).
12 Lordship’s] F1 (Lo.)
12 honourer
one who honours someone.
0 To the Reader in
Ordinary] Q; not in F1
To the Reader in Ordinary 1 To the common reader. The phrase ‘in ordinary’ is
added to official designations, as opposed to ‘extraordinary’. Here the
sense veers towards ‘vulgar’, as Jonson in his two addresses ‘To the
Reader’ makes a distinction – one which, as
H&S point out, ‘threatened to
become a commonplace’ – between two types of readers, those without and
those with proper understanding of his work. These two addresses, not in
the 1616 folio, should be understood in the context of 1611. See
Introduction.
1 meddling
(1) interference; (2) joining the brawl (i.e. ‘noise of opinion’,
Dedicatory, Epistle, 5) (
OED, vbl.
n. 2
obs.).
2 title
title-page.
2 tricking
over toying, or trifling, with.
2–3 departed . . .
abroad. Cf.
Bart. Fair, Induction, 65–6 (‘the author
having now departed with his right’), and
Epigr.
131.1–2.
3 so . . .
chance I am so confident a judge of my case (i.e. the merit of
my play).
4 praise . . .
dispraise Cf.
Epigr. 61, ‘Thy praise or dispraise is to me
alike; / One doth not stroke me, nor the other strike.’
5 with the
people as the majority have done.
6 Cicero . . .
school Jonson would have read Cicero at Westminster – see
T. W. Baldwin (
1944), ch. 16.
6 in regard
because.
7 charge
responsibility. Cf.
Bart. Fair, Induction, 65.
8 that i.e.
Cicero’s oration.
10 that i.e.
some power of judgement.
10–11 The commendation
. . . few Many can praise good things; only a few understand
why they are good. For ‘approbation’, meaning ‘the action of proving
true; . . . proof’, see
OED, 1 (obs.) and cf.
Lat.
approbatio.
12 affection
Either (1) bias, partiality (
OED, n.
8 obs.); or (2) affectation (
OED,
13 obs.).
12 self-tickling self-gratification.
12 easiness
This could mean several things: (1) indolence, indifference; (2)
indulgence, kindness; (3) the quality of being easily influenced. The
most effective meaning would be (3), as a transition to ‘imitation’
(i.e. praising because others do it).
13 trying
faculty capacity for judgement, i.e. only knowledge makes you
a proper judge.
14 nothing . . .
praise Cf. ‘Shakes. Beloved’, 5.638–42, line 14, (‘what could
hurt her more?’)
0 To the Reader
Extraordinary] Q; not in
F1
To the Reader Extraordinary 1 though. . . otherwise A general rather than personal grudge,
since ‘there was no failure to employ
[Jonson
] for court entertainments’ at the time this was
written (
H&S). Cf.
Bosola on ‘places in the court’,
The
Duchess of Malfi, ed. Brown, 1.1.64–9.
1 To My
Friend] Q; not in F1
To My Friend, Master Ben Jonson 0 Francis Beaumont (1584/5–1616), playwright, began
his career as a disciple of Jonson (
The Woman Hater,
c. 1606); by 1611 he was renowned for his collaboration with
Fletcher in
Philaster, The Maid’s Tragedy, and
A King and No King. His is the only one of the three
commendatory poems on
Catiline to reappear in the 1616
folio. Dryden may have exaggerated when he wrote of ‘Beaumont being so
accurate a judge of plays that Ben Jonson, while he lived, submitted all
his writing to his censure’ (
An Essay of Dramatic
Poesy, ed. Watson, 1962, 1.68), but Jonson addressed a poem to
him, ‘How I do love thee, Beaumont, and thy muse’ (
Epigr. 55) and noted
his early death (
Informations, 138), though he also told Drummond
that ‘Francis Beaumont loved too much himself and his own verses’ (
Informations,
112). See also Bland, 2003a.
1 itched
hankered.
3 catched . . .
voice aimed to appeal to contemporary popular taste.
4 i.e. I would commend the play itself, but not your
decision to write in this style.
5 squared thy
rules set your standard. A pun on ‘square’ as (1) regulate (by
some standard or principle); (2) shape, cut; and on ‘rule’ as (1)
standard of discrimination, criterion; (2) a carpenter’s or mason’s
measuring tool.
6 from
understood from being understood. The ‘three ages’ suggests
that the cultural ‘grow
[ing
] up’
needed for the appreciation of Jonson’s play is on a national, rather
than individual, timescale. Learning to like the play becomes an
absolute measure of cultural maturity. Not to like it, to think one
might ‘outgrow’ it (
9), would in fact be a retrograde step (
10).
1 John Fletcher (1579–1625) was to succeed
Shakespeare (with whom he collaborated in
H8,
TNK and the lost
Cardenio) as the
chief dramatist of the King’s Men. Like Beaumont, his chief collaborator
in the years preceding 1611, he was an admirer of Jonson, who wrote
commendatory verses for his pastoral drama,
The Faithful
Shepherdess, 1610 (3.372), and was later (1618/19) to tell
Drummond that ‘Chapman and Fletcher were loved of him’ (
Informations,
126).
1 To His Worthy
Friend] Q; not in F1
1–2 Fletcher seems to be remembering Jonson’s
Epigr.
16.10, ‘He that dares damn himself, dares more than
fight.’
6 Pasquil the
assumed name under which a series of anti-puritan satirical pamphlets
were written, some by Thomas Nashe, in the so-called Marprelate
controversy. Pasquil, or Pasquin, was according to tradition a
fifteenth-century Roman with a biting tongue; in Renaissance Rome libels
against the papal government and prominent persons used to be affixed to
a statue bearing his name.
7 Greene’s
dear
Groatsworth Robert
Greene (1558–92), playwright and prose writer, wrote on his deathbed an
autobiographical repentance-novel, Greene’s Groatsworth of
Wit bought with a Million of Repentance (hence the ‘dear’,
punning on the dearly bought wit and the price of the book itself).
7 Tom Coryate
Thomas Coryate (
c. 1577–1617) was most famous for his
volume of travels,
Coryate’s Crudities, published the
same year as the quarto of
Catiline. Though Jonson
added commendatory verses to
Crudities (4.193–5),
references to Coryate in his own work are derogatory; cf.
Bart. Fair,
3.4.100;
Love Rest., 67–8;
Epigr. 129.17;
Und.
13.128.
8 new
Lexicon This refers to
John Florio’s Italian – English dictionary, first published in 1598,
which appeared in a ‘newly much augmented’ edition as Queen
Anna’s New World of Words in 1611.
8 with . . .
pate The phrase seems to refer to Jonson’s detractors rather
than to the ‘
Lexicon’. These, in contrast to those who
‘have their wits about them’ (3) have ‘errant pates’, i.e. erratic,
wandering brains or ‘wits’; and ‘errant’ may also suggest the meaning of
‘erring in opinion, conduct, etc.; deviating from the correct standard’
(
OED, Errant a. 10).
9 ends
scraps, fragments.
10 as wise] Q (as-wise)
12 While the ‘plague’ here is a metaphorical one of
corrupt judgement and taste, in reference to plague-ridden London the
literal meaning is never far away. Though not as virulent as in the peak
years of 1592 and 1603, plague had closed the theatres in London from
July 1608 until Feb. 1610 and again during July–Nov. 1610 and Feb.–Mar.
1611. See Barroll (
1991), 173.
15 shall –]
this edn; shall: Q
17 cold –]
this edn; cold. Q
19 continuance
permanence (
OED, Continuance n. 6 obs.). Fletcher presents a vision of
Jonson’s work as gold ‘stamped’ to form permanently ‘current’ coins.
19–20 where . . .
year i.e. everywhere and forever. The ‘year’ makes the point
that, unlike ‘these things’ (
15),
Catiline,
though stamped like a coin with its date of
publication, is ‘for all time’ (cf. ‘Shakes. Beloved’,
5.638–42, line 43, and also, in
Catiline, the concern
with goodness lasting beyond a ‘year’ of consulship:
2.1.394 and
3.1.76–7).
1 To His Worthy
Beloved Friend] Q; not in
F1
1 Nathan Field (1587–1619 or 20) had acted as a boy
player in
Cynthia, and Jonson told Drummond that ‘Nat
Field was his scholar, and he had read to him the satires of Horace, and
some epigrams of Martial’ (
Informations, 121–2). A dramatist in his own
right, he wrote commendatory verses for
Volp., as did
also both Beaumont and Fletcher; and, as a player with Lady Elizabeth’s
Men, he was written into Cokes’s lines in
Bart.
Fair as ‘Your best actor. Your Field’, 5.3.67.
3 plots . . .
acts A play on the theatrical sense of the words.
8 things i.e.
literary works
10 such . . .
ear a talent like Jonson’s would translate them for us.
11 laureate
crowned with laurels as a symbol of his eminence as a poet. It was not
until 1616 that the King granted Jonson the pension which made him the
first holder of the honour later associated with the title of Poet
Laureate.
12 wanted
lacked, been without.
13 where . . .
move Cf. Dedicatory Epistle to Pembroke, 4n.
17 raises
elevates, i.e. Jonson elevates whatever he chooses to write on, even as
the writing exalts him in dignity. As in the previous sentence (
15–16), where ‘rail
at’ and ‘scorn’ both have ‘censures’ as object, Field is using the
rhetorical figure of syllepsis, in which one word is made to refer to
two or more words in the same sentence.
18 Another syllepsis: whoever dispraises Jonson’s
play dispraises himself, i.e. by demonstrating his low taste. Like both
Beaumont’s and Fletcher’s poems, Field’s harps on the lack of
understanding of Jonson’s ‘Reader in Ordinary’.
18 whosoe’er]
H&S; whosoeuer Q
The Persons of the Play 1 Title] F1; The names of the Actors Q
The Persons of the Play 1 In both Q and F, the characters of the play are
presented in two columns, those involved in the Catilinarian conspiracy
on the left and the others – most, but not all, opposed to the
conspiracy – on the right, the male characters in descending order of
importance or rank, followed (on the left) by the female characters.
Soldiers and servants, though in the right column, will appear in the
service of both sides.
1 SULLA’S
GHOST In 63
bc, the year in which
the play is set, Lucius Cornelius Sulla (born
c. 138
BC) had been dead for some fifteen years. Though he had been responsible
for major legislative reforms aimed at putting power in the hands of the
Senate, in the play he is chiefly remembered for the massacres of people
on the proscription lists he published during his dictatorship, 82–80 BC
(see
1.1n.). His ghost
serves, like a Senecan
umbra, as a sinister prologue
to the tragedy.
1 SULLA’S] F1 (Sylla’s) (‘Sulla’ is spelled ‘Sylla’ throughout Q and F1)
2 CATILINE
The villain-hero of the play, Lucius Sergius Catilina (born 108 BC), of
patrician descent, had fought under Sulla – in history, as in the play –
and benefited from his proscriptions, but later found his political
ambitions thwarted. When the play begins, he is organizing disaffected
(and often dissolute) Romans into a conspiracy with ramifications across
Italy, with the aim of overthrowing the Senate, massacring citizens, and
burning the city of Rome.
2 CICERO The
(flawed) moral hero of the play, Marcus Tullius Cicero (born 106 BC),
best known to Jonson’s educated contemporaries as an orator, writer, and
philosopher, here appears as an astute politician, who, having defeated
Catiline in the consular election for 63 BC (
3.1), saves Rome – by a combination
of careful plotting and powerful oratory – from the destruction planned
by the conspirators.
3 LENTULUS
Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura, of a distinguished family and in the
play obsessed with the idea of becoming the third of the Cornelii to be
‘king’ of Rome (
1.134–40,
255–86), is one of the disaffected politicians drawn into the
conspiracy. He had been Consul in 71 BC, but was expelled from the
Senate in 70 BC (
1.149–50). Though readmitted when elected Praetor for 63 BC,
he became head of the conspiracy in the city after Catiline’s departure.
After his execution (
5.5.171) he was buried by his stepson, Mark Antony.
3 ANTONIUS
Gaius Antonius (an uncle of Mark Antony’s) had served under Sulla during
the Mithradatic Wars, and had earned the nickname ‘Hybrida’
(‘half-beast’) for atrocities committed in Greece. He had been picked by
Catiline as a pliable fellow Consul (
1.1.446–9) in 63 BC, but instead
found himself the consular colleague of Cicero. The play has him keep a
low profile in relation to the conspiracy; later (59 BC) he was to be
exiled for extortion in Macedonia, the province allotted to him by
Cicero (
3.2.240–5),
and for involvement with the Catilinarians; later still, recalled from
exile by Caesar, he became Censor under the Triumvirate (42 BC).
4 CETHEGUS
Caius Cornelius Cethegus, from a branch of the patrician Cornelii, has
left a record only as the most radical of the Catilinarian conspirators.
In the play Catiline describes him as ‘bold Cethegus, / Whose valour I
have turned into his poison’ (
1.140–1), and addresses him as ‘Thou heart of our great
enterprise!’ (
1.228).
4 CATO Marcus
Porcius Cato (born 95 BC), great-grandson of Cato ‘the Censor’ (234–149
BC), was a Tribune-Designate in 63 BC. Though not as dominant a figure
in Roman political life as his famous ancestor had been, his reputation
for fairness and adherence to old Roman principles gave him a position
as the conscience of the Senate, hence the power of his intervention to
secure the execution of the Catilinarians (
5.5.99–147). His suicide in 46 BC
(gruesomely represented at the end of Chapman’s
Tragedy of
Caesar and Pompey, 1604–11) when, as a follower of Pompey, he
refused to accept a pardon from Caesar, earned him the glory of a
martyr. He is the hero of Addison’s
Cato (1713).
5 CURIUS
Quintus Curius, described by Sallust as ‘a man of no mean birth but
guilty of many shameful crimes, whom the censors had expelled from the
Senate because of his immorality’ (Bellum Catilinae,
‘The War with Catiline’, 23.1; hereafter Bell. Cat.),
becomes a key figure in the plot of the play by revealing Catiline’s
designs to Curius’s mistress, Fulvia, who in turn reports them to
Cicero.
5 CATULUS
Quintus Lutatius Catulus, at the time of the play’s action, had a long
political career behind him and was an acknowledged leader of the
aristocratic party (
optimates). He had quarrelled with
Crassus and was an enemy of Caesar, who defeated him in the election for
the chief pontificate in 63 BC. The failure of his attempt to throw
suspicion on Caesar for involvement in Catiline’s conspiracy (
5.3.6–8) led to a
decline in his authority, and he died soon thereafter.
6 AUTRONIUS
Publius Autronius Paetus takes a very small part in the play, where he
follows Catiline, as a disaffected politician. A friend of Cicero in
youth and Quaestor with him in 75 BC, he was elected Consul for 65 BC
together with Publius Cornelius Sulla; but both were prosecuted for ambitus, electoral malpractice, and lost the
consulship. He was involved both in the so-called first Catilinarian
conspiracy (see .) and in the conspiracy of 63 BC, and was exiled
in 62 BC.
6 CRASSUS
Marcus Licinius Crassus, notorious profiteer in the proscriptions under
Sulla and Consul (with Pompey) in 70 BC, was head of the popular party
(populares). He funded Catiline’s electoral
campaign but managed, as in the play, to avoid incriminating involvement
in his conspiracy. With Caesar and Pompey he formed the first
Triumvirate in 59 BC; he was Consul, again with Pompey, in 55 BC, and
was killed in Syria, fighting the Parthians, in 54 BC.
7 VARGUNTEIUS
Lucius Vargunteius, a Senator (according to Sallust,
Bell.
Cat., 28.1), is in the play a ‘client’ of Cicero and,
pretending to make a ceremonial morning call, leads a failed
assassination attempt on the Consul (
3.5).
7 CAESAR In
63 BC, Gaius Julius Caesar was head of the state religion (
pontifex maximus; see
5.3.206) and was rising to power as
a politician at the head of the popular party. In the play he is in
covert support of Catiline’s conspiracy, but Cicero finds it politic not
to recognize this openly (
5.3.275;
5.5.163). Caesar was of course later to gain fame as a
brilliant general, extending the empire and defeating Pompey in the
civil war (48 BC). He became
dictator perpetuo in
February 44 BC, and was soon thereafter assassinated in the Ides of
March conspiracy led by Brutus and Cassius.
8 LONGINUS
Lucius Cassius Longinus, a disaffected Senator, is ordered by Catiline
to ‘take the charge o’the firing’ of Rome (
3.3.141–2). In fact, though not in
the play, he was executed with Lentulus and others.
8 QUINTUS] F1 (QV.)
8 QUINTUS
CICERO In the play, Cicero’s younger brother, Quintus Tullius
Cicero, takes the part of his assistant. Historically, as a member of
Caesar’s staff in Gaul, Quintus was later to take part in the invasion
of Britain in 54 BC. Later still he joined Pompey in the civil war.
After returning to Rome, he became a victim of the proscriptions
following Caesar’s assassination (43 BC).
9 LAECA
Marcus Portius Laeca, a Senator, joined the conspiracy and, as in the
play (
3.3), allowed his
house to be used for a crucial meeting of the Catilinarians on the night
between 6 and 7 November, 63 BC.
9 LAECA]
F1 (Lecca) (and
throughout F1)
9 SILANUS] F1 (Syllanvs) (and throughout F1)
9 SILANUS
Decimus Junius Silanus, brother-in-law of the play’s Cato, had failed to
gain the consulship for 64 BC, but succeeded in 63 BC for 62 BC, and so
(
5.5.18) was
Consul-Elect when the Senate debated the fate of the Catilinarian
conspirators.
10 FULVIUS
Marcus Fulvius Nobilior is mentioned by Sallust (Bell.
Cat., 17.4) as a member of the conspiracy belonging to the rank
of equites, i.e. the well-to-do but non-senatorial
upper class. His part in the play is slight.
10 FLACCUS As
Praetor in 63 BC, Lucius Valerius Flaccus played an important role in
the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy. After governing Asia as
Propraetor in 62–61 BC, he was accused of extortion, but was
successfully defended by Cicero, a version of whose speech at the trial
has come down to us as Pro Flacco.
11 BESTIA
Lucius Bestia was a Tribune (
tribunus plebes: Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 43.1) in 63 BC. As a member of the
conspiracy he appears in the play mainly to make indecent advances to
one of Catiline’s pages (
1.505–12).
11 POMTINIUS
Gaius Pomtinius (whose name appears in the historical sources in a
variety of spellings, including Pomptinius and Pomtinus) was, like
Flaccus, a Praetor in 63 BC, and instrumental in defeating the
Catilinarians. Famed as a commander of troops, he was to lead the force
which in 61 BC quelled an Allobroginian uprising; after long delay he
was allowed a Roman triumph in 54 BC.
12 GABINIUS
Publius Gabinius Capito, a member of the conspiracy of the
equites rank, seems for his brutality to have acquired the
epithet of Cimber (see .). He is one of the
conspirators executed in
5.5.
12 SANGA
Quintus Fabius Sanga, a Senator in 63 BC, was hereditary patron of the
Allobroges. His only claim to fame in history, as in the play (
4.4), is that he informed
on the Catilinarian conspirators as they attempted to enlist the support
of the Allobroges.
13 STATILIUS
Lucius Statilius was a conspirator of
equites rank. In
the play, Catiline places him, with Longinus, in charge of setting fire
to Rome (
3.3.141–2).
He is executed in
5.5.
14 ALLOBROGES
On the ambassadors from the Allobroges, a Celtic people of central Gaul,
see .
15 CORNELIUS
Publius Cornelius Sulla, nephew of the dictator Sulla, was
Consul-Designate for 65 BC, but with his colleague Autronius (see . above) was
convicted of bribing voters and deprived of his consulship. Historically
his involvement with the Catilinarian conspiracy is uncertain. When
accused of complicity in the trials which followed in 62 BC, he was
defended by Cicero and acquitted. In the play he joins Vargunteius in
the assassination attempt on Cicero (
3.5).
15 PETREIUS
Marcus Petreius, with thirty years of military experience behind him
(
4.6.6–11),
commands the army which defeats Catiline at Pistoria; he recounts the
battle in
5.5.210–69.
Later, as a legate of Pompey, he was to fight against Caesar and, when
eventually defeated, kill himself in a suicide pact with the Numidian
king, Juba (46 BC).
16 VOLTURCIUS
Salllust mentions ‘a certain Titus Volturcius of Crotona’ who was sent
with the Allobroges to meet Catiline on their way home to Gaul (
Bell. Cat., 44.3). He plays an ignominious part in his
capture at the Mulvian Bridge in
4.7 of Jonson’s drama, and in
5.3 is fearful and ready
to tell all to the Senate.
16 VOLTURCIUS] F1 (Voltvrtivs) (and throughout F1)
17 AURELIA
Aurelia Orestilla, Catiline’s second wife, after he had ‘removed’ the
first (as well as his son) to make room for her (
1.115–17), becomes his agent in
drawing Roman wives into the conspiracy.
17–20 ]
each column indented, F1
18 FULVIA Not
to be confused with the politically active wife of Mark Antony (see Ant., 1.1), this Fulvia – described by Sallust as mulier nobilis, ‘a woman of high rank’ (Bell. Cat., 23.3) – is an upper-class courtesan who, through
her liaison with Curius, becomes instrumental in betraying the
Catilinarian conspiracy to Cicero.
18 LICTORS
Attendants who walked before certain Roman magistrates, such as consuls,
dictators, and praetors, carrying the fasces or bundle
of wooden rods enclosing an axe as symbol of high authority (originally,
kingship). A consul had twelve lictors, a praetor six (Such numbers were
no doubt reduced to a token on stage.)
19 SEMPRONIA
Self-appointed politician and leader of the women in Catiline’s
conspiracy, Sempronia plays a largely comic part in the play (
2.1;
3.3.190–225;
4.5). Sallust treats her talents,
wit, and learning – though not her morals – with rather more respect
(
Bell. Cat., 25). No other surviving account of
the conspiracy mentions her involvement.
20 GALLA
Fulvia’s waiting woman, a character invented by Jonson.
21 GUARDS / executioners]
this edn; not in F1
22 CHORUS
While voicing the collective attitudes and feelings of the people of
Rome, the Chorus lines at the end of Acts 1, 2, 3, and 4 were probably
spoken by a single actor; but as part of the political scene in
3.1, a group of citizens
is clearly envisaged – see
3.1.1SDn.
23 THE SCENE: ROME] F1; not in Q
23 Except for the two scenes,
5.1 and
5.4, where Petreius and Catiline
respectively address the soldiers, all the action takes place in Rome,
or just outside the city, at the Mulvian Bridge (
4.7). The location of Catiline’s last
camp and fatal battle is in the neighbourhood of Pistoria, present-day
Pistoia, a Tuscan city twenty-one miles north-west of Florence.
Half-title]
this edn; not in Q 1.1] F1 (Act I.)
0 SD] Q2; Sylla’s
Ghost. F1
1 The first act of the play is one long scene, in
which Catiline establishes the motivation for his conspiracy and
initiates his fellow conspirators into its strategy and aims. It opens
with a theatrical shock; a ghost rises from the underworld to foreshadow
the horrors to come – a device which would be familiar to Jonson’s
readers from several Senecan tragedies and would remind audiences at the
Globe or Blackfriars of Kyd’s Spanish Tragedy, or the
entry of Envy in Jonson’s own Poet.
1 sulla’s
ghost Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix was the leading figure in
the civil war of 83–82 BC which ended in his appointment as dictator;
the subsequent, legalized massacres of his proscription lists in 81 BC
turned his name into a synonym for ferocious cruelty. In Lucan’s
De
bello, 1, which seems to have been much on Jonson’s
mind when writing this act, Sulla’s Ghost rises (580–1) to prophesy the
disaster of civil war. Catiline had been an ardent supporter of Sulla,
who is often referred to in the course of the play; and the Ghost’s
appearance here, to urge Catiline to cruelties greater than his own,
links his blood-guilt with that of the play’s protagonist, much as
happens when the Ghosts of Tantalus and Thyestes introduce,
respectively, Seneca’s
Thyestes and his
Agamemnon. Entering, like these, from Hades (‘hell’,
23), Sulla’s Ghost is
likely to have appeared onstage from the trap-door, since the
below-stage area was symbolically associated with hell. The metrical
form of his speech – rhyming couplets throughout – sets it off from the
rest of the play. Jonson spells his name ‘Sylla’, though Sallust has
‘Sulla’; he is ‘Silla’ in Heywood’s translations of Sallust (
1608) and ‘Scilla’
in Lodge’s play
The Wounds of Civil War (Q 1594).
4 quick falls
imminent destruction (
OED, Fall n. 18). As
a prediction of the ‘fall’ of Rome it will be proved wrong by the end of
the play.
6 steep
lofty.
6 their first
beds their very foundations.
7 ruin
collapse (from Lat. ruere, to fall).
8 thy . . .
hills Situated where the Tiber valley opens to the coastal
plain, Rome was built on, and between, seven hills, of which the most
‘proud’ were the Capitoline and the Palatine.
10 her The
gender of Latin mors, ‘death’, is feminine.
10–15 breath . . . I
do Like the Ghost of Tantalus, in Thyestes,
87–9, Sulla’s Ghost spreads his evil by breathing out dirus
vapor, ‘a dire vapour’, with the pestilential effect of moral
germ warfare. On plague and London theatres, see ‘To His Worthy Friend,
Master Ben Jonson’, (pp. 27–8 above), 12n.
11 the Stygian
sound the river Styx in the world of the dead, Hades, over
which the shades of the departed were ferried.
13 blast
blight.
14 display
spread.
15 thus The
word marks the stage action of ‘discovering’ Catiline, who is
‘displayed’, in the sense of shown or exhibited, and is thus identified
as ‘Infection’.
15 SD
Blackfriars is believed and the Globe is known to have had a
discovery-space in the tiring-house wall, here serving as Catiline’s
study. The Ghost ‘discovers’, i.e. reveals, him by drawing a curtain or
opening a door, and then, though unheard by Catiline at his ‘counsels’
(
16), addresses
him. The structure of the play’s opening, effectively a prologue
introducing the protagonist, who then, in a soliloquy, articulates his
compelling concerns, has precedents in Seneca (e.g.
Thyestes), as well as in Marlowe’s
Doctor
Faustus and
The Jew of Malta, and Jonson’s
Poet.
15 SD] F1 opposite 15–16; not in Q
16 Pluto The
Greek god of the underworld.
16 counsels
deliberations.
21 Gracchi, Cinna,
Marius All these were, in various ways, Roman revolutionaries.
The brothers Tiberius and Gaius Sempronius Gracchus, both tribunes, each
in turn introduced land and social reform programmes; these were
violently resisted by conservative senators who had the brothers
murdered in, respectively, 133 and 121 BC. The tribunate of Tiberius
‘marks the beginning of . . . the introduction of murder into politics’
(
OCD, 1385). Lucius Cornelius
Cinna, Consul in 87 BC, joined Gaius Marius, the leader of the popular
party (
populares), in horrible vengeance on the
aristocratic party (
optimates). Marius’s rivalry with
Sulla caused the first civil war in 88 BC.
24 Hannibal
The celebrated Carthaginian general who tried, but failed, to conquer
Rome but who also would not ‘have wished to see’ it destroyed. The
phrase has a verbatim source in Florus, Epitome,
2.12.2, quicquid nec Hannibal videretur optasse.
25 practise
act.
27 than] F2;
then F1
27 facts evil
deeds, crimes (
OED, Fact n. 1c obs.).
28 Not . . .
acts Be mentioned only in order to spur you on to new deeds.
‘[F]all in mention’ is a
Latinism (in mentionem incidere).
29 Conscience
Consciousness. Sallust stresses that Catiline’s spirit was goaded by conscientia scelerum, i.e. his consciousness of the
crimes he had already committed (Bell. Cat., 5.7).
30–1 Be . . .
sense Let . . . remain in your awareness.
30–42 The catalogue of Catiline’s former crimes is based
on Sallust, Bell. Cat., 15, Plutarch, Cicero, 10, and briefer references in Cicero, In
Cat., 1.6.14.
31 forcing
raping.
31 a vestal
nun a Roman patrician virgin consecrated to Vesta, the goddess
of the hearth-fire, and required to maintain strict sexual purity.
Accused of this crime (against Fabia, half-sister of Terentia, Cicero’s
wife), Catiline was in fact acquitted.
32–4 Thy . . .
nuptials According to Sallust,
Bell. Cat.,
15.2–3, in a phrase echoed here, it was generally believed
necato filio vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis fecisse, that
Catiline ‘murdered his son in order to make an empty house for this
criminal marriage’ to Aurelia Orestilla. Cicero,
In
Cat., 1.6.14, insists that he had first murdered his wife. Cf.
1.1.14–17.
32 parricide
murder of a near relative (not necessarily a father).
32 only] F1;
naturall Q
35 blaze
infamous crime. Not recorded in a substantive sense by
OED, but cf. Blaze,
v. 2, 2+d. Q reads
‘fame’, i.e. infamy (
OED, n.1 4 obs.); cf. Lat.
fama.
35 blaze] F1;
fame Q
36 at once . . .
wife According to Plutarch, Cicero, 10,
Catiline was accused of incest with his daughter. The Ghost of Thyestes
in Seneca’s Agamemnon elaborates (as do both
Clytemnestra and Electra later in that play) on the paradoxically
perverted family relationships produced by his identical crime of
incest.
37 leave
refrain from mentioning (whereupon he does not quite refrain).
39–41 Thy murder . . .
fact Plutarch, Sulla, 32, describes this
post-dated proscription of the brother Catiline had murdered as ‘the
most monstrous’ of the proscription evils. Cf. Plutarch, Cicero, 10.
43 light
slight, trivial. Cf.
Sej., 2.150–1, ‘Adultery? It is the lightest
ill / I will commit.’
44 mischief
evil-doing, wickedness (
OED, n. 6 obs.). This word, with a weight of evil unrecognized
by its modern meaning, recurs throughout the play.
47 defeated
once in an abortive attempt to murder the consuls and members
of the Senate, known as the first Catilinarian conspiracy. See .
47 thou’st] F1 (th’hast)
47 known
discovered.
49–52 Cf. , and also
Epigr. 32, ‘On Sir
John Roe’.
50 Verbal echo of Lucan, De bello,
6.670–1, where, as the witch Erictho mixes a brew to revive a corpse,
Huc quidquid fetu genuit natura sinistro /
Miscetur, ‘With this was blended all that nature inauspiciously
gives birth to’. ‘Sinister’ is stressed, as in Latin sinister, on the second syllable.
51 reach unto
achieve.
52 surfeits
sicknesses (usually caused by intemperance).
54 conquer all
example outdo all instances of evil.
55–62 Closely echoing the Fury in
Thyestes, as he urges the Ghost of Tantalus to goad Atreus
into unexampled crimes:
nec vacet cuiquam vetus / odisse
crimen – semper oriatur novum, / nec unum in uno, dumque punitur
scelus, / crescat (‘let time be given to none to hate old sins
– ever let new arise, many in one, and let crime, even while it is being
punished, increase’,
29–32);
non sit a vestris malis / immune caelum
– cur micant stellae polo / flammaeque servant debitum mundo decus?
/ nox alia fiat, excidat caelo dies. / misce penates, odia caedes
funera / arcesse et imple Tantalo totam domum (‘by our sins let
not heaven be untainted – why do the stars glitter in the sky? Why do
their fires preserve the glory due the world? Let the face of night be
changed, let day fall from heaven. Embroil thy household gods, summon up
hatred, slaughter, death, and fill the whole house with Tantalus’,
47–53).
59 care (1)
sorrow; (2) concern; caution (
OED, n.1 1 obs.;
3).
60 impiety
want of right feeling (towards men and gods) (Lat. impietas).
63 this
half-sphere i.e. the hemisphere of the earth illuminated by
the sun.
63 blinded
deprived of light, here also with the figurative sense of (self-)
deceived. What the return of light (or enlightenment) will mean is
ironically foreshadowed in
65–6.
68 that so
that.
68–9 repeat . . .
muster make a roll-call of our forces.
70–2 And furies . . .
theirs The Ghost’s wish – that the conspirators, as avenging
or tormenting spirits (‘furies’), not only become like, but even outdo,
the avenging goddesses (Lat.
Furiae) – is to be
strangely fulfilled in the account of Catiline’s final battle, where the
furies ‘trembled to see men / Do more than they’ (
5.5.236–8).
71 may] F1; doth
Q
72 SD]
G, subst. (Sinks); not in F1
73 decreed
decided (with reference to doing something). Cf.
Ado, 1.3.25: (Don
John) ‘I have decreed not to sing in my cage.’ Unlike the audience,
Catiline, as he emerges from his ‘study’, has not heard the Ghost, whose
words, however, may be thought to have reflected what has been going on
in Catiline’s mind.
75 would
through would force through.
77 lave . . .
waters scoop up the waters of the Tyrrhenian Sea (between
Tuscany and Sardinia and Corsica).
79–82 Jonson has merged three Senecan passages:
79–80, ‘The ills . . .
greater’, is a version of the often-quoted tag from
Agamemnon, 115,
per scelera semper sceleribus
tutum est iter;
81–2 combine, from
Thyestes, 267–9 and 280,
Atreus’s sense of a spirit urging on his
pigris
manibus, ‘sluggish hands’, as he wonders why he has so long
lived
innocens, ‘without doing harm’ (cf. Jonson’s
‘innocent’). Ironically, the last we will hear of Catiline is how, in
death, ‘his hands still moved, / As if he laboured yet to grasp the
state’ (
5.5.267–8).
86 Close . . .
Atlas Firmly, like Atlas (the Titan who, in classical
mythology, with his own shoulders supports the great columns that hold
earth and sky apart).
88 repulse
rejection (in candidature for an office: Lat. repulsa).
89 voice
vote.
90 Pontic War
Third Mithradatic War, in which Mithradates VI, King of Pontus, was
finally defeated by Pompey (68 BC). Felicius, Sallust folio, col. 461 A,
stresses Catiline’s resentment at not being given the command.
91 stepdame
stepmother. Catiline repeatedly draws on images of family relationships
to express his idea that Rome has treated him unnaturally and so
deserves the outrage he proposes (cf., e.g., ). The image of turning
against the ‘entrails’ (viscera) of one’s own people
echoes the opening of Lucan, De bello, 1.2–3; but
Jonson uses it to develop the theme of stepmotherhood with gruesome
irony: Rome will in a sense be forced to be Catiline’s natural mother
when he makes her give birth to him as a superlatively prodigious
monster.
92 lose . . . lose] F1 (loose . . . loose)
93 piety Here
in the sense of Lat. pietas, which combines filial
affection and patriotism.
97 teemed with
given birth to.
97 since . . .
Mars Mars, the god of war, was held to be the father of
Romulus and Remus, the mythical founders of Rome; ‘knew’ here means ‘had
sexual intercourse with’ (a little illogically, since she then conceived
those who were to found her).
97 SD]
G, subst.;
Catiline, Avrelia. F1
98 catiline. Appear] F1 (Cat.
Appeare); AVR. Appeare Q
99 circle orb.
Catiline turns to the hyperbolical register of the conventional love
poet.
100 Phoebus
Apollo, the god identified with the sun.
101 mounting
Perhaps with an erotic hint, possibly commencing in ‘circle’ (
99).
104 SD] F1, opposite 103; not
in Q
106 Still
Always.
107 Orestilla
Aurelia’s second name (see The Persons of the Play, ‘Aurelia’, n.).
112 ambrosiac
of the nature of ambrosia (the fabled food of the gods, as ‘nectar’ is
their drink; both confer eternal life). Cf. Catullus, 99.2,
saviolum dulci dulcius ambrosia, ‘a kiss sweeter than sweet
ambrosia’, and
New Inn, 3.2.128, ‘Ambrosiac kisses to melt down the
palate’.
113 Wouldst thou
but If only you would. Catiline is more ready than Brutus in
JC, 2.1.233–303, to initiate his
wife in a conspiracy; he is cited as an example of such readiness in
John Stephens’s closet tragedy Cinthia’s Revenge
(1613), E4v.
115–7 When . . .
her Cf.
1.1.32–4.
119–20 He . . .
none This is the first of many instances, throughout the play,
where Q indicates a sententious statement by the use of double quotation
marks. This edition does not use any special typographical marking of
such instances, but they can be identified from the collations.
119–20 He . . . / Floor]
Wh; “He . . . / “Floore F1
124 weighed
raised. Sallust quotes a letter from Catiline to Catulus in which he
states that Orestilla’s ‘liberality’ enabled him to pay off all his
debts (Bell. Cat., 35.3).
125 my emergent fortune] F1 (my’emergent-fortune); my’emergent
Fortune Q
126 main high
sea. Catiline continues, and then goes on to elaborate (
128–9), the image he began with
‘sunk’ (
123).
126 hit the
stars Cf. Horace,
Odes, 1.1.35–6; Ode to
Himself (‘Come, leave the loathed stage’), 58;
Sej.,
5.1.8–9.
130–1 put on . . .
myself be prepared to act in this situation as I do. The word
‘habits’ operates as a pun, its significance sliding from ‘clothes’
(
OED, Habit n. 1c),
via ‘dress’ in its transferred or figurative sense of ‘outward
form or appearance’ (1e), to ‘settled practice’ or ‘customary way of
acting’ (9). Cf. ‘Breton’ (1.549), line 1.
132–56 Some . . .
Autronius The following catalogue indicates how Catiline
manipulates and controls the conspirators; it also provides the audience
with vital characteristics and background to identify them by as,
eventually, they enter. For information on individual characters, see
The Persons of the Play,
and notes.
133 blown
puffed up with pride or vanity.
134 heaved
exalted or elevated in dignity (
OED, Heave v. I.2.b).
134 magnifying his
blood exaggerating the greatness of his lineage.
135 the Sibyl’s
books Originally the name of a single prophetic woman, Sibyl
came to be a generic term rather than a name; but in the Roman context
it refers to the Cumaean Sibyl, three of whose prophetic books, in
priestly care in the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, were to be consulted
only at the command of the Senate and were held in extreme awe. Virgil’s
Fourth Eclogue, modelled on sibylline prophecy, was thought to have been
inspired by the Cumaean Sibyl. Cf. . below.
136–40 a third man . . .
dead This prophecy, Lentulus’s favourite topic in the play, is
described by Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 47.2, and Plutarch,
Cicero, 17. According to Plutarch it was a
forgery; and Jonson makes it clear (
138–9) that Catiline has bribed
augurers to ‘interpret’ to Lentulus a forged prophecy of the three
Cornelii. Cinna, consul for three consecutive years, 86–84 BC, and
Sulla, dictator 82–80 BC, are now ‘dead’ (
140), and Lentulus lives in the
delusion that he is to become ‘king’ (
138). There had not been a king in
Rome since the last of the Tarquins, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, was
expelled
c. 510 BC.
143 Go on upon
Storm, attack. Harris, Cat. finds a parallel in
Seneca’s phrase invadam deos, ‘storm the gods’,
Medea’s decision to shake the universe, Medea,
424–5.
144 The engine . . .
Cyclops Their thunderbolt from the Cyclops (the one-eyed
giants who alone, according to Hesiod, Theogony,
139–46 and 501–6, forge Jove’s thunderbolts, and who had promised to
supply them only to Jove).
144 give fire
discharge the thunderbolt.
145 At face of
Straight at.
145 full large,
swelling (
OED, a. 10).
145 stand his
ire withstand its wrath (i.e. take the consequences; ‘his’
possibly also hinting at an implicit Jove, who is being challenged).
147 envy to
malignant or hostile feeling towards (
OED, Envy n. 1 obs.).
147 draws . . .
on attracts and goads.
148 contumelies
contemptuous treatment involving dishonour and humiliation.
149–50 Curius and Lentulus were among sixty-four members
whom the Censors in 70 BC expelled from the Senate for their immorality
(cf.
Bell. Cat., 23.1 and
Cicero,
17).
151 new-rubbed
like a sore.
153 dole a
share allotted.
154–5 feigned . . .
hopes made themselves believe they have a chance to
obtain.
154 feigned] F1 (fain’d)
155 crude Cf.
Dedicatory Epistle, 9n.
156 Bestia, Autronius] F1 (subst.); Bestia, ’Autronius Q
157 idle
unemployed. Disaffected Sulla veterans were a major force in the
political situation which produced the conspiracy.
159–80 The picture of the dissolute society from which
Catiline draws adherents is based on, and at times translates verbatim,
Sallust, Bell. Cat., 14.
160 their debts] F1, Q (state 2); debts Q (state 1)
161 Run . . .
fortune Take any risk, however great.
162 relieve
assist.
163 their] Q; the
F
163 safeguard
protection.
163 safeguard] F1; saue-gard Q
163 like i.e.
we must do the same.
164 gripe
grasp, control.
166 From . . .
factious Be given to seditiousness because of their own
criminal records.
167 airlings
young, thoughtless persons.
168 Sallust, Bell. Cat., 14.6,
specifies exactly these allurements: scorta . . . canes
. . . equos.
169 venture] F1 (venter)
171 store and
change an abundant and varied supply (
OED, Store n. 4).
171–2 women . . .
boys Sallust (14.6) has Catiline provide scorta, ‘prostitutes’; and the commentary in the Sallust folio
explains that these were of both sexes (id est pueris aut
puellis prostitutis, col. 78 C). Juvenal’s Satire 2 underlies Jonson’s picture of the debauched society
which Catiline assumes and abets in his dialogue with Aurelia. That
this, as in Juvenal, includes sodomy is clear from this line and from
the episode with the Page, 1.510–17, which it foreshadows.
173 all
connivance every encouragement (by forbearing to condemn).
173 courtly
i.e. in the bad sense of using the fair words or flattery of courtiers
(
OED, a. 4). Cf.
Tim., 5.1.26, ‘To
promise is most courtly and fashionable’.
174 sit up stay
up late.
177 freedom and
community licentiousness; ‘community’ here with the meaning of
‘social intercourse’ (
OED, n. 3).
178 heads must
ache Presumably through cuckolding as well as agitation. Cf.
EMI (F), 2.3.41.
179 feeling
presentiment (Bolton & Gardner).
179–80 spare . . .
modesty Literal translation of a zeugmatic phrase in Bell. Cat., 14.6, neque sumptui neque
modestiae suae parcere.
180 Or . . . or
Either . . . or.
184 visor mask.
The idea of a ‘visor’ behind which a truer self is hidden recurs
throughout the play; cf. ; ; ; .
185 the scene . . .
theatres ‘Scene’ here does not mean ‘scenery’ but ‘fictive
location’. Jonson seems to have the Jacobean rather than Roman stage in
mind; cf. the reference to ‘the King’s Players’ in Staple, 3.2.201–3, ‘for their various shifting of their scene
/ And dext’rous change o’their persons to all shapes’.
185 theatres –] F1 (theaters —); Theaters.
Q
185 SD] F1 opposite 185; not
in Q
188 arts
stratagems.
189 privacies
secret matters (
OED, Privacy
n. 4).
190 on] F1; by
Q
190 SD.1–2
[Exit . . .
CETHEGUS] Cf. note on doors at
2.1.1–2.
190 SD.1
Exit Aurelia]
G; not in F1
190 SD.2]
this edn; Lentvlvs, Cethegvs, / Catiline.
F1
192 as as
if.
192 sullen
gloomy (‘with the notion of moving . . . sluggishly’:
OED,
a. 3 a).
192 sullen] F1 (sollen)
192 car
chariot. In Homer the goddess of dawn arrives in a chariot drawn by two
horses (cf. Odyssey, 23.246).
194 rosy-fingered
. . . black The formulaic Homeric epithet, reflecting the pale
shades of the dawn sky, is ominously contrasted with the colours of
black and blood-red of this Roman morning, as foreshadowed by Sulla’s
Ghost,
1.1.61–6.
197 A common reversal: cf. ‘Sorrow breaks seasons and
reposing hours, / Makes the night morning and the noontide night’,
R3,
1.4.76–7.
198–9 a ‘hail’ . . .
morns Ave, ‘hail’, was the customary salutation of Roman
clients (see .) on morning visits to their patrons. Cf. the
hailing in
1.1.293–5.
198–9 ‘hail’ . . . ‘health’]
this edn; haile . . . health F1; Hayle
. . . Health Q
204 A fire Let
there be a fire.
205 virtue
courage, manliness (Lat. virtus).
210 Yes?] F1;
Yes. Q
210 As you i.e.
As you would have overslept.
211 all sleep
Cethegus’s view of companions’ lethargy echoes that of Sulla’s Ghost,
1.1.9–10.
211 dormice
Small rodents noted for their hibernation, hence figures of sleepy
inactivity; cf.
New Inn, 1.6.89–90, where Lovel says he ‘ . . .
slept away my life / Beyond the dormouse, till I was in love!’.
213 We’re] F1 (W’are)
214 ribs bars
(
OED, Rib n.1
11). For ‘ribs of ice’, cf.
MM,
3.1.123, where ‘thick-ribbed ice’ expresses Claudio’s fear of
death and a cold purgatory.
216 to our
states in the condition we are in.
217 muse wonder
why.
222 their
powers Most likely the gods’ powers (a hyperbole typical of
Cethegus), but it could also refer to the laggard conspirators’.
226 degenerate
talking gown The phrase must be understood as echoing Lucan,
De bello, 1.365, degenerem . . .
togam, where it refers to slack citizens, emblematized by the
toga (the principal garment of the free-born Roman male), as against
active, rebellious soldiers. By adding ‘talking’ to ‘gown’, Jonson makes
Cethegus fulminate against either wordy senators or forensic orators
like Cicero, or both.
229 voices
expressions of feeling.
229–47 Oh, the days
. . . prey The enthusiastic description of carnage in the days
of Sulla is closely based on Lucan, De bello,
2.99–111: quantoque gradu mors saeva cucurrit! / Nobilitas
cum plebe perit, lateque vagatus / Ensis, et a nullo revocatum
pectore ferrum. / Stat cruor in templis, multaque rubentia caede /
Lubrica saxa madent. Nulli sua profuit aetas: / Non senis extremum
piguit vergentibus annis / Praecepisse diem, nec primo in limine
vitae / Infantis miseri nascentia rumpere fata. / Crimine quo parvi
caedem potuere mereri? / Sed satis est iam posse mori. Trahit ipse
furoris / Impetus, et visum lenti, quaesisse nocentum. / In numerum
pars magna perit . . . (‘With what mighty strides cruel death
stalked abroad! High and low were slain alike; the sword strayed far and
wide; and no breast was spared the steel. Pools of blood stood in the
temples; constant carnage wetted the red and slippery pavement. None was
protected by his age; the slayer did not scruple to anticipate the last
day of declining age, or to cut short the early prime of a hapless
infant at the threshold of life. How was it possible that children
should deserve death for any crime? But it was enough to have already a
life to lose. The violence of frenzy was itself an incentive; and it was
deemed the part of a laggard to look for guilt in a victim. Many were
slain merely to make up a number . . .’.
230 Sulla’s
sway See .
231–2 familiar . . .
augurs A deliberately shocking, even blasphemous, statement:
Sulla’s followers were as familiar with disembowelling as are the
augurs, the religious officials whose duty it was to predict future
events and advise on public business on the evidence of omens derived
from, among other things, the appearance of the entrails of sacrificial
animals.
233 price (1)
high esteem (
OED, n. 8a obs.); or (2) reward (
OED, 2).
234 all rage
reins ‘all rage (was given) reins, i.e. allowed to run
unchecked. (Lat. dare freno)’ (Bolton &
Gardner).
234 reins] F1 (raines)
238 his arch
the arch made by Slaughter’s legs.
239 degree
rank, social class.
240 porch
Translating Lucan’s limine = ‘threshold’, De bello, 2.106 (see ., above).
242 by nature’s
bounty in the natural order of things.
268 They had] F1 (They’had)
246–7 Some . . .
prey While some were killed just to make up the numbers,
others were killed for their possessions, to make up the spoils (
OED,
Prey n. 1).
247–9 The conceit – Charon (who ferries the dead across
a river into Hades) needing a whole ‘navy’ or fleet (classis), rather than his boat (cumba), for
the victims of a civil war — is derived from Petronius, Satyricon, 121, where the poet Eumolpus, criticizing Lucan,
reads out his own poem on a civil war more bloody than Sulla’s
massacres.
249 sad (1)
sorry; (2) heavy. The context activates both senses of the word.
250–3 A powerful re-creation of a passage in De bello, 2.152–3: Busta replete fuga,
permixtaque viva sepultis / corpora, nec populum latebrae cepere
ferarum: ‘the tombs were filled with fugitives, and the bodies
of the living consorted with buried corpses; and the lairs of wild
beasts were crowded with men’.
255 Lentulus . . .
Cornelius See The Persons of the Play, ‘Lentulus’, n.
256 stand up
assume his rightful position, stand for office.
256 that that
which.
257 not
cleared not elucidated, explained, made free from ambiguity
(
OED, Clear v. 5).
259 leaves The
Sibyl of Cumae (the most famous of the Sibyllae) wrote her prophecies on
palm-leaves, which she left at the entrance to her cave. Those who
consulted her needed to gather the leaves before they were dispersed by
the wind, and the prophecy lost. Certain of the leaves were bound up
into nine volumes of prophetic books (
libri), three of
which the Sibyl sold to Tarquinius Superbus, the last of the Roman
kings; these were consulted by a commission in times of danger to the
state (cf. . above, and Cicero,
In Cat.,
3.4.9).
261 suffer the
torture are subjected to rigorous examination to extract the
truth. The allusion, developed by Catiline in the lines that follow, is
to the Roman practice of quaestio, in which slaves and
foreigners (not citizens) could be, and regularly were, tortured in
order to extract confessions or evidence.
262 without
i.e. without torture.
265 faint in the
belief be unwilling to believe (
OED, Faint v. 2 obs.).
268 lost their
science betrayed their professional skill (
OED,
n. 3 d).
268–9 They . . .
third See .
273–4 set . . .
shines Catiline sustains the sun image (
270), traditionally connected with
kingship, for the ‘setting’ of the first two Cornelii and the supposed
‘rising’ of the third.
277 purple . . .
axes The distinctive clothing of senators was a tunic with a
broad purple strip (latus clavus) woven into it;
magistrates with power also wore the purple-bordered toga
praetexta. The vision here is of the two consuls, terrified,
dropping the symbols of office (normally carried by their lictors; see
.): the rods, which demonstrated the power to compel and
punish, and the axes, carried only outside the city and demonstrating
their power over life and death.
278 statues melt
again Ironically, Catiline here envisages a repeat of the
event, in 65 BC, which Cicero was to recall when speaking against the
conspiracy,
In
Cat., 3.4.19: lightning striking the Capitol,
destroying statues and melting bronze tablets, and soothsayers seeing
this as ominous of ‘rebellion, civil war, the destruction of the whole
city’.
278–80 household . . .
blood The verbal details here, of a city overwhelmed by
portentous horrors, are from
De bello, 1.556–7:
Indigetes flevisse deos urbisque laborem / Testatos sudore
Lares (‘If tales are true, the national deities shed tears, the
sweating of the household gods bore witness to the city’s woe’).
Dramatically they are a preparation for the actual portents in the
scene,
312–22.
281 ruin Cf.
.
283 creature
obedient follower, slave.
283 Sergius
i.e. Catiline, whose full name was Lucius Sergius Catilina. In the Roman
system of personal nomenclature a free-born male citizen could have
three names: praenomen, nomen (the hereditary family
name), and cognomen (optional in the republican age).
Catiline is variously addressed by each of his three names (cf.
293).
284 win to be
succeed in becoming.
286 shadow
Catiline rhetorically debases himself by suggesting that he is only an
imitation (
OED, n. 6b obs.;
cf.
MND, 5.1.401), as against the real ‘heirs of Mars’.
Cethegus then (
288–91)
seizes on his interlocutor’s keyword and turns it to his own use, as he
will frequently do in the course of the play: here to hyperbolical
praise, by using ‘shadow’ (
290) in its common sense of the image cast by a body
intercepting light. Contrast the tone of Catiline’s aside at
3.1.165, ‘To what a
shadow am I melted!’
291 SD]
this
edn; not in F1
291 they are] F1 (they’are)
292 SD
to them] F1; not
in Q
292 SD
and Servants]
G; &c. F1
294 Publius Lentulus] F1 (Pvb. Lentvl’.)
294 Cornelius] F1 (Corneli’.)
297 unseeled A
falconer’s term for opening the eyes of a hawk whose eyelids have been
stitched together to blind it while being trained. Cf.
Mac., 3.2. 46–7,
‘Come, seeling night, / Scarf up the tender eye of pitiful day.’
298 the affair] F1 (the’affaire)
305 SD]
this edn; not in F1
306 SD]
this edn; not in F1
307 marked
designated (i.e. for slaughter) (
OED, Mark v. 6). See
483–504 and . It is
perhaps appropriate that this callous command unleashes the prodigies of
the next few minutes.
309 SD]
G; not in F1
312 SD The
marginal stage directions (also at
315 and
318), together with the fear
indicated by the dialogue, suggest the theatrical effectiveness of this
episode, for which there is only a hint of a source in Plutarch,
Cicero, 14: a general reference to ‘earthquakes and
lightnings and sights’ during Catiline’s electoral campaign. Whether at
the Globe or Blackfriars, it is likely that the ‘darkness’ was suggested
by the dialogue (
313–15) rather than realized, since in the candle-lit indoor
playhouse a temporary extinction of candles was impracticable, and ‘the
playwrights could rely on the audience’s readily understanding the same
lighting conventions in a variety of lighting environments’ (Graves,
1999,
200,
214).
312 SD] F1, opposite 312–13; not in Q
313 Atreus’
feast Jonson draws attention to his Senecan antecedents. In
Thyestes, 776–884, Messenger and Chorus tell of
the unnatural darkness that settles on the world as Atreus prepares the
banquet at which Thyestes will feast on his own, slaughtered sons.
314 vestal
flame fire on the altar in Vesta’s shrine in the Forum
Romanum. Its extinction would be regarded as a terrible portent of the
destruction of Rome, as in Lucan, De bello,
1.549–50.
315 SD] F1, opposite 315–16; not in Q
315–16 Our fant’sies
. . . day Cethegus believes the groan is merely imagined, the
product of collective delusion. The conspirators can generate their own
fire (cf.
303) and
turn darkness into light (‘force a day’).
316 SD
Another] F1, opposite
317; not in Q
315 SD Jonson
seems to be remembering how, in De bello, 1.568,
groans came from the urns filled with the ashes of dead men. The
audience would remember Sulla’s Ghost descending through the trap-door
into hell.
317 As As
if.
318 feign
imagine. The phrase as a whole translates De bello,
1.486, quae finxere, timent.
318 feign] F1 (faine)
318 SD The
‘
fiery light’ is in stage terms presumably a torch
held and waved (by a ‘bloody arm’) from above (using the heavenly
trap-door much as in the descent of Jupiter in
Cym.,
5.5). It is imaginatively expanded by Longinus’s lines,
320–1.
318 SD] F1, opposite 318–19; not in Q
319 forth out
(i.e. as if of the window).
320 pine
pine-torch (Lat. pinus). Again Jonson is drawing on
De bello, 1.572–3, where a Fury stalks the city
shaking a pinum.
323 sealed
confirmed (as if the portents had put a seal on it).
324 discountenance discourage.
326–420 Noblest . . .
free Catiline’s speech to the conspirators is closely modelled
on Sallust, Bell. Cat., 20.2–17, but is no mere
translation; cf. .
326–38 Noblest Romans
. . . action Cf. Sallust, Bell. Cat. 20.2–4:
Ni virtus fidesque vostra spectata mihi forent,
nequiquam opportuna res cecidisset; spes magna, dominatio in manibus
frustra fuissent, neque ego per ignaviam aut vana ingenia incerta
pro certis captarem. Sed quia multis et magnis tempestatibus vos
cognovi fortis fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus est maxumum atque
pulcherrumum facinus incipere, simul quia vobis eadem quae mihi bona
malaque esse intellexi; nam idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum
firma amicitia est (‘If I had not already tested your courage
and loyalty, in vain would a great opportunity have presented itself;
high hopes and power would have been placed in my hands to no purpose,
nor would I with the aid of cowards or inconstant hearts grasp at
uncertainty in place of certainty. But because I have learned in many
and great emergencies that you are brave and faithful to me, my mind has
had the courage to set on foot a mighty and glorious enterprise, and
also because I perceive that you and I hold the same view of what is
good and evil; for agreement in likes and dislikes – this, and this
only, is what constitutes true friendship’).
328 hold . . .
blood justify being called Roman, as your birth does.
330 catch
snatch.
331 By airy
ways Through uncertainties (Sallust’s incerta pro
certis, ., above).
334 taste
perceive.
334 affections
inclinations (
OED, Affection n. 5).
335 will or
nill want or not want (Sallust’s velle atque idem
nolle, ., above).
336 argues
gives evidence of.
337 set on
foot set in motion, begin.
339–40 you . . .
apart I have spoken to each of you privately about it.
342 forethink
anticipate in my mind.
343 except in
time unless, while there’s time.
347 engrossed
monopolized, in that property, privileges, and power are concentrated in
paucorum potentium, ‘a few powerful men’ (Bell. Cat., 20.7).
350–1 A literal translation of Bell.
Cat., 20.7, semper illis reges, tetrarchae
vectigales esse, populi, nationes stipendia pendere.
‘Tetrarchs’ were subordinate rulers (originally of the fourth part of a
country); ‘stipends’, like stipendia, here refers to
taxes, tribute money.
351 hourly
frequent, continual. Cf.
4.2.158;
5.1.36.
355 the vulgar
the common people, the rabble.
356 bred . . .
corn A phrase from Horace, Epistles, 1.2.27,
nos numerus sumus et fruges consumere nati, ‘we
are ciphers and born to consume earth’s fruits’.
358 Ungraced
Without honours.
358 mark
distinction.
359–60 rods . . .
axes See .; ‘come forth bright axes’ renders Sallust’s simple
formidini essemus, ‘we should be objects of
fear’.
361 places,
honours high positions, magistracies (high offices were called
honores).
363 dangers . . .
wants Literal translation of Bell. Cat.,
20.8: pericula, repulsas, iudicia, egestatem,
‘dangers, defeats, prosecutions, and poverty’.
364–83 Cf. Sallust, Bell. Cat.,
20.9–11: ‘How long, pray, will you endure this, brave hearts [o fortissumi viri]? Is it not better to die valiantly than ignominiously to
lose our wretched and dishonoured lives after being the sport of others’
insolence? . . . We are in the prime of life, we are stout of heart; to
them, on the contrary, years and riches have brought utter dotage. We
need only to strike; the rest will take care of itself. Pray, what man
with the spirit of a man can endure that our tyrants should abound in
riches, to squander in building upon the seas and in levelling
mountains, while we lack the means to buy the bare necessities of life?
That they should join their palaces by twos or even more, while we have
nowhere a hearthstone [Illos binas aut
amplius domos continuare, nobis larem familiarem nusquam ullum
esse]?’
365 virtue See
.
367 lose] F1 (loose)
368 call . . . to
question summon . . . to bear witness (
OED,
Call v. 20c).
371 grown agèd
Sallust’s
consenuerunt (20.10), as Harris points out
(Harris, ed.
Cat.,
1916), suggests decay rather than
merely old age.
373 issue
outcome.
375 scape
escape (
OED, v. 1 a; aphetic variant of
escape).
376 air (1)
breath, ‘whiff’ (OED, n. 9); (2)
disposition (OED, Air n. 14b obs.).
382 change of
houses multiple residences.
383 Lar
household god, hence also home.
384–6 Attic statues
. . . Attalic garments Examples of particularly expensive
luxuries: Greek statues from Athens; hangings dyed with the rare purple
from Tyre; pictures from Ephesus, famed for its art-treasures; bronze
ware from Corinth; cloth-of-gold garments, called vestimenta attalica after Attalus III, the last king of
Pergamum.
386–7 new-found . . .
Asia Pompey’s campaigns in the east brought an influx of gems;
his triumph in Rome (62 BC) involved a remarkable display of jewels
which Pliny describes, Natural History, 37.6 (but
which Catiline did not live to see).
388–91 Phasis . . .
meal A catalogue of sources of gourmet food. The river Phasis
(modern Rioni) was considered a breeding-place for pheasants (hence
their name). Lucrinus Lacus, a coastal lagoon (now part of the Bay of
Naples), and the colony of Circeii on the Tyrrhenian coast south of Rome
were both famous for oysters (cf.
Und. 85.49). The
gourmet in Juvenal,
Satires, 4.140–1, can tell at the
first bite whether an oyster has been bred at one or the other of these
sites; cf. ‘the witty (i.e. ingenious) gluttony’,
391. Jonson is remembering the
paragraph in Petronius,
Satyricon, 119 (part of the
civil-war poem; see .) which begins
ingeniosa gula
est, ‘gluttony is a fine art’, proceeds to list these
locations, and ends with a lament for the extinction of pheasants:
iam Phasidos unda / orbata est avibus, ‘now all the
birds are gone from the waters of Phasis’.
390 enough] F1 (enow)
393 if . . .
not if the echo is not pleasing (
OED, Like v. 1b). Cf.
Devil, Prologue, 26:
‘If this play do not like, the devil is in’t.’
396 Vex . . .
wealth Belabour and misuse their ill-gotten riches (
OED,
Vex v. 6a). Cf.
Bell.
Cat., 20.12,
omnibus modis pecuniam trahunt,
vexant.
398 overcome
Either (1) exhaust (OED, v. 3a); or
(2) dominate, control (OED, v. 3b),
or, most likely, both meanings, as in the vincere of
Bell. Cat., 20.13, summa lubidine
divitias suas vincere nequeunt, ‘for all their extreme
extravagance they cannot get the upper hand of their riches’.
402 ribs i.e.
strata of rocks (
OED, n.1
5b).
405 seats
residences.
406 the thund’ring
ruins i.e. the noise of all this excessive quarrying and
building.
407 urge put
pressure on (Lat. urgere).
409–10 Wake . . .
for! Sallust, Bell. Cat., 20.14–15: ‘Awake
then! Lo, here, here before your eyes, is the freedom [libertas] for which you
have often longed, and with it riches, honour, and glory; Fortune offers
all these things as prizes to the victors [fortuna omnia ea victoribus praemia posuit].’
415 brave
spoil fine plunder.
416 Use me
Treat me as. In defiance of English syntax, Jonson makes the nouns
(‘general or soldier’) function as the Latin ablatives of his source
text, Bell. Cat., 20.16, vel imperatore
vel milite me utimini.
417 wanting
lacking.
419 if . . .
me if I am not blinded by the flattering trust you place in
me.
420 you’d not] F1; you had Q
422 wants is
lacking.
423 sacrament
oath, especially one ratified by a rite (
OED, n.
4; chiefly as a Latinism, from
sacramentum).
See .
425 Deferring
Delaying, procrastinating. Q’s spelling, ‘differring’, represents an
earlier form of ‘defer’ (
OED, Differ v. 1a). Cf. Lucan,
De bello,
1.281,
semper nocuit differre paratis, ‘delay is
always fatal to those who are prepared’.
425 Deferring] F1 (Differring)
425 so] F1; most
Q
426–82 The challenge to Catiline and his rousing
response draw on, but greatly expand, Bell. Cat., 21.
Sallust does not specify who questioned Catiline on his plans, but it is
appropriate that Autronius should be the first to do so, since he was
involved in the first Catilinarian conspiracy (see and .)
which is said to have misfired because of Catiline’s over-hastiness.
427 favour
permission (
OED, n. 3a).
431 th’embracing
. . . cloud Alludes to the myth of Ixion’s attempt to rape
Hera, wife of Zeus, who substituted a cloud-image for the intended
victim.
432 Put . . .
on Risk . . . in.
432 valures
(1) courage; (2) worth (
OED, Valure n. 1c;
2). The ‘dear . . . business’ suggests that there may be a play on
both meanings.
433 second
assistance or support. (
OED, n. 8c obs.). Cf.
Sej., 2.381–2, ‘This
second, from his mother, will well urge / Our late design, and spur on
Caesar’s rage.’
434 garland
wreath awarded to a victor; cf. . The spelling in Q,
‘gyrlond’ (which autograph MSS show to be Jonson’s usual spelling of
this word; but cf.
5.3.227, ‘gyrland’ in Q), approximates forms which were
frequently used by sixteenth- and seventeenth-century English writers
‘in imitation of the French and Italian forms’ (
OED, Garland, n. Forms).
434 garland] F1 (gyrlond)
435 assurances
guarantees.
436 stark
security absolute feeling of safety from danger.
438 blow
Noting the recurrence of this word elsewhere in the play (
3.3.74,
4.2.454; and cf.
5.4.31), De Luna
(54ff.) observes its frequent usage also in relation to the Gunpowder
Plot.
441 nearhand
nearby.
442 army in] F1 (army’in)
443 Gnaeus
Piso See .
443 Gnaeus] F1 (CNEVS)
444 Nucerinus
Publius Sittius, a Roman knight from Nuceria in Campania, was believed
to have Catilinarian sympathies, but Cicero defends him against such
suspicions in Pro Sulla, 56.
446–7 Translating Bell. Cat., 21.3:
petere consulatum C. Antonium, quem sibi collegam fore
speraret.
446 hoped
hoped-for.
447 engaged
committed (i.e. to our cause); (
OED, Engage
v. II 7c
obs.).
448 By his] F1 (By’his)
448 I have] F1 (I’haue)
449–52 some others
. . . party Not in Sallust, this seems a veiled reference to
Caesar and Crassus, ironic in view of what they really do ‘when the time
comes’.
453 In nature
As a matter of fact (OED, Nature n.
12e).
456 as . . .
proscribed See
1.1.1n.
457 publication confiscation (
OED, n.
3 obs.) (Lat.
publicatio).
459 he has] F1 (he’has)
461 to Autronius] F1 (to’Avtronivs)
465–70 On the ‘contumely’ and ‘disgrace’ of Curius and
Lentulus, see .
470 stout
proud, brave. OED cites no use of ‘stout’ in the sense
of ‘fat’ (a. 12) before the nineteenth century, but
Longinus’s corpulence is repeatedly referred to in the play; see .
471 Facing
Opposing with confidence, defying.
471 Praetor
Next to the consuls, the praetors were the chief magistrates in
republican Rome; elected annually, they were originally two, but their
number was raised by Sulla to eight. Longinus had been Praetor in 66 BC;
in 64 BC he was a candidate for the consulship (see ).
472 fasces
Bundles of rods (‘fasces’) and a single-headed axe, carried by lictors,
were ‘the primary visible expression of magisterial authority and hence
the primary focus of a complex symbolism of the magistrates’ legitimacy
and of their powers vis-à-vis citizens, subjects, and
each other’ (OCD, 587–8). Cf. .
475 yours i.e.
at your mercy.
476 boy Cf.
.
476 race
family, class. Cf.
WT, 4.4.95, ‘By bud of nobler
race’; and ‘Shakes. Beloved’ (5.638–42), lines 66–7, ‘the race / Of
Shakespeare’s mind and manners’.
481 raised (1)
aroused; (2) inspired with confidence (
OED, Raise v. 5c, d and 6a, b).
481 forward
ardent, eager.
482 High
Intense (
OED, a. 10a).
482 in your] F1;
i’your Q
483 SD]
this
edn; not in F1; Enter
Servants
with
a bowl. G
483 I’ve . . .
slave Cf.
1.1.307. The report that Catiline made his fellow
conspirators drink wine mixed with blood, in order that the shared
knowledge of such a dreadful deed would compel loyalty, is recorded with
considerable scepticism by Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 22;
but others (Dion Cassius, 37.30, and Florus,
Epitome,
4.1) accept the allegation, and Plutarch,
Cicero, 10,
adds cannibalism, as does Felicius in Sallust folio, col. 467 (a passage
marked in Jonson’s copy), claiming that the conspirators sacrificed a
man and ate of his flesh. As a byword for gruesome practices, ‘Roman
Catiline
[who
] resolved / His
doubtful followers by exhausting blood / From the live body’ is cited in
Henry Chettle’s
Hoffman, or A Revenge for a Father
(1602; Malone Soc. repr., 2174–6), which suggests something of what
Chettle and Wilson’s lost play on Catiline (1598; see Introduction) may
have contained. Jonson clearly saw the theatrical potential of the
ceremony. The scene is recalled in Nathaniel Lee’s
Lucius
Junius Brutus, 1680, 4.102ff.
483 I’ve] F1 (I’haue)
485–503 Fill . . .
us During this ceremony, servants and pages fill (and, in the
case of Cethegus, refill) each conspirator’s bowl. Catiline raises his
bowl to ‘begin the sacrament to all’ (
487), and individual conspirators
respond by raising theirs as indicated by their lines,
498–502, culminating in Gabinius’s
response for ‘all of us’ (
503).
486 sanction
solemn oath or engagement (
OED, n.
4 obs.).
487 sacrament
Though the word can have a more general meaning – cf. . –
its sacred connotation makes Catiline’s rite, in its obvious analogy
with the eucharist (somewhat weakened, but not nullified, by the fact
that each conspirator clearly has his own bowl), the more heinous,
because blasphemous, to a Jacobean audience or reader.
488–9 Given the other stage-effects in this meeting of
the conspirators, it is perhaps surprising that F1 does not call for ‘a
clap of thunder’ (
488)
here (though not every such effect is indicated). On the other hand,
silence indicates that the gods abhor, rather than ‘applaud’ (
490), Catiline’s
‘sacrament’. Contrast the seemingly direct responses from the heavens
after Catiline’s appeal in
3.2.1–8, at
3.5.41–2; cf.
4.1.24–7 (on this general subject, see Donaldson,
1984, 60–1).
492 fell
cruel.
495 stepdame
i.e. Rome. Cf. .
499 SD] F1, opposite 498; not in Q
499 Swell Fill
to overflowing. Cf.
Poet., 3.1.5, ‘Swell me a bowl with lusty
wine.’
499 Swell] F1;
Crowne Q
500 this i.e.
this blood.
501 the new
fellow Lat. novus homo, a term used in the
late Republic for the first man of a family to reach the Senate, and
specifically for the rare cases, of which Cicero’s was one, where such a
man rose to the consulship.
504 strengthened fixed in resolution.
504 SD] F1 (reading ‘answere–’) opposite
506–7; not in Q
504 SD
Catiline catches sight of (‘
spies’) a page who is
responding with ‘aversion’ (
511) to (i.e. does
‘not answer’) advances
made to him.
505–12 This episode, anticipated in
1.1.172 and
476, in which Catiline deals with a
page whom he has seen shrink from the approaches of Bestia (unwilling,
unlike the young Sejanus, to be a ‘pathic’, or boy on whom sodomy is
practised:
Sej., 1.212–16), has been thought repulsive and ‘an
outrage to probability’ (Coleridge). But, at a climactic moment, it
measures what Catiline is prepared to do to secure conspirators as well
as what the priorities of some of these men are. It is not, as such, in
Jonson’s sources. Lucius Bestia was a tribune and member of the Senate.
Though active in the conspiracy (see ), he managed not only to
survive its débâcle but also to sustain a political career afterwards.
Jonson may be taking advantage of what his name would suggest to an
English reader or audience.
505 what ail
you? In this construction, ‘you’ is the subject and the verb
is intransitive (
OED, Ail v. 4). Cf.
AWW, 2.4.5: ‘what does she ail that she’s not very
well?’
509 free and
general open and affable. Both adjectives here have a sexual
implication; ‘free’ casts an ironic light on the ‘Freedom we all stand
for’ (
421); for
‘general’ see
OED, General a. 6b obs., and cf.
Tim., 4.1.6–7: ‘To
general filths / Convert o’th’instant, green virginity!’ Fear of the
episode being seen to allude to James I, whose predilection for young
men was well known by 1611, may have been a reason to keep it relatively
unexplicit.
512 bourds
jests with (
OED, Bourd v. 2 obs.).
H&S gloss the word ‘boards, accosts’, and Bolton &
Gardner read ‘board’. Clearly the Page is being accosted, and the
similarity of sound keeps that meaning hovering around, possibly all the
more effectively for the somewhat euphemistic ‘bourd’ on which both Q
and F1 insist.
512 bourds] F1;
boards Bolton & Gardner
512 opens will
be slit.
514 suffrages
votes.
516 voices
votes.
519–24 as . . .
deluge Catiline’s compelling simile assumes an English rather
than Roman climate.
522 Clowns
Countrymen, peasants (
OED, Clown n. 1).
526–7 wake . . .
fear Cf. .
528–9 The horrors . . . / Loud . . .]
F1; “The horrors . . . / “Loud . . . Q
530 Oraculous
Obsolete form of ‘oracular’. The meeting ends on an unmistakeable note
of hubris.
530 SD]
G; not in F1
531–90 On the Chorus as representative of the people of
Rome, see Introduction. This first appearance takes the form of
tetrameter couplets agonizing on the basic theme of Sallust’s
Bell. Cat., which is also shared by Roman satirists,
especially Petronius, on whom Jonson draws freely: the greatness of Rome
turning into self-destruction, as the ‘virtue’ that was founded on
‘simple poverty’ (
574–5) is devoured by ‘ambition’ and ‘avarice’ (
576–7). The middle
section in particular returns to Catiline’s theme (
1.1.376–408) of extravagant living,
but from a different viewpoint: not of envy but of moral opprobrium.
531–6 Echoing Petronius,
Saty
ricon, 120 (lines 80–4 of the civil-war poem), where
Fors, Chance personified,
cui nulla
placet nimium secura potestas, / quae nova semper amas, ‘who
does not like power too firmly seated, and loves what is new
[i.e. change
]’, is said to be
crushed under the weight of Rome, doomed to fall. In
535–6, Jonson is also remembering a
line in Horace’s poem on civil war,
Epodes, 16.2,
suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit, ‘and Rome falls
through her own strength’.
533 Chance] Q;
chance F1
538–9 enclose . . .
about who surround her.
540 Except
Unless.
540 her own
her own foe.
542 obnoxious
to subject to (
OED, Obnoxious a. 1a). Formerly the prevailing meaning of
the word (from Lat.
obnoxius, liable, esp. to harm),
this, through association with noxious, has given way to the meaning of
offensive or objectionable (
OED, 6).
544 Literal translation of Petronius, Satyricon, 120.85, Et quas
struxit opes male sustinet.
551–5 She . . .
day Based on Petronius,
Satyricon,
120.87–93, with
551
translating 87,
Aedificant auro sedesque ad sidera
mittunt; and
554–5, ‘Giving . . . day’, translating 93,
Inferni manes caelum sperare fatentur.
557 Changed
Exchanged.
557 the
treasure . . . shell a pearl. Cf. Fulvia’s pearl,
2.1.3–5,
104–5.
558 loose
attires ‘The light dresses of transparent silk called
Coae vestes and in later times
sericae. Effeminate men wore them’ (
H&S).
560 loose A
play on two meanings: (1) loosely clad (
OED, a.
1e obs.); (2) wanton, unchaste (
OED,
7), which reflects back on ‘light’ (
559) as also having a meaning of
‘unchaste’. Lucan,
De bello, 1.164–5, writes of men
seizing for their use garments which were scarcely decent for women to
wear.
561 kempt
Literally, combed, made elegant. Cf. Discoveries,
1009–10, ‘De mollibus et effæminatis’, where such men
‘as are always kempt and perfumed and every day smell of the tailor’ are
castigated in similar terms.
563–4 kind . . .
find An almost verbatim rendering of
Saty
ricon, 119.24,
quaerit se natura nec
invenit, ‘nature seeks, and does not find, itself’. Petronius
is writing about the practice of castrating pre-pubescent boys, who then
can longer continue to serve
venerem, ‘men’s lust’, as
prostitutes. Since ‘kind’ could mean not only nature but also gender,
sex (
OED, Kind n. 7 obs.), the context of Jonson’s lines also makes possible
the reading that gender distinctions have been obliterated, because the
men have so outdone the women in what would be regarded as feminine
vanities and vices, including prostitution. But with the Bestia–Page
episode so recent (505–12), and Catiline using ‘boys’ (172) to attract
conspirators, Petronius’s passage provides at the least a dark undertow
of meaning.
566–7 ivory . . .
it In Juvenal, Satires, 11.122–3, the rich
man cannot enjoy his dinner unless the table it is served on rests on
the figure of a leopard made of solid ivory. Tabletops made from citrus, a North African tree with fragrant wood, were
an expensive luxury, described by Petronius, Satyricon, 119.27–9, as dearer than gold.
567–8 leaving . . .
rate abandoning precious metal (‘plate’) as the material for
their cups, they choose instead cups made of more precious stones (i.e.
gems).
569 draw draw
their nets for fish in; trawl (
OED, v.
51).
571–2 in request /
Have search for (
OED, Request n. 6) (Lat.
requirere).
574 enforced
forced, ravished (
OED, Enforce v. 9).
577 eating
avarice avarice, that eats up everything in its path.
578 Riot
Debauchery.
579–86 The picture of the corruption of Roman social and
political morality is modelled on Petronius, Satyricon, 119 (civil-war poem 39–44, 49–50).
583 manners
conduct (in its moral aspect) (
OED, Manner n. 4b obs.).
584 as
that.
585 Without
Unless.
585 gainsay
prevent.
586 spoiler
ravager, despoiler.
587–90 Jonson sharpens into retributive irony Sallust’s
blaming of Sulla and his army for initiating the decay of Roman morals
and introducing Asian vices into the Republic, Bell.
Cat., 11. 5–7.
587 ]
flush left, Q; indented F1
587 Asia, art] F1 (Asia,’art)
2.1 This scene in Fulvia’s house, occupying the whole
of the Act, expands Sallust’s brief reference to Fulvia’s liaison with
Curius (
Bell. Cat., 23) and his description of
Sempronia (
Bell. Cat., 25) into a comedy of Roman
manners and an exhibition of the extravagant and corrupt life which the
Chorus has just condemned. Fulvia (see The Persons of the Play, .) is
identified by Sallust and Plutarch (
Cicero, 16) simply
as ‘a woman of rank’; Jonson develops her character as a voluptuous
upper-class courtesan and also, to strengthen the element of intrigue,
enlarges her part in undermining the conspiracy. Galla is entirely
Jonson’s invention; he gave Fulvia’s waiting-woman a name which Martial
repeatedly uses in satirical depictions of women, notably in 9.37, which
Jonson also echoes in
Sej., 1.307–10.
2.1 ] F1 (Act
II.)
0 SD]
G; Fvlvia, Galla, Servant.
F1
1–2 Fulvia’s opening lines indicate that we are to
imagine her entering from an inner area of her house – probably, in
Jacobean terms, her ‘closet’, from which Galla has to fetch the props
needed for her toilet – to a more open and public part. As in
1.1.191, another stage
door appears to communicate with ‘without’ (
8), the area where characters enter
from outside the house (cf. Mahood,
2000).
1 Those . . .
extremely It was common in early modern England to perfume
rooms, e.g. through the burning of juniper, to disguise unpleasant
odours (cf.
Ado, 1.3.42–3). Fulvia’s comment is presumably
tetchy rather than appreciative.
1 glass
mirror.
4 I had] F1 (I’had)
4–5 Clodius . . .
Caesar To show Fulvia as ‘a woman of singularly loose morals’
(Balsdon,
1962,
42) Jonson here suggests liaisons with two prominent Romans of the
moment, both known for extra-marital affairs. Clodius Pulcher, born
c. 92 BC and of noble birth which, in 59 BC, he was to
abjure to become a
plebs (using his power as tribune
in 58 BC to bring about the exile of Cicero), was in fact married to the
Fulvia whose third husband was to be Mark Antony. In 61 BC he was to be
tried for trespassing, disguised as a woman, on the all-female Bona Dea
festival in the house of Caesar’s wife, Pompeia; he was acquitted, but
the scandal caused Caesar to divorce Pompeia. Plutarch,
Cicero, 29, expounds the sexual immorality of Clodius and his
contemporaries.
5 You’re] F1 (You’are)
6 SD
Exit Galla]
G; not in F1
6 Sirrah A
term of address to men or boys, implying authority on the part of the
speaker.
6 Sirrah] F1 (Sirrha)
7 keep keep
to.
8 warning
notice.
8 SD]
this edn; not in F1;
Re-enter Galla. G
11 Make an
end Finish what you are doing.
14 dressing
(hair) style.
15 globe or
spire These are ways in which Roman ladies had their hair
bound up. In the ‘globe’ the hair was coiled round the head; in the
‘spire’ it was piled on top, increasing the woman’s height as in
Juvenal, Satires, 6.502–4.
16 good
impertinence As if ‘Impertinence’ were Galla’s name.
19 half o’the
dialogue A metatheatrical phrase emphasizing the
self-consciousness of Fulvia’s conversation with her waiting woman.
26 dress
Galla’s not very subtle ‘off’ring at wit’ (
27) is a play on two meanings of
‘dress’: (1) to comb, brush, etc., someone’s hair; (2) to prepare food
for cooking.
30 wit-worm
One who has developed into a wit, like a ‘worm’ or caterpillar emerging
from an egg (
OED, Wit n. 14).
31 flout
mock, or quote mockingly, as in
Ado, 1.1.214,
‘flout old ends’.
38 stateswoman ‘woman with statesmanlike ability’ (
OED); cf.
Epicene, 2.2.84, and
Epigr.
92.3 (where, as in
Epigr. 11.3, ‘statesman’ means an
observer, not necessarily a practitioner, of affairs of state).
39 dream’st] F1;
dreamp’tst Q
39 she is
that she is ‘a great stateswoman’.
40–1 Sallust describes Sempronia as litteris Graecis et Latinis docta, ‘well read in Greek and
Latin literature’, Bell. Cat., 25.2.
45–68 The source of this passage, Sallust’s account of
Sempronia’s accomplishments and qualities, praises her talents and wit
and condemns her morality; the dialogue between Fulvia and Galla
transforms all these aspects into ironic comedy. Galla’s ‘masculine’
(
45) looks both
ways: it could be praise of ‘a learned and a manly soul’, as in
Epigr.
76.13–14; it could sound a warning, as in Sallust’s
introductory reference to Sempronia
quae multa saepe
virilis audaciae facinora commiserat, ‘who had often committed
many crimes of masculine daring’.
50–1 The censorious remark which Galla attributes to a
‘bald senator’ (anachronistically identified by Gifford as Scipius
Africanus) is a literal translation of Sallust’s description, Bell. Cat., 25.2, of Sempronia’s dancing: saltare elegantius, quam necesse est probae.
51 honest
Here with the meaning of chaste, virtuous.
52–3 Few . . .
hurt Most clever women’s lack of chastity (‘honesties’ is
ironically intended) does not affect their attractiveness to men.
53 liberal
generous.
54–5 Again Galla’s wit is a literal translation of
Sallust’s statement, pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud
facile discerneres, ‘you could not easily tell whether she was
less sparing of her money or her honour’ (25.3).
54 What:]
this edn; What! F1; What Q
57 in years
getting old.
57 SH
galla] Q (Gai.); not in
F1
58 thou hadst] F1 (thou’hadst)
61 paints
uses cosmetics.
62 decays
dilapidations (
OED, Decay n. 3b pl. obs.).
63 visor See
.
64–6 Fulvia is extracting the kind of information
Galla might have picked up from her opposite number in Sempronia’s
service. ‘Sleek’ (
64)
means ‘make smooth’. F1’s punctuation after ‘gloves’ (
66) seems to indicate a momentary
pause, as Galla realizes she is overdoing her defence of Sempronia, and
switches track.
65 crumbs . . .
milk Juvenal describes how women’s faces are cleansed with
milk and crumbs of fine wheaten bread, Satires,
6.468–73.
66–7 she is . . .
sought to This construction reflects Sallust’s: lubido sic accensa, ut saepius peteret viros quam peteretur,
‘she was so inflamed with lust that she sought men more often than she
was sought by them’ (Bell. Cat., 25.3–4).
67 seek
approach with amorous intent (
OED, v.
17b).
67 the fame
is rumour has it. A Latinism, from fama,
rumour.
69 What . . .
to What about.
69 Orestilla
Aurelia Orestilla, Catiline’s second wife. See The Persons of the Play,
‘Aurelia’, and 1.107n.
70 the
gallant A fashionably attired beauty (
OED, Gallant n.1b obs.).
70–81 She . . . they
say Galla’s description of Aurelia Orestilla is, as such,
sourceless; her apparent aim is to flatter Fulvia, which she achieves
with an extravagance which finally (and deliberately?) undercuts that
aim: if love can be made to Fulvia’s dress ‘although your face were
away’ (
80–1).
73–5 all . . .
herself A close echo of Ovid, Remedia
Amoris, 343–4, gemmis auroque teguntur / Omnia; pars minima est ipsa puella sui (Whalley).
75 herself]
Cornwall; her selfe F1
75 No, in] F1 (No’in)
76 put . . .
down excel them all.
77 mere
perfect (
OED, a. 4 obs.).
77 judgement
In her flattery of Fulvia, Galla devalues the word so central to
Jonson’s praise of the Earl of Pembroke (see Dedicatory Epistle, 6–7,
‘that great and singular faculty of judgement’) and to his criticism of
the ‘Reader in Ordinary’ (see
8, ‘in judgement, if you have
any’).
80 Still . . .
humours Always aiming to attract and please men of the most
distinguished tastes.
80–1 They . . .
dress On making love to a dress, cf.
Und. 42.51ff. and
Nick Stuff the tailor and his wife,
New Inn,
4.3.63–79.
82 ha’ . . .
on’t so find a more equal counterpart (because they also are
only interested in fine dressing). But it could also simply mean that
they would have a better time of it.
83 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
84 Travails . . .
with Does your face work hard to express.
85 is lighted
has descended from her coach.
86 Castor
Swearing by Castor was regarded as a woman’s oath, but is also
particularly appropriate for Galla here (to make out that she is more
surprised than she really is by the appearance of her ‘dream’ figure),
since the Dioscuri (Castor and his twin, Pollux, sons of Zeus) were
deities associated with miraculous interventions. In Rome their temple
was ‘a vantage-point in the Forum and played an important part in the
turbulent popular politics of the end of the Republic’ (
OCD,
302).
87 SD]
G; not in F1
87 Peace! Be
quiet!
88 wild
highly agitated.
89 SD]
G; Sempronia, Fvlvia, Galla. F1
90 wench
girl. Sempronia greets Fulvia in a blatantly familiar fashion and
continues, though not consistently, to address her with the familiar
pronoun ‘thou’, whereas Fulvia consistently uses the more formal ‘you’
to Sempronia, and less consistently ‘thou’ to her maid, Galla.
91 addressed
bound.
97 tribes
Every Roman citizen had to belong to one of the (since 241 BC)
thirty-five tribes (Lat. tribus). These constituted
voting units in political elections and were the basis of army
recruitment, the census, and taxation.
98 centuries
The century (Lat. centuria) was originally a military
unit, literally a group of 100, and evolved under the Republic into a
political and voting unit.
98 voices
votes; cf.
1.1.89,
516.
100 I, and
This could be the affirmative ‘ay’ (as Harris thinks, Harris, Cat.), which Jonson generally spells as ‘I’; but is
more likely, and more effective, as a pronoun and proof of Sempronia’s
masculine participation in politics. She sees herself as equal, ‘amongst
us’, to Crassus and Caesar.
101 carry
win.
103–5 Give . . .
one This digression, in F1 marked by brackets, suggests
Fulvia’s priorities and Sempronia’s propensity for mixing politics with
womanish trivia. The wine and toothpowder are presumably already on the
table, since Galla would hardly have time to exit and re-enter and still
hear enough of Sempronia’s discourse before her admiring aside (
114).
103–5 Give . . . one.]
placed in round brackets, F1
103, 146 powder] F1 (poulder)
105 orient
precious, brilliant, lustrous. In ancient times superior pearls and
precious stones came from the Orient. Cf.
Volp., 1.5.9: ‘Is
your pearl orient, sir?’
105 competitors candidates competing for the consulship.
106–8 Caius . . .
Licinius Quintus Asconius Pedianus (c. 9
BC–c. AD 76), in his commentary on Cicero, In toga candida, identifies Cicero’s six competitors
in rank order thus: two patricios, ‘patricians’, P.
Sulpicius Galba and L. Sergius Catilina; two nobiles
(i.e. who had held magisterial office), C. Antonius and L. Cassius
Longinus; and two who ‘only were not the first in their families’ to
hold such office, Q. Cornificius and C. Licinius. None of them, the
point is, was a novus homo, as Cicero was.
108 that
talker A deprecatory reference to Cicero, who was known as an
outstanding rhetorician.
110 o’the] F1 of the Q
113 crossed
opposed, thwarted.
114 How . . . business!]
placed in round brackets, F1
114 the common
business public affairs.
115 new fellow
Cf. .
and also Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 23, on how most of the
nobles thought (as does Sempronia here,
118) the consulship would be
‘defiled’ if a ‘new man’ should obtain it, and on how in the end the
danger of a Catiline conspiracy overrode prejudice and led to the
election of Cicero. The play’s Cicero discusses this at
3.1.1–56.
116 inmate One
not originally or properly belonging to the place where he dwells (
OED,
n. 1b). Cf.
New Inn,
5.5.40, ‘I’ll none of your Light Heart fosterlings, no inmates.’
116 as Catiline
calls him Sallust has Catiline call Cicero
inquilinus, i.e. an inhabitant or tenant, as opposed to native
or owner (
Bell. Cat., 31.7). Cf. ;
4.2.420. Contemplating
Jonson’s line, Coleridge judged that ‘A
Lodger would
have been a happier imitation of inquilinus’ (
Marginalia, 3.185; Lockwood,
2005, 198).
119–42 The ideas in this passage – birth versus
‘virtue’, or merit – recur often in Jonson’s writings; see esp.
Und.
44.73–83.
120–1 no house . . .
family no family, no coat of arms, no heraldic insignia.
Cicero’s lack of ‘family’ is expressed in terms more Jacobean than
Roman.
121 He has] F1 (He’has)
122 virtue! . . . blood,]
G; vertue, . . . bloud: F1
122 blood good
parentage.
127 Fulvia anticipates a sentiment that Juvenal, a
couple of centuries later, was to make famous:
nobilitas
sola est atque unica virtus, ‘Virtue is the one and only
nobility’:
Satires, 8.20. By Jonson’s day this saying
had become proverbial (
Tilley, V85; cf.
Und. 84.8.20). Fulvia
utters the sentiment more, it would seem, to provoke Sempronia than
because she herself is a model of virtue. Later in the same
Satire (8.231–44), Juvenal ironically contrasts the noble
ancestry and evil deeds of Catiline with the honourable courage of ‘our
Consul’ (Cicero), a ‘new man’ of ignoble blood.
128 yield
grant, concede the fact (
OED, v.
18c).
129 A reference to Cincinnatus, frequently cited as
an example of the austere modesty of early Rome. According to tradition,
he was called from the plough at a moment of national emergency in 458
BC and appointed dictator. Having saved Rome, he returned to his
plough.
131 lose] F1 (loose)
132–3 then . . .
out therefore a fund on which we can draw for that which is
now called virtue (cf. the previous speech) and which will sustain
us.
134 newcomers –]
this edn; new commers: F1
135 succession
conditions or principles by which one person succeeds another in high
office.
136 mushroom A
person who has suddenly sprung into notice, an upstart.
136 of
yesterday of no ancestry.
137 sucked at
Athens i.e. absorbed the art of rhetoric. Sempronia’s choice
of verb derogates Cicero’s fruitful studies of oratory and philosophy in
Greece (see Plutarch, Cicero, 4).
140 sat upon
sat in judgement on.
141–2 decreed . . .
For determined that he must be stopped from. ‘Rest’ is here an
aphetic form of ‘arrest’, in the (legal) sense of the restraining of a
person (
OED, Arrest n.1
8).
146 dentifrice
toothpowder.
H&S’s
note is worth reproducing in full: ‘The Romans took great care of their
teeth. Jonson would know Pliny’s recipes for tooth-powder from various
animals, dogs’ teeth, stags’ horns, the heads of mice, oyster-shells,
egg-shells, murex burnt and reduced to powder, and pounded pumice.’ The
reference is to
Natural History, 28.178–9, 182; 29.46;
30.22; 32.65, 82.
149 resists the
crudities Literally, this means ‘withstands
[the effects of
] undigested matter in the
stomach’ (
OED, Crudity 2 obs.). Galla is
less concerned with making complete sense than with finding impressive
terms to plug the toothpowder which Sempronia has obviously been
sniffing (
147).
153 toy
amorous desire.
153 takes their
bloods stirs or excites them. ‘Blood’ is here the supposed
seat of passion or sensual appetite (
OED, Blood n. 5 and 6).
155 servant
professed lover (
OED, n. 4b obs.).
160 change Cf.
the ironic defence of ‘woman’s change’ in Forest
6.
161 fresh
blooming, looking healthy and youthful.
163 He is] F1 (He’is)
163 too fresh
Fulvia plays on another meaning of ‘fresh’, as used in relation to food:
not salted, pickled, etc.
163–4 salt . . .
season A pun on ‘salt’ giving food ‘flavour’ (
OED,
Season n. 19 obs.) and
‘salt’ meaning ‘sexual desire or excitement’ (
OED, Salt n.2
obs.) leading to an animal being ‘in
season’, or ‘on heat’ (
OED, Season n.
15b).
166 the act
sex.
166 secret
fellows male prostitutes, generally of low social status. Two
meanings combine in ‘secret’ here: clandestine and sexually equipped
(
OED, Secret a. 1d and j; cf.
Ham.,
2.2.226, ‘In the secret parts of Fortune’).
167 backs The
word connotated sexual potency. Cf. Sir Epicure Mammon’s ‘And I will
make me a back / With the elixir that shall be as tough / As Hercules’,
to encounter fifty a night’ (Alch., 2.2.37–9).
167 and shall
who will.
168 Now . . .
fled ‘now that he has sold his property and spent the
proceeds’ (Bolton & Gardner). Sallust, Bell. Cat.,
23.3, records how Curius began to lose Fulvia’s favour when he became
poor. The conversion of landed property to cash was a major Jacobean
concern; cf., e.g., Thomas Middleton, The Revenger’s
Tragedy, 3.5.73–4: ‘Are lordships [estates] sold to maintain ladyships / For
the poor benefit of a bewitching minute?’
169 those i.e.
the ‘secret fellows’ (
166).
169 lordings
petty lords.
170 noble
fauns Something of an oxymoron, since these be-horned forest
deities are ignobly priapic. Also, since Faunus was claimed as one of
the mythical kings of early Latium, Gifford may be right in suggesting
that Jonson is marking ‘the vanity of the patricians in deriving their
descent from the fabulous and heroic ages’.
171 boist’rous
violently fierce, savage (
OED, Boisterous a. 9a obs.).
171 centaurs
Human above the waist and horse below, centaurs were symbols of
uncontrolled lust and violence. See, e.g., Ovid’s account of the Lapith
wedding,
Met., 12.210ff.; and cf.
Epicene,
4.5.36–7.
171 leaping
mounting. Cf.
Ado, 5.4.49, ‘And some such strange bull leaped your
father’s cow’.
172–3 borne . . .
out put up with and supported, humoured (
OED,
Bear v. I 2a [bear out]
obs.).
173 observe
humour, gratify (
OED, v. 4b obs.).
174 a jot an
iota, a whit.
178 it
sex.
178 it –]
this edn; it: F1
179 round sums
plenty of cash.
179 I am] F1 (I’am)
180 cob-swan
male swan (
OED, Cob1 2).
180–2 high-mounting
. . . Danae Zeus / Jupiter seduced Leda in the shape of a
swan, Europa in that of a bull, and visited Danaë in the form of a
shower of gold. Epicure Mammon promises Doll Common ‘no shower / But
floods of gold’, in
Alch., 4.1.126–7.
184 thund’ring
vehement (with a play on Jupiter as the god of thunder).
184 gamesters
persons addicted to amorous sport (
OED, Gamester 5).
The word is also used in a less lewd sense of Surly in
Alch. and Quarlous in
Bart.
Fair.
185 with . . .
suff’ring having put up with a great deal.
187 in the
season at the right time.
188 Which . . . happiness]
placed in round brackets, F1
189 In this line the two pronouns, ‘I’ and ‘them’,
are stressed.
190 ’em –]
this edn; ’hem; F1
191 An echo of Horace, Satires,
2.5.80, where the wooers of Penelope do not so much study love as the
kitchen (nec tantum Veneris quantum studiosa
culinae).
191 Yes . . . you.]
placed in round brackets, F1
192 eat . . .
usury ruin myself with expensive borrowing. Fulvia’s aside
opens the possibility of a play on ‘eat’, unintentional on the part of
Sempronia.
192 – eat]
this edn; Eat F1
193 officers
persons engaged in the management of the household. Cf.
TN,
2.5.40, ‘Calling my officers about me . . .’.
194 needful
charge necessary expenses.
196 achieve
succeed in attracting.
197 affect
fancy.
199 SD]
G; not in F1
200 party
person (
OED, n. 14).
202 kept kept
to.
207 by my
means through my intervention, because of me (
OED,
Mean n. 9b).
210 Castor See
.
212–13 Why . . .
purpose? Why are you trying so hard to go against your own
wishes?
214 in
disposition in a normal state of health (
OED,
Disposition n. 10b obs.),
as against ‘indisposition’, but no doubt also implying that she is
‘disposed’ for company.
214 SD]
G; not in F1
215 SD]
G; Cvrivs, Fvlvia, Galla. F1
219 sullenness?]
this edn; solennesse! F1
220 artillery
ammunition in the wide (pre-gunpowder) sense (
OED, n.
1 obs.).
221 gown
flowing outer garment, esp. the Roman toga (
OED, n.
3).
221 encounter
(1) battle; (2) amorous meeting (
OED, n.
2b obs.). In response to Fulvia’s
‘artillery’, Curius puns on the two meanings as he prepares for the
latter.
221 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
223 case
covering, clothes (
OED, n.2 4b
obs.). The military and sexual
undertones of the exchange suggest that the word has been chosen for its
punning possibilities. ‘Case’ often hints at the female sexual anatomy
(cf.
Und.
42.87, ‘Thou art jealous of thy wife’s or daughter’s
case’).
224 furious
extravagant, foolish (
OED, 2,
+4).
224 against
until such time as.
225 coy it
affect shyness.
225 I am] F1 (I’am)
225 proud in
the mood; sexually aroused (
OED, 8).
227–9 Look . . . own
it Ian Donaldson has drawn my attention to the resemblance
between this scene of Curius presenting the mirror to Fulvia and
Forest
13, a poem which Jonson offers to Lady Katherine Aubigny as a
mirror in which she can read her true character, and which he was
writing at much the same time as he was writing
Catiline. Lady Aubigny, of course, sees a very different image
from that confronting Fulvia.
228 scurvily
Covering a range of derogatory meanings: mean, rude, sour.
230 slack . . .
brow relax the wrinkles in your brow, stop frowning.
231 shoot
Sustaining the martial metaphor, this refers to the glances Fulvia
‘shoots’ like arrows from her eyes.
234 her own
statue There were several cult statues of Fortuna, the goddess
of chance or luck, in Rome; see
OCD,
606. The idea of treading on the head of one of them is
grandly blasphemous. Cf. the toppling of the statue of Fortune in
Sej., 5.185ff.
237 vent’rous
venturous, bold.
240 strain
tone (of expression).
240 strained
forced, artificial. Another example of Fulvia’s wordplay.
242 foreknowledge knowledge of what has been.
OED does not recognize any meaning other than
‘prescience’; but Fulvia wants the word to mean ‘before-knowledge’,
referring to the past, as against her ‘Hereafter’ (
244).
245 materials
gifts.
247 call yourself
again pull yourself together, return to your normal state. A
Latinism, from revocare.
248 practise
on work on, play a trick on.
248 me, or] F1 (me’or)
249 servant
See .
250 That it be
And if it therefore is.
250 That it] F1 (That’it)
253–64 The account of Fulvia’s ‘tricks’ adapts a passage
in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria, 3.601–8.
254 watches
(1) vigilance; (2) spying.
258 secure
literally, free from care (Lat. securus); here, free
from fear of discovery.
262 waiter (1)
waiting-woman (
OED, n. 7b obs.); (2)
person on the look-out (
OED,
1 obs.). A play here on the two
meanings.
263 cry . . .
lord Galla would cry out ‘my lord!’ to pretend that Fulvia’s
husband was approaching.
265 winking . . .
farm dozing in his country estate. History does not record to
whom Fulvia was married.
267 sealed As
the verb serves both ‘eyes’ and ‘beak’, one must resist the emendation
to ‘seeled’ (Whalley), i.e. stitched up like the eyes of a hawk or other
bird (cf. .), otherwise plausible in a context where the
allegedly complaisant husband is pictured as a ‘crow’ (
265).
267 sealed] F1 (seal’d); seel’d Wh
267 sesterces
Roman coins of low value. The husband would have been easily bribed into
silent acquiesence.
269 savouring
having the characteristics of.
271 since . . .
name Curius’s expulsion from the Senate was, historically,
some time ago; see .
272 lose] F1 (loose)
273 fame
reputation.
273 fame you] F1 (fame’you)
274 vent
yourself discharge your fluids (‘poison’
[273], or semen, or both) (
OED, Vent v.2 2b obs.).
275 suburb-brothels In Jacobean London (rather than Rome),
brothels – and public playhouses – were located outside the city limits,
in the suburbs.
275 brokers
procurers, pimps (
OED, Broker I 4 obs.).
276 designed
designated, destined.
278 tragic
visor mask worn by a tragic actor (in this case, Fulvia).
278 lady
Cypris Venus, the goddess of love (Gk. Aphrodite), whose chief
shrine was in Cyprus. Cf. Jonson’s marginalium 60 to
Hym., 474.
279 Know . . .
virtues Recognize your best qualities. Curius speaks
ironically (i.e. you’ve more talent for sex than histrionics).
281 Venus
Lust, indulgence of sexual desire (
OED, 2
obs.).
282 Pollux A
masculine oath. See .
282 SD] F1 opposite lines 278–280; not in Q
282 SD
offers begins.
283 Lais Two
famous Greek courtesans bore this name.
283 Lucrece
Raped by Sextus Tarquinius, son of the last king of Rome – who had
threatened her with a knife – Lucrece called together her husband,
father, and friends and made them swear to take revenge on the Tarquins,
whereafter she stabbed herself to death. Fulvia threatens to reverse the
traditional story by stabbing instead her would-be ravisher. The story
has some resonance in the present context: both Livy and Cicero had
observed parallels between the behaviour of Catiline and that of the
Tarquins (Donaldson,
1982, 186, n. 12).
283 Castor see
.
286 fall off
draw back.
287 Put not up
Do not sheathe your dagger. This phrase and the following lines suggest
that Jonson envisages Curius drawing his ‘dagger’ (
293). Sallust,
Bell.
Cat., 23.3, tells how Curius would
minari interdum
ferro, ni sibi obnoxia foret, ‘sometimes threaten
[his mistress
] with his sword, if she did
not submit to him’.
290 common
tale i.e. source of popular gossip, but the phrase carries a
sexual innuendo; ‘common’ = sexually available (like Doll Common in Alch.) and ‘tale’ puns on ‘tail’, pudendum.
291 infamous
The stress here is on the second syllable.
292 employ The
spelling in Q and F1 shows Jonson preferring the now obsolete form
‘imploy’, closer to the late Lat. verb implicare (in
the sense of ‘to bend or direct upon something’) from which ‘employ’ is
ultimately derived.
292 employ] F1 (imploy)
294 strengths
superior (compulsive) power (
OED, Strength n. 4 obs.).
295 tyrant] F1 (tyran)
295 bear stand
the strain, endure. When repeated by Fulvia (
297), ‘bear’ refers to putting up
with the infamy of expulsion from the Senate.
298 the] F2; that
Q, F1
300 venged
avenged.
303 fair unless] F1 (faire’vnlesse)
305 come about
come round, turn into a more satisfactory mood (
OED, Come v. 49c obs.). Cf.
Epicene, 4.1.24, ‘I
shall come about to thee again.’
307 entrails
internal contents (
OED, Entrail n. 5), but
also playing on the primary meaning of ‘entrails’ in a reference to
Roman practices of augury; see .
310–11 promised . . .
seas Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 23.3, tells how,
when Curius began to lose his favour with Fulvia because he could not
afford lavish gifts, he fell to boasting and
maria
montisque polliceri coepit, ‘began to promise her seas and
mountains’. The phrase was proverbial; cf.
Devil, 1.5.22,
‘Promise gold-mountains’, and
Merc.
Vind., 54, ‘promising mountains for their meat’.
311 so stalely . . .
with fed up with hearing about. ‘Stalely’ = in a stale,
commonplace, or hackneyed manner.
OED (adv. rare) cites only two examples of
this adverb, both from Jonson’s plays: this and
Case, 2.4.47.
314 bondwomen
female slaves.
316 under the
spear ‘The Roman mode of proclaiming an auction was setting up
a spear, at the foot of which the goods
[originally
spoils of war taken from an enemy
] were sold’ (
Gifford).
316 outcry
auction, public sale to the highest bidder (
OED, n. 2 obs.).
319 advise . . .
cushion consult with your cushion (i.e. have no one and
nothing else to turn to, as a result of ‘coyness’ – cf. ‘coy it’,
225).
320 look o’your
fingers Continuing the idea of her abandonment, this may be
suggesting that she will have only her fingers to look at, and also
perhaps that they will itch at the thought of the flood of wealth she
has missed. Cf.
H5, 2.3.15, where Mistress Quickly describes how the
dying Falstaff would ‘smile upon his finger’s end’.
H&S see a reference to
‘divination from spots in finger-nails’.
320 wished
wanted, desired, or entreated. Cf.
Ant., 1.4.42, ‘he
which is was wished until he were’.
Gifford rejects Whalley’s emendation
(following a marginal note of Theobald’s), ‘‘witch’d’.
321 And . . .
you This clause serves Curius both (1) to clinch, in the mode
of oratio obliqua, the imaginary scene of Fulvia
regretting what she has missed and (2) as a spoken stage direction, to
dramatize his own exit.
321 SDs
Exit, Exit Galla]
G; not in F1
322 something . . .
this there is some mystery, or something significant, in
this.
323 SD]
G, subst.; not in Q
324 easiness
This could mean either (1) lack of firmness, fickleness, or (2)
gentleness, kindness.
325–6 doves . . .
murmuring An echo of
Ovid, Ars Amatoria,
2.465–6, where lovers are said to ‘bill’ like doves, now fighting and
now murmuring flattering words.
327 kindly
natural (
OED, a. I 1 obs.).
331 covetise
covetousness, inordinate desire for the acquisition of wealth (
OED,
n. 2 obs.).
332 conceit
idea, thought. Curius’s ‘conceit’ is of course only too accurate.
333 my study
the object of my solicitous endeavour. Cf. ‘study’ in
329 above.
336 prosecute
pursue. A Latinism, from prosequi.
339–40 Better . . .
does The scene has demonstrated how much Fulvia loves her
‘face and dressing’, i.e. make-up and fine clothes.
340–1 grow . . .
embrace become ever more united with you.
344–5 As . . .
meet The idea of kissing as close as cockle shells recurs in
Jonson’s texts: cf.
Cynthia (F), 5.4.443;
Hym., 471–2;
Alch.,
3.3.69.
346 subtle
delicate, fine (
OED, a. 2 obs.). The sense of ‘crafty, cunning’ could also be
hovering around this kiss of two lovers who seem to know each other’s
motives only too well.
348 Fulvia . . .
name Linking a character’s name and characteristics, as so
often in the comedies (and cf. note on Bestia at
1.1.505–12), Jonson derives ‘Fulvia’
from Lat.
fulvus, ‘yellow-brown’, which Virgil and
Ovid use as an epithet for gold (
aurum), and he may
also have in mind
fulgens, ‘bright, shining’. Curius
continues the play on her name in
354.
351 SD] F1 opposite lines 350–2; not in Q
353 service
the devotion or suit of a lover (
OED, n.
10). Cf.
AYLI, 5.2.73, ‘all made of
faith and service’.
353–4 Cruel . . .
light Cf. Philostratus, Epistles, 13 [59]: ‘The handsome boy, if he is
wild and cruel, is a fire; but if he is tame and kind, a shining
beacon.’
361–2 As the reconciled lovers disappear to bed,
Curius’s rhyming couplet marks the situation both effectively and
ironically, for the conspiracy – from which he expects, as a ‘prize’,
the ‘wealth’ of Rome – will in fact start to unravel in Fulvia’s ‘arms’
(
360). The
closing line is not only outrageously un-Roman in anticipating ‘private’
gain from ‘public ruin’ but it also draws an aphrodisiac effect from
this very anticipation: there are sexual puns in ‘private spirits’ which
‘must rise’. For ‘spirit’ as referring to semen, and ‘rise’ to
tumescence, cf.
Sonn., 120.1 (‘Th’expense of spirit in
a waste of shame’) and 151.14 (‘for whose dear love I rise and fall’).
Cf. also Jonson’s use of ‘spirit’ in
Epigr. 19.2 and
Und.
15.58 and
82.
362 SD]
G; not in Q
363–406 In bold contrast with the scene just witnessed
and the sentiments just uttered, the citizenly Chorus now prays to the
gods for good government. Serving to mark the consular election which
will have taken place by the time Act 3 opens, the Chorus puts forth
desiderata for a good consul which point forward to Cicero and are to be
echoed in his speeches. The metre – a four-line, four-beat stanza,
rhyming abba – is uncommon enough in English poetry for Tennyson to have
thought himself the originator of it when he used it in
In
Memoriam (see Ricks, ed.
Tennyson,
1969, 859). A. C.
Bradley (
1930),
67–8, lists other Renaissance uses of this metre, e.g. trochaic versions
in Sidney,
Astrophil and Stella, Second Song;
Shakespeare,
The Phoenix and Turtle; and Herbert, ‘The
Temper (2)’ (in which lines 1 and 4 are pentameters). Jonson also used
it in
Und. 39. In that ‘Elegy’, as in this Chorus, the
metre is iambic, but each stanza is a self-contained unit, whereas in
the Chorus the first sixteen lines create a sense of urgency by making
stanzas twice (
366–7,
374–5) run into
each other.
364 auspice
propitious influence, patronage. Mars was the son of Jupiter and,
according to legend, father of Romulus and Remus, founders of Rome. Cf.
.
366 nephew
grandson (
OED, 3 obs.), from Lat.
nepos. Here referring to Remus.
366–7 strove . . .
rites In the founding of Rome, Remus defied auguries which
favoured Romulus, who then killed him.
374 invade
make an attack upon (
OED, v. 5 obs.) – as Catiline plans to do.
377 face
outward show. For the whole phrase, ‘Be . . . endued’, cf.
Bart. Fair,
1.3.106–7, where Busy is ‘one that stands upon his face more
than his faith at all times’.
378 Cf. .
379–80 get . . .
state gain political advantage.
380 parts (1)
possessions (
OED, Part n. 7b obs.); or (2) conflict between factions (
OED,
15b and 29), as in
Epigr. 110.14, ‘midst envy and parts’.
Either could serve as ‘Ambition’s bawds’ (
381).
385 the’embraced] F1 (the’embraced)
391 Bruti
Lucius Junius Brutus was reputedly responsible for the expulsion of the
Tarquins and so seen as the liberator of Rome from the tyranny of
kings.
391 Decii
Three generations of Decii, father, son, and grandson, each named
Publius Decius Mus, each saved Rome by an act of self-sacrifice in
battle.
392 Cipi Ovid,
in Met., 15. 565–621, tells how Cipus, a republican
general returning to Rome in triumph, found horns sprouting from his
brow. When a soothsayer interpreted this as a sign that he would be
king, he chose to remain in exile from Rome.
392 Curtii
Three different Curtii are mentioned as heroes of ‘an aetiological myth
to explain the name of lacus Curtius, a pit or pond in the Roman Forum’.
Most important of these was Marcus Curtius who, ‘in obedience to an
oracle, to save his country, leaped . . . into the chasm which suddenly
opened in the Forum’ (
OCD, 415).
394 a year the
year of their consulship. Cf.
3.1.76–7. The source of the phrase
insisting that great men are good for life and not only for a year is
Horace,
Odes, 4.9.39,
consulque non unius
anni.
395 Camilli
Marcus Furius Camillus, conqueror of the Etruscan city of Veii and five
times dictator in the early fourth century BC, is depicted by Livy as a
‘second founder’ of Rome.
396 Fabii
Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus, five times consul between 322 and 295
BC, won a crucial victory for Rome over an alliance of Samnites,
Etruscans, and Celts. His grandson or great-grandson, also five times
consul, earned the name Cunctator, ‘The Delayer’, because his policy of
delay and attrition kept Hannibal from sacking Rome.
396 Scipios
The most famous members of the Scipio family were Publius Cornelius
Scipio Africanus, who defeated Hannibal in 202 BC, and his (adoptive)
grandson, Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus, who captured
and destroyed Carthage in 146 BC.
399 to . . .
knit so identified themselves with the honour of Rome.
403 magistrates Cf. Dedicatory Epistle, 11n.
404 forms
formal procedures (
OED, Form
n. 11). The
alliterative yoking of ‘force’ and ‘forms’ activates two senses of
‘practised’: exercised (force) and manipulated or corrupted (formal
procedures). For the latter meaning, see
OED, Practise v. 10b.
406 Cf. Jonson’s epigram on Lord Burghley, ‘The only
faithful watchman for the realm, / That in all tempests never quit the
helm’ (
Und. 30.9–10).
3.1 Historically, this scene would be set in the
Campus Martius, the Field of Mars, where one of the
popular assemblies, the
comitia centuriata, met
annually to elect consuls and praetors; and the time would be July 64
BC, since Cicero has just been elected Consul for 63 BC, with Caius
Antonius as his colleague, and Catiline has been rejected by the voters.
Jonson telescopes time and events, such as Catiline’s two defeats in
consular elections, 64 and 63 BC (see ), and dramatically the
scene is invented by him. He devises patterns of dialogue, entrances,
exits, and groupings which turn the stage into a remarkable exhibit of
Roman politics. As Cicero addresses the people, his triumph is
underlined by Cato but undercut by the asides of Crassus and Caesar.
Catulus’s suspicions of Caesar and Crassus (
91–108) are set against his
readiness to accept as genuine Catiline’s public show of equanimity
(
120–48), a
situation given edge by Catiline’s ‘aside’ exchange with Caesar (
127–30). Antonius
comes over as a nonentity with hardly anything to say. His exit,
markedly less spectacular than Cicero’s, clears the stage for an
antiphonal pattern which has Lentulus and Longinus muse on the apparent
collapse of the conspiracy, at the same time as Catiline laments his
defeat in a series of asides (
149–78), brusquely interrupted by
the entry of Cethegus (
173) which, however, leads to the recovery of Catiline’s
spirit; and finally Cato is brought back onstage (
200 SD) – just, it would seem, to
show Catiline’s change of stance, into open defiance.
0 SD]
G, subst.; Cicero, Cato, Catvlvs, Antonivs, / Crassvs,
Caesar, Chorvs,
/ Lictors. F1
1 SD CHORUS
here (possibly without having left the stage) clearly functions as a
representative of the Roman people and is probably supported by as many
extras as available (cf. ‘us’ and ‘rout’,
3.1.84 and
86) in order to show, by responses
to Cicero’s speech (
60;
84)
and by ‘cling
[ing
]’ to him at his
triumphal exit (
86),
that the new Consul’s appeal is not just to a handful of senators.
1–52 Cicero’s speech is based on parts of De lege agraria (‘On the agrarian law’), 2, the speech which
the historical Cicero delivered to a popular assembly, on taking up his
consulship, against Publius Servilius Rullus’s proposal for the sale of
public lands and the grants of land to poor citizens.
1 Great . . .
burdens Translating a Roman proverb,
Onerosior
hoc honor omnis est, quo est amplior (
Florilegium
Ethico-Politicum,
1610, 1.70).
2 They are] F1 (They’are)
2 envy
unpopularity, opprobrium (Lat.
invidia) (
OED,
n. 1c obs.).
8 charge
responsibility, office entrusted (probably, following ‘weight’, with a
pun on the meaning of ‘a material load’).
8 you have] F1 (you’haue)
9 would with
art would wish to appear to.
9 decline
undervalue, disparage (
OED, v. 19 obs.).
11 to . . .
grace only to your favour.
12 title
cause, pretext (Lat. titulus).
13 Cicero is] F1 (Cicero’is)
14–18 Cf.
De lege agaria,
2.1. The Roman
aristocracy strictly observed the cult of the ancestors of the family;
only those with a consul in the male line of descent were called
nobilis; and the right to possess ‘images’ (
imagines familiae) was restricted to those whose
ancestors had held high magisterial offices. Wear and tear to such
relics signalled the length of the family line. As a ‘new man’ Cicero
would have none of those; nor would he lower himself to forging ‘tables
of long descents’. The scornful details betokening a pedigree (
generis tabula) are taken from the opening lines of
Juvenal,
Satires, 8 (cf.
2.1.122–7n.), the source, e.g., of
‘Wanting an ear or nose’ (
auriculis nasoque
carentem).
18 undertakers This term, in the reign of James I, referred to
‘hired managers of elections, paid to maintain a Court-majority in
Parliament’ (Harris,
Cat.; cf.
OED,
Undertaker n. 4b). Cf.
Devil, 2.1.36, ‘He
shall but be an undertaker with me.’
20–2 in . . . /
Hereafter Cicero stresses that his election not only is a
personal triumph but also sets a precedent.
21 virtue
unusual ability, merit (
OED, n. 5). The
source here is Cicero’s speech
Pro Murena, 17, on
leaving the way to the consulship open
non magis nobilitati
quam virtuti, ‘to merit as much as to birth’. Cf. the various
meanings of ‘virtue’ in this scene:
57 (Cato),
148 (Catulus), and
151 (Catiline on being
thought ‘virtuous’).
22 place]
Bolton & Gardner; place: F1
23 ramparts] F1;
rampires Q
25 new . . .
none This is particularly close to De lege
agraria, 2.3: novus ante me nemo.
26 At . . .
suit The first time I stood as a candidate.
26 in . . .
year Born in 106 BC, Cicero was in his forty-third year, the
earliest anyone could be elected consul.
28 vein style
of rhetoric. A pun on ‘vain’ is also likely.
28 Up glory!
An ironical comment on Cicero’s self-glorification.
28–31 Cicero prides himself on having been elected
unanimously and with acclamation, as in
De lege
agraria, 2.4:
una voce universus populus Romanus
consulem declaravit. Votes in magisterial elections were cast
in assigned groups, or centuries, ranged according to income ‘with a
great advantage in the vote to men of higher property’ (Taylor,
1990, 5); voting
began at the top and proceeded downwards, ultimately to ‘the meaner
tribes’ whose votes were often superfluous, as a majority would have
been arrived at before their turn came. Slaves, foreigners, and women
did not vote.
30 silent
books The small wooden tablets, covered in wax, on which
voters wrote the name of their preferred candidate. This method replaced
(139 BC) one of oral (not ‘silent’) voting; and Cicero’s ‘loud consents
. . . uttered voices’ ought historically to refer to the acclaim, not to
the actual voting, though Jonson seems to imply here that the voting was
by vocal acclaim.
34 counsels
delivered opinion. Cf. .
34 counsels] F1;
counsel Q
34 approved
proved correct.
36 With
grudge With injurious effect (to those not preferred).
37 repent you
The reflexive use of the verb, now archaic, was common. Cf.
R3,
1.4.268, ‘I repent me that the duke is slain.’
41 ne’er] F3;
ne’re F1
43 do . . .
as act so well in the consulship that.
45 envied
regarded with disapproval (
OED, Envy v. 2 obs.). Cf. .
47–50 i.e. I know well enough what vexations assail the
commonwealth, in which nothing evil happens that good men do not fear
and wicked men expect.
51 practices
conspiracies (
OED, Practice n. 6b,
c).
52 more] F1 (moe)
53 Crassus, like Caesar in
3.1.93–101, notoriously suspected
Cicero of inventing ‘dangers’ to further his own cause.
54 envy and
pride Sallust stresses the resistance of Roman
nobilitas to Cicero as a
homo novus, but
also that before the
periculum, ‘danger’ (cf.
52) of the conspiracy
their
invidia atque superbia, ‘envy
[i.e. disapproval
] and pride’, gave way (
Bell. Cat., 23.6).
55 bate grow
less (aphetic form of ‘abate’).
58–60 The exchange marking the enmity between Caesar
and Cato is most likely conducted in asides, while the chorus of
citizens respond to Cato’s statement in line 57.
61 A version of the Roman proverb
vox
populi, vox dei, also used by Jonson in
Epigr. 67.12:
‘that is God’s which was the people’s voice’.
61 consent A
wordplay calling to mind the homophone ‘concent’, harmony of sounds,
accord or concord of several voices or parts (
OED, Concent n. 1 and 1b, where it is ‘erroneously spelt
consent’). Cf.
Und. 75.16,
Panegyre,
59, and
H5, 1.2.180–3, ‘For government, though high and low,
and lower / Put into parts, doth keep in one concent, / Congreeing in a
full and natural close / Like music.’ In its figurative sense, ‘concent’
(from Lat.
consentus, singing together
[from the verb
concinere])
merges with ‘consent’ (from Lat.
consensus, unanimity
[from the verb
consentire]), to mean ‘agreement’ (
OED, Concent n. 2), but here, as in the Shakespeare example cited
(and cf. also ‘consent’ in
H5, 1.2.206) the association with musical
harmony elevates a political statement.
64–5 Each . . .
becalmed Echoing Seneca,
Epistles, 85.34,
Tranquillo quilibet
gubernator est, ‘Anyone can steer in a calm sea’; but Jonson’s
‘petty hand’, i.e. lowly member of a ship’s crew (
OED,
Petty a. 3; Hand n. 8b),
is more specific than the generalizing
quilibet. Cf.
Tro.,
1.3.34–45.
65–74 H&S suggest that the imagery in this passage is derived
from the younger Pliny,
Epistles, 9.26.4. The figure
of the ship of state is frequent in Latin writings, including Cicero’s;
see, e.g.,
Pro Murena, 35. Cf. also the Chorus at
2.1.405.
66 Govern
Steer (after Lat.
gubernare) (
OED, v.
7b obs.).
66 carry . . .
ends bring her safely to her destination.
69 springs
OED gives this as the only example of an obsolete
nautical usage of ‘spring’ meaning ‘a breach or opening in a vessel
through the splitting or starting of a plank or seam’ (Spring
n.
1 17a).
70 shelves
sandbanks in the sea which render the water shallow and dangerous.
74 Becomes
Befits.
76–7 not . . .
life Cf. .
79 Your will
Your will be done.
81 spring
cause to rise to view (
OED, v.1 17 obs.).
82 facts
deeds.
83 As suggested by H&S, the source of this sententia seems to be Erasmus, Parabolae (Opera, 1.498), where life is
counted non quam diu, sed quàm bene acta, ‘not in days
but in good deeds’. The thought is elaborated in Und.
70 (‘For what is life, if measured by the space, / Not by the act?’,
etc.)
83 The vicious] F1; “The vicious Q
84 wait
escort.
84 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
85 popular
Several meanings crowd into this word. Derived from Lat.
popularis (and cf. Cicero,
De lege agraria,
2.9), it could mean ‘approved by the people’ – a fair comment on the
visual effect of Cicero’s exit. It could also mean ‘favouring the
people’, sliding into the derogatory sense of ‘demagogic’. This seems to
be how Caesar uses it, possibly also with a snide pun on the (now
obsolete) meaning of ‘of lowly birth’ (
OED, a.
2b), and with the implicit irony that, in the bipartisan
strife of the late Republic, it is Caesar, a patrician noble, who is
known to belong to the
populares rather than the
optimates.
86 rout
rabble (
OED, n.1
7).
87 looked on
paid regard to, respected. Cf. 3H6, 5.7.22, ‘For yet I
am not looked on in the world.’
88 He
Antonius. In defining the difference between the two newly elected
consuls, Antonius and ‘th’other’ (89), Caesar emphasizes the former’s
passivity by, as it were, speaking for him, as he does again in line
107.
90 wake it
out stay awake.
90 inspired
animated (i.e. with an urge). A play on ‘spirit’ (89, 92). Cf.
3.2.175.
95 taste
perceive, recognize (
OED, v. 4b obs.). Cf.
Devil, 1.6.138, ‘Nay,
then I taste a trick in’t.’
96 art
trick.
96 Popular
See .
98 arts While
still implying the tricksiness of ‘art’ (96), this plural form also has
the meaning of ‘professional skills’.
98–100 Would . . .
Hydra? A rhetorical question – since a protagonist must have
an antagonist – which picks up both ‘monsters’ and ‘arts’ from the
preceding sentence. To make the point that the alleged conspiracy is a
fiction created by Cicero to gain power and popularity, Caesar uses the
image of a play where Cicero acts the part of Hercules, who, as one of
the labours which have made him a hero, slays the many-headed Lernaean
Hydra.
100–1 They . . .
parts Continuing the line of thought and the stage image,
Caesar insists that actors (‘They’) have to work as hard to provide
props (‘To fit their properties’) as they do to represent (‘express’)
their parts. True or not, this creates a meta theatrical moment in Catiline.
102–5 As indicated by the quotation marks in Q1 and by
the rhyming couplets, Crassus and Catulus point their respective
attitudes to Cicero by an exchange of sententiae.
102–5 crassus . . . / Too
. . . / catulus . . . / Their] F1; “Cra
. . . . / “Too . . . / “Catv. . . . / “Their
Q
106 provide
look out and make sure (Lat. providere).
108 watch the
watcher As in Juvenal, Satires, 6.347–8, sed quis custodiet ipsos / custodes?, ‘but who will
watch the watchers?’, and cf. Sej., 4.356–7, ‘Good
spy, / Now you are spied, begone.’
108 SD]
placed here, this edn; SD follows 115 in Q
109 brook . . .
repulse take his defeat in the recent election. There now
follows a post-mortem on the election, where the slow approach of
Catiline, Longinus, and Lentulus, presumably talking among themselves,
enables the characters downstage to set the political context.
109 hardly
uneasily, painfully (
OED, adv. 5).
110 SH
catulus]
Wh; Cat. F1
114 SH
catulus] F2; Cat. F1
112–13 He . . .
Praetor Despite his past record, Lentulus was elected Praetor
for 63 BC, and so re-admitted to the Senate. Jonson would find this
discussed by Plutarch, Cicero, 17.
114 suffrage
vote.
114 next
immediately after. This shows Catulus’s status, since voting in the comitia centuriata was strictly hierarchical.
115 Prince . . .
Senate Catulus was princeps senatus, a
position of great dignity, held for life once awarded, placing him in
rank next to the consuls (Velleius Paterculus, 2.43.3). Jonson may
intend Caesar’s line to contain a barb, in view of the fact that he
defeated Catulus in the election for the office of pontifex
maximus in 63 BC.
115 SD]
this edn; Catiline, Antonivs, Catvlvs,
CÆ- / sar, Crassvs,
Longinvs, / Lentvlvs. F1
117 gratulate
congratulate (Lat. gratulari).
118 happier . . .
fellowship Cf. Catiline’s expectation of a consulship with
Antonius as a pliable colleague, 1.445–9.
120–3 Catiline’s pretended acceptance of the outcome
draws on Juvenal’s satire on the vanity of human wishes, Satires, 10.347–50, where we learn that the gods know best
what is good for men, since carior est illis homo quam
sibi, ‘man is dearer to them than he is to himself’.
120 who instruct] F1 (who’instruct)
124 Lucius
Catiline.
125–6 even . . .
heaven In the immediate context ‘even’ means ‘equable,
unruffled’ (
OED, Even a. 8) or ‘in
accord with my thoughts’, but the word hands Catiline, in his reply, the
possibility of multiple meanings, as of the underlying Lat. adjective,
aequus. Ostensibly he is saying, by ‘such’, that
he will attempt to make his thoughts ‘equal’ to Rome and heaven – in
itself ambivalent, since it could imply either submission or towering
ambition – but there is also an undertone possibility of ‘taking revenge
on’ – making himself ‘even with’ – the city and the gods.
127–8 I . . . you]
placed in round brackets, F1
127–30 This conversation (bracketed in F1) reflects the
suspicions of Caesar’s and Crassus’s involvement in the conspiracy which
are manifest in Plutarch, Caesar, 7–8; Crassus, 13; Cicero, 20, but which Sallust
tends to play down (Bell. Cat., 17.48–9).
130 apprehend
you catch your meaning.
131 convenient
appropriate (
OED, 4b obs.).
132 With . . .
hand ‘bountifully (Lat. plena manu)’ (Bolton
& Gardner).
137 stomach
resent (
OED, v. 1 obs.)
(Lat.
stomachari).
139 brook not
me Catiline plays smartly on ‘brook’, meaning ‘bear’, in the
sense of ‘endure’. If, as Catulus says, it is reported that he bears his
defeat very ill, then this is because ‘public report’ – referred to as
‘she’ because the underlying Lat. word, fama, is
feminine – cannot bear him.
139 yourself . . .
me your own opinion of me, now that you have seen me.
140 A literal rendering of
Florilegium
Ethico-Politicum (
1610), 1.13:
Calumniae
genus est, rumori credere.
142–3 Where . . .
true To react angrily to a slander is to suggest that the
accusation is true. Cf.
AYLI, 2.7.53–7.
144 temper
mental balance or composure, especially under provocation (
OED,
n. 3). Cf. 4.2.96. As at the time
‘temper’ could also mean ‘temperature’ (
OED, 7), Jonson may
have Catulus make an unconscious pun when saying that it ‘melts’
him.
145 do office
‘render observance’ (Bolton & Gardner).
146 Which] F1;
That Q
148 state
office of power or importance (
OED, n.
16 obs.).
148 virtue
Catulus’s sense of ‘virtue’ is rather more moral than Cicero’s (cf.
3.1.21 and
57) and is immediately
devalued by Catiline (150–1).
148 SD]
G; not
in F1
152 in-parts
internal parts of the body (
OED, In adv.
and a. 12c); here, inward thoughts.
153–74 F1 (but not Q) places round brackets around the
speeches of Longinus and Lentulus in this passage. Brackets can indicate
asides, but this edition presents this unit of the scene as having two
parallel and independent components: the first, a continuous monologue
by Catiline to himself, which is then heard by Cethegus at
174; the second, a
private conference between Longinus and Lentulus.
153–5 longinus . . .
consulship.]
placed in round brackets, F1
154 he i.e.
Catiline.
156 bondmen
slaves.
157 Is there an even lower definition appropriate to
me?
158 the owl . . .
hoot Though the owl was commonly seen as a bird of ill omen
(cf.
4.2.449), in this
self-derisory context the allusion seems to be to the story of the owl
as ‘gull’ being captured by mimicry (D’Arcy Thompson, 1936, 340). When
the children ‘hoot’ the owl – i.e. assail it with shouts of contempt or
derision (
OED, Hoot v. 2) – they are also
imitating its hoot.
158 hoot] F1 (hout)
159 That Or I
could say that.
159–60 that . . .
gardens Wooden statues of Priapus – a phallic god of
‘aggressive, anally-fixated sexuality’ (OCD, 1244) – in Roman gardens could serve as scarecrows.
Horace, Satires, 1.8.1–7, describes the making of such
a statue, obscenoque ruber porrectus ab inguine palus
(5), ‘with a red stake protruding from [his] obscene groin’. This, unlike the ineffectual ‘wooden
god’ on which Catiline projects his image of self-abasement, becomes furum aviumque maxima formido (3–4), ‘of great terror
to thieves and birds’.
161 muting
excreting (used in reference to birds).
161 SD]
this edn; not in F1
162–5 longinus . . . true.]
placed in round brackets, F1
166 longinus . . .
voices.]
placed in round brackets, F1
168–70 lentulus . . . fail.]
placed in round brackets, F1
170 his fail
Catiline’s failure (
OED, n.2
obs.). Cf.
WT, 5.1.27: ‘His Highness’ fail of issue’.
171 visor (1)
front part of a helmet, covering the face; (2) figuratively, mask or
disguise. The second definition applies to Catiline’s pretended
‘patience’; the first is powerfully present in the imagined scene of
death by a poisoned helmet, the infection spreading like fire to brain
and heart. This anticipates the fate of Duke Brachiano in Webster’s The White Devil (5.3), first performed by the Queen’s
Men probably in early 1612.
173 SD]
this edn; Catiline, Cethegvs, Lentvlvs, /
Longinus, Cato.
F1, following 173
173 longinus . . . yet.]
placed in round brackets, F1
174 inmate See
.
175–7 axle . . .
chaos A play here on two meanings of ‘axle’: (1) the
centre-pin on which a wheel revolves; (2) the axis of the world (
OED, 3
obs.). Both meanings are found in Lat.
axis. Cf.
Tro., 1.3.65–6,
‘strong as the axle-tree / On which the heavens ride’. Catiline, like
Macbeth, is ready to ‘let the frame of things disjoint’ (
Mac., 3.2.16).
178 Unlike Longinus and Lentulus, Cethegus obviously
hears Catiline’s desperate wish.
179 Catiline echoes the Chorus in Seneca’s Thyestes, 883–4: vitae est avidus
quisquis non vult / mundo secum pereunte
mori, ‘He is greedy for life who would not die when all the world
is perishing with him.’
182 woman . . .
Roman An instance of Roman misogyny; cf. the contrast of
womanliness with Romanness in Ant., 1.4.5–7. The
seemingly opposed words, ‘woman’ and ‘Roman’, might be rhymed at this
time.
183 seek other
arms take up a more aggressive line of conduct (Lat. arma sumere). Cf. Ham., 3.1.51. ‘Or
to take arms against a sea of troubles’.
184 take
not cannot perform.
185 prevent
anticipate, or forestall (Lat. praevenire).
187 likes
pleases.
188 An echo of Lucan’s description of Caesar’s
warlike delight in challenges and obstacles, De bello,
2.443–4: Non tam portas intrare patentes / Quam fregisse iuvat, ‘He would rather break through
city gates than find them open to admit him.’
189–92 Swim . . .
stand Anne Barton (
1984), 158–9, rightly sees these lines
as consciously imitating Marlowe’s
Tamburlaine, Part
2, 1.3.92–5.
189 my ends
the accomplishment of my purposes (
OED, End n. 12 obs.).
190 make on
proceed. Cethegus’s vision of building a bridge with dead bodies is
frighteningly specific.
191 piles
masonry pillars or piers supporting a bridge (
OED, n.3 +1).
192 those
those who.
192–3 Then . . .
way Only then is booty (‘prey’) worth having: when danger
obstructs and destruction (‘ruin’) clears the way. Again, Cethegus
sounds like Lucan’s Caesar, De bello, 1.150, gaudensque viam fecisse ruina, ‘rejoicing to clear the
way before him by destruction’.
194 utter me
express my true self (
OED, Utter v. 5 obs.).
195–6 bend / Unto
occasion adapt to circumstances.
196 SD]
this edn; not in F1
197–200 To ‘utter’ Cethegus, Catiline resorts to
hyperbolic blasphemy, reversing the myth of Prometheus, who heroically
stole fire from heaven and was punished by Jove, who riveted him to a
mountain in the Caucasus and sent an eagle daily to feed on his
entrails.
200 gaunt
hungry, ravenous (
OED, 2b).
200 tire tear
flesh in feeding as a bird of prey (a falconry term:
OED,
v.22). Cf.
Ven., 55–6: ‘Even as an empty eagle, sharp by fast, /
Tires with her beak on feathers, flesh and bone’.
200 SD]
G, subst. (following 204); not in
F1, but see massed entry at 173 SD
202 Quit us
all Everyone (except Cethegus) leave us. But Lentulus and
Longinus decline the offer to leave Catiline without their support, and
so they stay.
204 The giants were a mythological race, described by
Hesiod (Theogony, 185) as valiant warriors; stories of
their war with the gods – the Gigantomachia – in which
they were defeated, were popular. Catiline’s intention to win (‘carry’)
the war continues his reversal of myth, ironic in view of the outcome of
the conspiracy.
205 Lucius,
Sergius Lentulus and then Longinus address Catiline by his
several names, Lucius Sergius Catilina.
209–10 Halters . . .
thee Instruments of torture cannot wring (‘express’, from Lat.
exprimere) from you more evidence of guilt than
your actual deeds have already manifested. The only remaining step in
the (implied) judicial process is the judgement.
212 Marked as a
sententia in Q1,
this has Cato establish the gods’ either–or position: either for you
(‘go . . . with’) or against (‘follow’, here meaning ‘pursue like an
enemy’:
OED, 5b).
212 Who] F1; “Who
Q
214 noisome
harmful. The underlying image is that of purging the city of
foul-smelling and noxious waste.
214 thou art] Q;
thou’rt F1
215 let me let
me (i.e. I will) go.
215 bane
poison.
219–21 Almost verbatim from Cicero’s report of an
altercation between Catiline and Cato in the Senate,
Pro
Murena,
51,
si quod esset in suas fortunas incendium excitatum, id
se non aqua sed ruina restincturum. Catiline is referring to
the practice of stopping a house-fire from spreading by demolishing
adjacent buildings, but his real meaning is more sinister, as in
4.2.446–52.
222 SD]
G; not in F1
223 sent . . .
him i.e. dispatched him befoe he could get away like this.
224 heavy
slow, sluggish.
226 his
praetorship i.e. Lentulus’s praetorship: see
3.112–13n.
229 spurs
incitements.
230 Lat. proverb:
Qui non proficit,
deficit (
Harris,
Cat.).
230 These] F1;
“These Q
231–3 arms . . .
swords Jonson continues to give Cethegus the words and
sentiments of Lucan’s Caesar, here from De bello,
1.348–9, Arma tenenti / Omnia dat, qui
iusta negat, ‘He who denies someone his due (“just things”)
will give him all if he is armed’.
234 SD]
G; not in F1
3.2 This scene, apparently in Cicero’s house, is
Jonson’s invention. Unlike Plutarch, Jonson makes Fulvia’s revelation a
crucial step in uncovering the conspiracy. In Sallust she tells a number
of people; here she has gone straight to Cicero, and his fulsome praise
of her patriotism contrasts with his disgust, when he is alone, at
having to depend for his and Rome’s salvation on such a corrupt woman.
His opening speech begins with rhymed couplets which mark it as a set
piece.
3.2 ]
G; not in F1
0 SD]
G; Cicero, Fvlvia. F1
1–3 Is there . . .
thunder A Senecan outburst, echoing (ironically, in the
context) Hippolytus’s reaction to Phaedra’s revelation of her passion
for him,
Phaedra, 671–4:
Magne regnator
deum, /
tam lentus audis scelera?
tam lentus vides? /
et quando saeva
fulmen emittes . . .?, ‘Great ruler of the gods, do you so
slowly
[i.e. indifferently
] hear
crimes? so slowly see them? / And when will you send forth your
thunderbolt with a cruel hand . . .?’. Cf.
The Revenger’s
Tragedy, 2.1.247–9, ‘Why does not heaven turn
black . . .?’, and
Tit., 4.1.82. See
1.488–9n., above.
2 so slowly
be so slow to (translating Seneca’s tam lentus).
4 Stupid
Stupefied (
OED, a. A 1 obs.), from Lat.
stupidus.
6 And disregard the threat both to themselves and
to you (Rome).
8 light
slight, trivial.
9 drifts
plots, schemes (
OED, Drift n. 5 obs.).
9 In earlier actions of his – i.e. under Sulla or
in the first Catilinarian conspiracy – Catiline was part of a larger
political scheme.
14 swelling
inflation of the mind by pride (
OED, n.
5 obs.).
14 affection
feeling (as opposed to reason), passion (
OED, n.
3 obs.).
14–15 the last . . .
off As in Milton, ‘Lycidas’, 70–1, ‘Fame . . . / (That last
infirmity of noble mind)’ (
H&S). Jonson’s source could be Tacitus on the ambition of
Helvidius Priscus,
Historia (‘The Histories’), 4.6,
etiam sapientibus cupido gloriae novissima
exuitur, ‘the passion for glory is the last thing that even wise
men divest themselves of.’ Cf.
Informations, 463, ‘He gave the Prince
fax gloria mentis honestae’, and note.
16 enforceth
violently overturns (
OED, v. 9).
19 But . . .
it Catiline’s plot is driven by something far worse than
ambition.
20 confound
nature overthrow all laws of
nature, create chaos. Cf.
Mac., 4.3.99–100, ‘confound / All unity on
earth’.
21 This reflects the vision of Rome’s
self-destruction in Lucan, De bello, 7. 388–92. ‘Age’
here translates Lat. aetas, ‘(life-)time’; and
‘repair’ is a Latinism (reparare, recover, or
restore).
23 fable: The
colon, which is Jonson’s, accentuates the need to explain ‘fable’
(23–5). Fulvia’s report is almost too terrible to be true; yet it
exceeds any fiction, any tragic drama.
24 Tempteth
Puts to the test.
25 insolent
Either (1) strange or (2) immoderate. From Lat. insolens, ‘a striking instance of Jonson’s Latinisms’ (Harris,
Cat.).
27 Referring to the war between the armies of Marius
and Sulla, 83–82 BC, the phrase perhaps echoes the title of Thomas
Lodge’s play on this subject, The Wounds of Civil War
(see Introduction).
30 extinguish . . .
name Translating Cicero, In Cat., 4.7, populi Romani nomen exstinguere. Cicero’s vilification
of the Catilinarians here anticipates his speeches in Act 4 and is based
on In Cat., 2.7–8. ‘[L]ong’ has the sense of ‘ancient’.
32 sink scum,
dregs (of a set of persons) (
OED, n.1 2d obs.).
34 galled
harassed, oppressed.
34 necessities straitened circumstances, poverty. Cf. Lear, 2.4.204, ‘Necessity’s sharp pinch’.
35 all . . .
them I regard them as being all these things.
37 Marius See
.
38 Had not an even greater crime arisen (‘rise’ =
obsolete form; cf. and ) for our children to reflect
upon.
39 All that Marius and Sulla did was piety comparted
to what is happening now. The whole line echoes Seneca, Medea, 904–5, where Medea contemplates a deed compared to
which all others may be called piety: quidquid admissum est
adhuc, / pietas vocetur. Rhetorical
exaggeration, it must be hoped, prompts Cicero’s relativizing of murder
and rape as ‘piety’.
43 majesty
sovereign power and dignity (Lat. maiestas).
44 These
Catiline and his cohorts.
46 The . . .
world the far-flung parts of the world over which Rome has
triumphed (Lat. triumphare). Cf. Sej., 1.60, ‘Free, equal lords of the triumphèd world’.
46–7 unto . . .
enough? Echoing Lucan, De bello, 5.274, Quid satis est, si Roma parum est?, ‘What will satisfy
you if Rome is not enough?’, and with an implicit pun on ‘Rome’ and
‘room’ (similarly pronounced), as in JC,
1.2.156, ‘Now is it Rome indeed and room enough’ (H&S).
48 discourse
thought (
OED, n. 2 obs.).
Cf.
EMO, Grex after Act 4, 131, ‘mine
own private discourse’. There is ineluctable comedy in Fulvia, silent
throughout Cicero’s oration, claiming to have carried out the same
argument in her own mind.
49 a horrid
sacrament the drinking of wine mixed with blood,
1.487–508.
51–3 which . . .
it Almost literal translation of Florus, Epitome, 2.12. 4, summum nefas, nisi amplius
esset, propter quod biberunt.
55–7 I . . .
anywhere Fulvia’s choice of words is doubly infelicitous,
unwittingly echoing the ‘dire vapour’ of Sulla’s Ghost (1.1.12) and then
turning this into a flatulence to explode in Cicero’s face
63 ingrate
ungrateful, Lat.
ingratus (
OED, a.
3).
63–5 yet . . .
themselves The argument that Fulvia’s ‘virtue’ is its own
reward is as ironic as the several other references to her ‘virtue’ in
this scene. It borrows from Cicero, Philippic, 2.114:
etsi enim satis in ipsa conscientia pulcherrimi facti
fructus erat . . ., ‘although there was sufficient reward in
the very consciousness of a good deed . . .’. For ‘conscience’ (64) as
‘consciousness’, see 1.1.29, but cf. .
68 Of
Between.
73 shall] F1;
will Q
74 work
him work on him, persuade him
(
OED, Work v. 14).
74 SD]
G; Cicero, Lictor, Fvlvia, /
Cvrivs. F1
74 He’s] F1 (He’is)
75 presently
at once.
80 SD]
G; not in F1
81–203 The scene in which Cicero and Fulvia ‘work’ (74)
Curius is created by Jonson from the vaguest of hints in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 26.3, where it is merely stated that
Cicero, ‘by dint of many promises made through Fulvia’, persuaded
Quintus Curius ‘to reveal Catiline’s designs to him’.
81 SD]
G; not in F1, but see massed entry at
3.2.74 SD
88 those i.e.
‘your better looks and thoughts’ (86).
88 complexion
habit of mind, ‘nature’ (
OED, n.
8 obs.). The word hovers between physical
and mental application. Cf.
Ado, 2.1. 223–4,
‘something of that jealous complexion’.
89–96 To alienate Curius from the conspirators, Cicero
shrewdly avails himself of the fact that Lentulus, elected Praetor, has
been restored to the Senate, and Curius has not.
95–6 stocked /
In with a place in a genealogy of (
OED, Stock n.1
obs.).
98 parricides
See .
and .
100–2 Cicero, in this very long sentence of impacted
clauses, continues the rhetorical ploy of insisting that Curius is
different from the conspirators; they are desperate and mad and do not
even have a clear motive for their wicked plan.
102 colour
allegeable ground or reason (
OED, n.
12b obs.).
104 clean
entirely, absolutely.
105–6 Bad . . . / He] F1; “Bad . . . / “He Q
105 leave
abandon.
106 the third
crime ‘Presumably the second crime would be the not repenting’
(H&S, quoting W. D. Briggs).
110 Terentia
Cicero’s first wife, said to have had great influence over him; cf. . He
divorced her in 47 or 46 BC, and she is reported later to have married
Sallust, outliving him and one further husband, to die at the age of
103. Here the reference to her is simply another rhetorical device, in
the exaltation of Fulvia.
114 shoot eyes
at gaze on. Lat.
oculos adicere (Bolton
& Gardner). The literal sense of ‘shoot’ may suggest a less than
friendly gaze; cf.
Volp., 5.8.2, ‘That I could shoot mine eyes
at him, like gunstones.’
115 They That
they.
116–17 Pompey was at this time in Asia Minor where,
having defeated Mithradates, he was laying the foundation of subsequent
Roman organization of the East. What Cicero is envisaging is a triumph
such as those awarded to Roman generals after major victories, where the
conqueror in a ‘chariot’ would be followed by captives in chains (as
feared by Cleopatra in
Ant., 5.2.207–15). Bolton & Gardner
suggest that ‘Asia’ could here mean either Asian prisoners or ‘a picture
of Asia, personified’; but ‘chained’ would seem to indicate the former
meaning.
118–21 For Cicero’s vision of an immortalized Fulvia,
cf. Jonson’s famous tribute to Shakespeare in the 1623 folio (‘not of an
age, but for all time’) and, on her fame outlasting ‘brass and marble’,
Horace,
Odes, 3.30.1,
Exegi monumentum aere
perennius, and Shakespeare’s Sonn., 64 and 65.
130 her i.e.
Rome’s, since ‘your country’ is feminine, like Lat.
patria. Cf.
3.2.173–4.
131 No] F1; “No
Q
131 be . . .
to have too much natural feeling (i.e. of kindliness,
affection, or gratitude) for (
OED, Natural a. 16). Cf.
Lear, 2.1.83,
‘Loyal and natural boy’.
132 challenge
lay claim to.
133 prime
best.
134 An echo of one of Nero’s lines in the
pseudo-Senecan tragedy Octavia, 441, Iustum esse facile est cui vacat pectus metu, ‘It is easy for
him to be just whose heart is free from fear.’
134–5 He . . . / And] F1; “He . . . / “And Q
135 religion
devotion to some principle, pious attachment (
OED, 6a obs.). Cf.
New Inn, 1.6.156, ‘Out
of a religion to my charge’. For the Latinist, as Bolton & Gardner
point out, there is wordplay here on
religio and
ligare, ‘to bind’.
138 coming
coming around, becoming persuaded. Cf.
Volp., 2.6.74, ‘I
hear him coming.’
141 walk in be
associated with (
OED, Walk v. 6c obs.). Thus in relation to the ‘plot’, or
conspiracy, but within the image which Fulvia develops, of having to
‘walk’ behind Sempronia, the more ordinary sense also operates.
142 take place
of take precedence of, go before (
OED, Place n. 27c obs.).
143 on the by
on the side (as of secondary importance).
Tub, 5.10.0 SD.3,
‘
HILTS
waits on the by.’
143 o’the] F1; on
the Q
145 vantage . . .
sees bestow on me everything under the sun. Fulvia would not
be second to Sempronia even if it meant a world of profit.
146 silly Q1
prints the older form of the word, ‘seely’; F1 has ‘silly’. An adjective
with many meanings, its sense here is clearly ‘foolish’.
146–7 Apply /
Yourself Stick (Lat. applicare).
154 them the
conspirators.
155 sleep
to disregard (
OED,
Sleep v. 7 obs.).
155 Stygian
hellish.
156–8 which . . .
years The conventional date of the foundation of Rome was 753
BC.
158–9 It is . . .
confound ’em A Lat. aphorism which exists in several versions.
Cf. Publilius Syrus,
Sententiae, 671,
Stultum facit fortuna quem volt perdere, ‘Fortune makes a fool
of him whom she would ruin.’ More common seems to be
Quem
Iuppiter vult perdere dementat prius, ‘Whom Jove would ruin he
first drives mad’ (Duff,
1934, 105).
163 trouble . . .
farther H&S assume, with Gifford, that ‘this good shame’
refers to Fulvia, an example (of which there are several in the play) of
a predominant quality being turned into an appellative, and part of
Cicero’s strategy to pretend that Fulvia is modest and virtuous. While
this is plausible, it is also possible that the ‘shame’ is Curius’s,
since Cicero has at this point turned to address him directly, and is
setting to work on him. In this reading Cicero pretends to see in Curius
a salutary consciousness of guilt (‘this good shame’) and will not
continue to agitate (‘trouble’) this feeling but will now change
tactics, appealing (163–71) to Curius’s patriotism – and the prospect of
‘rewards’.
163 farther] F1 (farder)
163–6 Stand . . .
her Cicero’s definition of patriotism is similar to that in
Horace’s famous line, Dulce et decorum est pro patria
mori, ‘It is sweet and glorious to die for one’s country’, Odes, 3.2.13.
171 work
persuade you to. Cf. .
172 saving
counsel advice which can or will rescue you from peril.
174 You have] F1 (you’haue)
178 dearer (1)
more highly priced; (2) more precious. Playing on the opposite of
Curius’s ‘cheaper’, probably with a sardonic hint at the ‘rewards’
expected.
180 face
outward appearance, ‘front’ (
OED, n.
10).
181 Run . . .
’em join the conspirators in all their devious plotting. For
‘maze’ in the sense of ‘a winding movement’, see Vision, 212.
184 brakes
thickets. Cicero is delineating the moral landscape of the
conspirators.
185 fain
obliged.
189 likely
likely to be ‘draw[n] in’, enticed
into the conspiracy.
189–90 those . . .
name Curius has obviously divulged to Fulvia, who in turn has
reported to Cicero, Catiline’s veiled reference to Caesar and Crassus:
‘some others / That will not yet be named’ (1.449–50).
192 surprise
ambush or other secret stratagem.
195–6 on . . .
care whom I put in charge.
196 urging you
spurring you on (
OED, Urge v. 4a).
199–200 the time . . .
vows we have no time for any vows to confirm your
constancy.
200–1 The dignity
. . . protesting Harris, Cat. compares this
sententia to Ham., 3.2.211, ‘The
lady doth protest too much methinks.’
200 The] F1; “The
Q
201 SD
Enter a
servant]
G; not in F1
203 SD
He . . . Curius]
this edn; He whispers with him. / F1 opposite 203–4; not in Q
203 Light ’em
Show them out (probably with torchlights) (
OED, Light v.2). Cf.
Mac., 5.5.21–2. ‘And all our yesterdays have lighted fools / The
way to dusty death.’
203 SD Despite
F1’s ‘him’, the whispering is surely with all of them
– Curius, Fulvia, and the Servant – since all three need to know ‘this
. . . token’.
203 SD
Exeunt . . . Fulvia]
G, subst.; not in F1
204–8 Cicero, like Catiline (see 1.1.437–8), sees
Rome’s chief weakness as ‘lethargy’: as when addressed by Sulla’s Ghost
(1.1.9–10), she is lost in sleep, from which no assailing of various
senses can wake her; ‘noise’ and ‘pulling’ suggest attempts to drag her
into consciousness; ‘vexation’ refers to some action of disturbing her
by physical means (
OED, n. 2 obs.).
210 proper own
(
OED, a. 1), from Lat.
proprius.
211 blame the
gods As in 3.2.1–8.
212 wake stay
awake to keep watch.
216–17 a base . . .
strumpet As H&S point out, Florus calls Fulvia just that
(vilissimum scortum), Epitome,
2.12.6. Cf. 3.2.222, ‘So vile a thing’.
220 lay . . .
breast bear in mind.
224 rammed
H&S gloss this as ‘driven home’ but, as ‘rammed thunder’ is clearly
a construction parallel with ‘forkèd lightning’, it appears that Jonson
has created a Latinism, meaning ‘branched’, or ‘branching’ (not
recognized by
OED), from
ramus, branch,
and
ramosus, branching. He may have had in mind the
passage in Lucretius,
De rerum naturae (‘On the Nature
of Things’), 4.132–6, describing how thunder can be produced by winds
tearing through
ramosa . . . nubila, ‘branching
[i.e. ragged
] clouds’ (133–4), and
how this is a sound just like that of
frondes ramique,
‘leaves and branches’ (136), being blasted by the wind in a forest.
225 Thrown
hills As they did in their war with the giants. See and
n.
225 in the act
in the process (Lat. in actu).
226 damp
noxious vapour (
OED, n.1
obs.). Sulla’s Ghost comes as such a vapour,
1.1.12.
230 geese
According to Livy (5.47.4), when the Gauls sacked Rome in 390 BC it was
the cackling of Juno’s sacred geese on the Capitol that gave warning of
the impending invasion. A Jacobean audience might hear an unhistorical
pun here, in that ‘goose’ could also mean ‘prostitute’.
230 SD]
G, subst.; not in Q
236–8 Cf. Plutarch, Cicero, 12, ‘It
was supposed also that [Antonius]
was acquainted with the designs of Catiline, and was not adverse to them
on account of the magnitude of his debts, which chiefly gave alarm to
the nobles.’
240–4 A consulship was normally followed by a one-year
governorship of a province. In advance of elections, the Senate assigned
two provinces to the two consuls; after the election these were
apportioned by lot. In 64 BC Cicero’s ‘province’ (
243) was Macedonia, a rich
territory which he passed on to Antonius, receiving in exchange the less
desirable province of Cisalpine Gaul (which he soon transferred to his
friend Metellus Celer). According to Plutarch,
Cicero,
12, ‘by these favours he gained over Antonius like a hired actor to play
a second part to himself on behalf of his country’. Antonius went as
governor to Macedonia in 62 BC and was later (59 BC), though defended by
Cicero, convicted of extortion during his governorship.
245 price
reward (Lat. pretium). Cf. .
246 Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 10.141–2,
Quis enim virtutem amplectitur ipsam, / Praemia si tollas?, ‘For who would embrace virtue if
you abolished rewards?’ Cf. Epigr. 66.18, ‘That
virtuous is, when the reward’s away’.
246 So] F1; “So
Q
247 private
personal interests (
OED, n. 4 obs.).
249 clients
‘In Rome a client was a free man who entrusted himself to another and
received protection in return . . . clients supported their patron (patronus) in political and private life and
demonstrated their loyalty and respect by going to his house to greet
him each morning . . . and attending him when he went out’(OCD, cliens, 348).
250–5 He . . . / Shall . . . / Especially . . . / That
. . . / Than . . . / The] F1; “He
. . . / “Shall . . . / “Especially . . . / “That . . . / “Then . . . /
“The Q
3.3 Editors have debated the location of this scene.
Sallust and Cicero both refer to a meeting of the conspirators at the
house of Porcius Laeca, and so does the play’s Cicero at
4.2.205; but
H&S, following
Gifford, found evidence, from line 40 onwards, of Jonson having located
it in Catiline’s own house. It is true that Catiline behaves like a host
– calling for lights, organizing the entertainment – but, as Warren
(
1969),
561–5, convincingly argues, Laeca’s presence and the need for the
conspirators to avoid suspicion suggest that Jonson consistently assumed
the historical location. Catiline’s strategy is to avoid meeting in his
own presumably closely surveyed house and yet also to dominate any
context he finds himself in. There is no historical authority for the
meeting between Caesar and Catiline with which the scene opens (and
which, remembering Caesar’s ‘I’ll come home to you’,
3.1.128, could argue for
Catiline’s house as the location). Jonson here develops the suggestions
of Caesar’s support of the conspiracy which he had given in
3.1.128–9. The scene
with the women (
190–224) is, like Catiline’s soliloquy which closes the
scene, Jonson’s invention. Again, one stage door seems to lead to the
‘within’ (
198) where
Aurelia and Sempronia hold ‘council’ (
191) with the women, another,
through which Laeca and the conspirators enter and exit, to the outer
areas of the house.
3.3 ] G; not in F1
0 SD]
G; Caesar, Catiline. F1
1 grows on
advances (it is getting late).
1 are for
are about to have.
2 few few
words (
OED, a. 1g obs.).
3–7 Caesar’s argument for action rather than
deliberation, much of which takes the form of
sententiae, is here reminiscent of Sejanus’s ‘We shall
misspend / The time of action. Counsels are unfit / In business, where
all rest is more pernicious / Than rashness can be. Acts of this close
kind / Thrive more by execution than advice’,
Sej.,
2.321–5.
3 put . . .
act turn your plans into action (for ‘act’ in the sense of
‘accomplished fact or reality’, see
OED, Act n. 2 obs.). For the audience, an
ironic echo of Cicero’s final line in the previous scene (
3.2.255).
4–5 Actions . . . / The] F1; “Actions . . . / “The Q
4 depth
great significance.
6 bravest
(1) most mighty; (2) most daring.
8–11 Ironically, Caesar is here unwittingly describing
what we have just seen happen.
8 Say
Suppose.
14 slip let
slip, miss.
16 Echoing (in a line marked in Q as a sententia) Seneca, Hercules Furens, 251–2,
prosperum ac felix scelus / virtus
vocatur, ‘prosperous and successful crime is called virtue’.
Cf. Harington’s epigram: ‘Treason doth never prosper: what’s the reason?
/ For if it prosper, none dare call it treason’ (Epigrams, 1615, A4v).
16–17 When . . . / They’re] F1 (subst.); “When . . . / “Th’are Q
17 They’re] F1 (Th’are)
17–23, 26–7 Domenico Lovascio (
2010) shows these passages to be
closely modelled on the speech of a plebeian, intended to raise
rebellion, in Machiavelli’s
Istorie Fiorentine (1532),
bk. 3, ch. 13.
18–20 Attempts . . . / Begun . . . / And] F1; “Attempts . . . / “Begunne . . . /
“And Q
20 spurs
pricks you on.
21 care of
worry about.
22–3 For . . . / Of] F1; “For . . . / “Of Q
22–4 they . . .
least Continuing his pragmatic argument that nothing succeeds
like success, Caesar insists that victory, however achieved, is rarely
seen as shameful and least of all does it provoke revenge. Hence no need
to worry about either ‘fame’ or ‘men’.
27 Aspired
Attained, reached (
OED, Aspire v. 8 obs.). Cf.
Rom., 3.1.108, ‘That gallant spirit
hath aspired the clouds.’
28 sticks
hesitates (
OED, Stick v.1
15).
33 print
trace (
OED, n. 3b obs.).
34–5 A serpent . . .
bat In a thinly disguised piece of advice to make away with
Cicero, Caesar draws on a proverb, originally Greek, which has it that,
to become a dragon, a serpent must eat another serpent, i.e. one can
only prosper at the expense of one’s peers. Bolton & Gardner,
following
Gifford, cite
as closer to Jonson’s usage (where Cicero is downgraded as a ‘bat’)
Fletcher
et al.,
The Honest Man’s Fortune,
3.3.27–30, ‘The snake that would be a dragon, and have wings,
must eat a spider.’
35–6 consul . . .
watches i.e. Cicero, who is now more fully aware of the
conspiracy than Caesar realizes.
36 Sergius
Catiline.
37 stir for
me get up because I am leaving.
36 SD]
G; not in F1
37–8 Excuse . . .
then In observance of formal politeness, Catiline contradicts
Caesar and calls to servants for torches to light him out. That this is
countermanded by Caesar, with Catiline’s acceptance, is an indication of
their wish for this meeting of theirs to remain as unobtrusive and
secret as possible. But as is clear from
3.4.19–20, Caesar was seen coming
away by (at least) Curius.
39 SD
Exit]
G; not in F1
40 bear no
mind lack spirit. A Latinism in so far as Jonson makes ‘mind’
carry one of the multiple meanings of animus; an
English wordplay in so far as Catiline implicitly expands Caesar’s verb
‘mind’ to ‘bear in mind’ and then reconstructs the phrase.
40 SD]
G; Catiline, Avrelia, Lecca F1 (before line 40)
43 sulphurous
fiery.
44 Break with
them Open up to them the subject. The usage assumes ‘caution
and delicacy’ (
OED, Break v. 22b obs.). Cf.
TGV, 3.1.59, ‘I am to
break with thee of some affairs.’
45–6 Sallust, Bell. Cat., 24.4,
describes Catiline’s intention viros earum vel adiungere
sibi vel interficere, ‘to attach [the women’s
husbands] to his cause or else to make away with
them’.
51 designed
encompassed as part of the plot.
52–3 clay . . .
Titan Alluding to ‘a persistent tradition that Prometheus
created man from clay’ (
OCD, Prometheus, 1254), this
adapts Juvenal’s definition,
Satires, 14.34–5, of a
superior youth:
quibus arte benigna /
Et
meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan, ‘one whose heart the
Titan has fashioned with beneficent skill and from better clay’.
53 SD]
G; not in F1, but see massed entry at
3.3.40 SD
54–8 Laeca’s presence here indicates that the location
is his house.
56 Cf.
Alch., 1.3.104, ‘You must have stuff brought
home to you to work on?’.
57 form give
form to. As an element in the conspiracy the women are so much material
(‘stuff’,
56) for
Aurelia to work into shape. Despite Q’s punctuation, Catiline’s line of
dismissal seems more a statement of ‘trust’ (
56) than a question.
57 SD
Exit Aurelia]
G; not in F1
57 silver
eagle See .
58 ga’ . . .
charge gave into your keeping.
58 SD
Exit Laeca]
G; not in F1
58 SD Enter
. . . cornelius]
this edn; Catiline, Cethegvs, Cvrivs,
Lentv- / lvs,
Vargvnteivs, Longinvs, / Gabinivs, Ceparivs, / Avtronivs, &c. F1
59 SD.2 Q and
F1 do not list Cornelius as entering, but cf. .
61 SH
cethegus] F1;
Cat. Q
61 had need
had better be.
61 lose] F1 (loose)
62 occasion
opportunity to act. Coming from Curius, now acting as spy, this remark,
like all his interventions in this scene, is loaded with irony.
63–5 Piso . . .
followers. Sallust tells, in
Bell. Cat., 18–19, of Gnaeus Piso’s involvement in
Catiline’s first conspiracy. In order to get him out of the way, the
Senate gave him the province of Spain, where he was murdered, either by
followers of Pompey or by Spaniards resenting his unjust and cruel
rule.
65–6 He . . .
Asia See . Plutarch,
Cicero, 14 and 18,
mentions rumours, at this time, of Pompey’s return to Rome. Cf.
3.3.94. A move to
recall Pompey to suppress Catiline’s forces was in fact thwarted, and he
did not return until the following year.
66 we intend] F1 (we’intend)
68–72 Jonson here combines Sallust’s account in Bell. Cat., 27, of the dispatching of ‘a certain
Septimius of Camerinum’ to the Picene territories and Gaius Julius to
Apulia, with Plutarch’s in Cicero, 14, of Manlius as
leader of impoverished veterans of Sulla’s army in Tuscany, where they
had formed a colonia at Faesulae (present-day Fiesole,
near Florence). Picenum and Apulia are areas of Italy east of the
Apennines.
70 force an
army.
71 up ready
for war.
73 expect
await, wait and watch, as in Lat. exspecto.
74 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
74–82 Behold . . .
home Roman military units venerated their
signa
militaria, ‘standards’, of which the eagle was the most
important. According to Pliny,
Natural History,
10.16, Caius Marius, reformer of the army, first assigned eagles to
legions. Jonson learned from Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 59,
that Catiline’s standard was said to be the eagle of Marius in the war
with the Cimbri (a German tribe from north Jutland, whom he defeated and
destroyed in 101 BC); and he develops its significance for Catiline from
a brief mention in Cicero,
In Cat., 2.6.13, of Catiline having built a
shrine for the silver eagle in his own home.
75 ’Twas] F1;
Was Q
76 Fatal to
Rome ‘connected with the fate of Rome (Lat.
fatalis)’ (
H&S). But in view of Catiline’s intentions there may well
also be a play, here and in
3.3.85, on the sense of ‘deadly’.
77 ominous
portentous, presaging events to come.
78 I have] F1 (I’haue)
80 Of purpose
Purposely.
80–2 Pledge . . .home This, like the ‘sacrament’ in Act 1, is a
ritual moment with considerable theatrical impact. Whether or not it was
true that Roman soldiers venerated their standards beyond all gods (cf.
OCD, Standards, cult of,
1437), Catiline, who has told of having performed ‘sacred rites’ to the
silver eagle, is now making his conspirators join in a kind of votive
ceremony (for which there is no historical authority) in which hands are
clasped in a pledge to follow it, to the death and destruction of their
enemies.
82 Struck . . .
home The verb operates in a zeugmatic fashion to mark the
uniqueness of the ceremony: the vows should be ‘struck home’, i.e. be
effective in achieving ‘death and ruin’; but they are struck ‘silently’
(unusually, as votive vows are normally vocal). Alternatively, ‘ruin’
(
81) could be
read as the subject of ‘Struck’.
82–3 So . . .
deepest Catiline’s version of the familiar proverb, ‘Still
waters run deep’ (
Dent,
W123), underlines the significance of this dumb-show of silent
vows.
83–7 Now’s . . .
it A conflation of two source passages, in both of which the
burning of the Capitol (in 83 BC) and the Sibylline prophecy concerning
Lentulus (cf.
1.255–60)
are brought together. In Cicero,
In Cat., 3.9–10, the
twentieth year after the burning is said to be ‘fatal’, or ‘fated’; in
Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 47, the predictions of a bloody
civil war in this year are elaborated.
91 careless
of inattentive to.
92–3 Gallia . . .
Asia The provinces which are there for the other conspirators
if and when Lentulus becomes ‘king’ of Rome.
95–100 In these recriminations, as in the dialogue which
follows, Jonson brings to life a brief statement by Sallust, Bell. Cat., 27, of Catiline multa de
ignavia eorum questus, ‘having complained bitterly about their
slackness’.
96 No . . .
not ‘This is artful. Curius, who is conscious of his
treachery, is quick to avert suspicion’ (
Gifford).
99 be at] F1 (be’at)
105–6 Perhaps a memory of Plutarch’s famous report of
Alexander the Great weeping when he realized there were no more worlds
left to conquer.
108 Saturnals
The week-long festival of Saturn, the Saturnalia, beginning on 17 Dec.,
during which special licence was given to slaves, normal conduct
generally inverted, and the time spent in eating, drinking, and playing.
Cf.
3.3.117–24 and
also
Time Vind., 28ff.
108 too long
too long to wait. Cf. Cicero,
In Cat., 3.4.10:
‘to Cethegus this had seemed too long to wait’ (
Cethego
nimium id longum videretur).
109 not a
month The meeting at Laeca’s house actually took place on 6
Nov.
111 laid
arranged (
OED, Lay v.1 38b obs.).
112–13 Repeating Catiline’s verb, as it were in inverted
commas, Cethegus activates its material senses, such as ‘laying to
earth’ (
OED, Lay v. 11b obs.), and so by association, if not logic, pictures the
inactive conspirators as lying, virtually buried in the earth.
112 we’re] F1 (we’are)
113–14 Would . . .
now Would that I had no part in the plot, if nothing is going
to be done now. Cethegus’s elliptical language is both Roman and
rash.
116 commodity
opportunity (
OED, 4 obs.).
117 minister
supply.
118–22 The ardour (ironic in the case of Curius) for
striking during the Saturnalia is marked by F1’s, rather than Q’s,
punctuation. ‘Loosed whole’ (
118) means ‘wholly relaxed’. On
using slaves (
120–2),
see .
120 Resolved
Relaxed (Lat. resolvere).
127 lend him
let him have. Catiline is addressing Cethegus; the ‘him’ is
Lentulus.
127–8 Think . . .
process ‘Consider the arrangement and method’ (Bolton &
Gardner).
131 spring
bring forth, produce (
OED, v.1 14b obs.).
134 bravest
most excellently. Cf. Ado, 5.4.119–20: ‘brave
punishments’.
140 in a fleet
Cf. Cethegus’s vision of ‘a navy’ to ferry those murdered in Sulla’s
days, 1.1.248.
141–9 I would . . .
water Jonson puts together Catiline’s plan for the firing of
Rome from three sources: Cicero, In Cat., 3.6.14 for
Longinus’s share; Sallust, Bell. Cat., 43 for
Statilius’s; and Plutarch, Cicero, 18 for the task
here given to Gabinius, of stopping up the water conduits, as well as
for the storing of ‘flax and sulphur’ in Cethegus’s house.
150 ply the
execution attend closely to the carrying out of the plan.
153 begirt
surround.
153–5 Pompey’s . . .
him Thus in Plutarch, Cicero, 18.
156 As . . .
heads Asked for advice by his son, Sextus, on how to deal with
the city of Gabii, the Roman king Tarquinius Superbus said nothing, but
struck off with a stick the heads of the tallest poppies in his garden.
Sextus took the hint, and had the chief men of Gabii put to death (Livy,
1.54).
157 up i.e.
cut up (as against off).
158–9 flints . . .
people Catiline is envisaging an extermination of the whole
population of Rome: the hard, avaricious Senate (‘flints’) and the
‘clod’-like common people.
159 ungrateful
(1) unpleasant (
OED, a. 2; Lat. ingratus); (2) ungrateful towards Rome’s rulers.
161 weigh with
be of equal weight with (
OED, Weigh v.1 16c obs.).
Cf.
Tim., 1.1.149–50, ‘What you bestow in him I’ll
counterpoise / And make him weigh with her.’
161 Horror]
this edn; horror F1
164 Charybdis
A whirlpool or maelstrom whose ‘boiling’ Odysseus narrowly escaped (Odyssey, 12).
168 We had] F1 (We’had)
168 let
hindrance.
169 Th’other
The other side, that of Cicero.
169 Th’other] F1 (The’other)
169 him: lost]
this edn; him, lost F1, Q (state 2);
him lost Q (state 1)
170 opposition
obstacle.
OED gives no appropriate definition; Jonson seems to
have gone back to the literal meaning of Lat.
opponere.
171 Remove him
first Jonson underlines Curius’s cunning by making him the
first to propose murdering Cicero. In Sallust, Bell.
Cat., 27–8, Catiline explains that he is eager to go to the
front if he could first make away with Cicero, whereupon most of the
conspirators are terrified and hesitate, but Cornelius and Vargunteius
offer their services.
173 SH
CORNELIUS Q1 and all subsequent editions give this speech to
‘Cvr.’ which, on balance, seems to be a
mistake for ‘Cor.’. Apart from the fact that
giving it to Cornelius agrees with the source in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 28, Curius tells Fulvia later in this scene (214)
that ‘Vargunteius and Cornelius’ have undertaken to murder Cicero, and
in 3.5 these two enter to perform their task. Cornelius is not named
among those entering at 3.3.58, but he could be included under
‘&c.’, as could Statilius, who is also not named but appears to be
addressed by Catiline at 141 (unless Q’s comma after ‘Longinus’ is
retained and Statilius is taken to be appointed in
absentia). Cornelius speaks nowhere else in the scene, but then
Gabinius, named as entering, does not speak at all. In plot terms
Curius, while keen to appear committed to the conspiracy, would hardly
volunteer for a task so likely to blow his cover.
173 SH
cornelius]
this edn; Cvr. F1
173 my
province Plutarch, Cicero, 16, says that
Catiline commissioned ‘Marcius and Cethegus’ to kill Cicero. He seems to
have confused names but, faced with the confusion, Jonson here makes
dramatic use of his Cethegus’s eagerness to kill, and to do it his own
way, later giving an excuse very much in tune with his character for
backing out. See 3.5.4.
174–6 He shall . . .
dead A Senecan construction, based on Hercules
Furens, 642–4, where Theseus anticipates that Hercules will
make Lycus pay with his life for his crimes: lentum est
dabit – dat; hoc quoque est
lentum – dedit, ‘“Shall pay” is slow – he
pays; that, too, is slow – he has paid.’
175, 176 He’s] F1 (He’is)
176 only
peerless.
177 world’s
soul animating principle of the world (Lat. anima
mundi). Cf. Volp., 1.1.3, ‘Hail the world’s
soul, and mine.’
179 holds good
quarter has a good relationship with (
OED, Quarter n. 17).
180 clientele
being in the relation of a client (
OED, 1
obs., cites this as the earliest instance). From Lat.
clientela. See .
181 visitation . . .
‘hail’ See . Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 28, has
the assassins determined to get access to Cicero
sicuti
salutatum, ‘as if for a ceremonial call’. These took place soon
after sunrise, hence ‘in his bed’ (
183).
181 ‘hail’]
Bolton & Gardner; haile F1
184 SD]
G; not in F1
187 tumult
riot, public disturbance.
188 Miss of
him Failure to kill him (
OED, Miss n. 8). While this ‘him’ refers to Cicero, the second
‘him’ in the line refers to Cethegus, who has stormed out.
189 SD
Exit Vargunteius]
G; not in F1
189 SD
Enter . . . them] F1 (To them. Sempronia, Avrelia, Fvlvia.) F (To them / in margin)
190 council] F1 (counsell)
191 SD The
grouping at this point has to allow for (1) Aurelia reporting to
Catiline on the women’s ‘counsel’, and (2) Curius secretly reporting the
conspirators’ plans to Fulvia.
191 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
192 action . . .
passion Longinus turns Sempronia’s ‘action’ from the intended
political meaning to a sexual sense of ‘activity’ (
193). Cf.
Volp., 2.2.47. The
play on words here has been excellently explicated by Bolton &
Gardner as a ‘play on
agere and
pati, “to do” and “to undergo” . . . held, from Roman times to
Jonson’s own, to be the opposite or complementary states which between
them included all human physical and moral experience. In the
philosophical sense, then, Longinus’ words are a paradox; in the common
sense a slur; and in both an insult to Sempronia, who thought herself an
intellectual but had a reputation for licentiousness.’
194 Your wise
Fatness A mock title. Longinus was known as fat; cf.
3.3.235 and Cicero,
In Cat.,
3.16.
195 SH ‘Cet.’ in Q and F1 (see Collation). But
Cethegus has exited, and the context makes it clear that the speaker is
Catiline.
195 SH]
Wh;
Cet. F1
197 consequence importance.
198 you’ve] F1 (you’haue)
201 hang still
remain inactive (
OED, Hang v. 17b obs.).
201 the fever . . .
accident a state of anxiety (Lat. febris)
about what might happen (Lat. accidere).
204 stays is
waiting for you.
208 Laugh . . .
down Curius’s ‘sitting up’ (i.e. staying up so late) gives
Sempronia the chance of a bawdy wordplay on the name of an obsolete card
game (
OED, Laugh v. 1d). Cf.
News
NW, 227–8.
212 respect
consider (
OED, v. 2 obs.).
213–20 Sallust, Bell. Cat., 28,
mentions that Curius hastened to report to Cicero through Fulvia the
danger threatening him; but the afterthought about Caesar is Jonson’s
own.
213 SD] F1, opposite lines 213–14
(Curius whispers / this to Fulvia); not in Q
217 suffer
make possible.
224 duty the
service due to her. Cf.
LLL, 4.2.142, ‘I forgive thy
duty.’
225 SD
Presumably Aurelia and Sempronia exit through one door, to the ‘banquet’
(
204) within, and
Fulvia, escorted by Lentulus, as well as the other conspirators, through
another.
224 SD]
G; not in F1
225 ministers
agents. Catiline’s outburst of revulsion here – from the means he has to
use to achieve his ends – parallels, and contrasts with, Cicero’s in the
previous scene,
3.2.214–22.
225 for
practice in their scheming.
228 To down to
(i.e. to the lowest of the low).
229 rooms
particular places assigned to them (
OED, Room n. 11 obs.).
234 stale . . .
stalk A fowling metaphor in which ‘stale’ means ‘decoy’. Cf.
New Inn, where in The Persons of the Play, 16,
Frank is ‘set up as a stale’. A more general sense is also implied, of
‘person used as a tool or cover for sinister designs’ (
OED,
Stale n.3 5). Cf.
Case,
5.4.7, ‘Was he your fittest stale?’
236 Cimber In
In Cat.,
3.6 Cicero refers to Publius Gabinius Capito as ‘Cimber
Gabinius’. According to
Paulys Real-
Encyclopädie (
1912, 7.col. 431), Cimber here is not to be taken as a
cognomen but as the proverbial term for the most savage enemies of the
Romans, the Cimbri (see .).
237 pioneers
foot soldiers who prepare the way for the main body of the army, digging
trenches, etc. Cf.
Ham., 1.5.163, ‘A worthy pioneer’.
240 betray
Replacing Q’s more vigorous verb, ‘strangle’. Cf. .
240 betray heady] F1; strangle headstrong Q
240 easy (1)
not difficult to get on with; (2) compliant, credulous. Both senses
suggest the opposite of ‘headstrong’.
241 on returns
of in exchange for. They buy sex by robbing their husbands in
order to ‘lend’ the money to impecunious lovers.
243 So sought, so
sorted ‘So carefully recruited and given assignments’ (Bolton
& Gardner).
245 vent’ring
counsels advice to be bold.
246 lord
master, superior.
247 brethren . . .
teeth The allusion is to either or both of two Greek myths:
Cadmus and the founding of Thebes, and Jason and the Golden Fleece. Both
heroes slay a dragon and from its teeth, sown in the earth, spring a
tribe of soldiers who, in internecine war, fight each other to death.
See Ovid, Met., Books 3 and 7.
250 But Even
only. Catiline is envisaging the kind of indiscriminate slaughter which
Shakespeare dramatizes in the Cinna scene of
JC
(3.3), and it is particularly sinister that this seems to
include, as victims, also those who support him.
251 Resolve
Dissolve, melt (Lat.
resolvere). Cf.
Ham., 1.2.130,
‘Thaw and resolve itself into a dew’.
255 who will
those who will serve.
256 clay the
human body as distinguished from the soul (
OED, n.
4). Used in a similarly disparaging sense in
Und. 47.52: ‘my
Christmas clay’. Cf.
Cym., 4.2.4, ‘clay and clay differs in
dignity’.
256 dare not
am so bold as not to. In his resolve to kill all who are against him and
despise those who are not, Catiline’s choice of words seems to favour
the former: they are ‘souls’ against the ‘clay’ of the latter; they
‘will not serve’ (‘serve’ here in the sense, as in Lat.
servire, of ‘being a slave or bondman’:
OED,
v.1 1b), while the
others are as good as ‘slaves’.
258 tarry . . .
name continue to be identified with me (
OED,
Tarry v. 4 obs.).
259 after-ages
not recorded in
OED, but a common Jonsonian formation: cf.
‘after-times’,
Epigr. 56.11, and
95.20.
260 thinking
for intending, planning.
262 example
the supreme precedent.
263–4 The Gauls, the Moors, and the Carthaginians all
at various times tried and failed to bring about the destruction of
Rome.
264 emulous
actuated by the spirit of rivalry.
264 length of
spite long period of hostility. Referring to the three Punic
Wars, 264–241 BC, 218–201 BC, and 149–146 BC, at the end of the last of
which Carthage was utterly destroyed.
265 SD]
G; not in Q
3.4 Things are now happening quickly. Fulvia, seen
leaving Laeca’s house in the previous scene, has reached Cicero’s and
has just given an account of what Curius told her. From a mere mention
in Plutarch,
Cicero, 16, that ‘Fulvia reported this to
Cicero by night’, combined with Cicero’s own account, in
In Cat.,
1.4.10, of strengthening the guard on his house and barring
the door, Jonson develops Cicero’s reaction in this brief scene.
3.4 ] G; not in F1
0 SD]
G, subst.; Cicero, Fvlvia, Qvintvs.
F1
2 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
3 savers
saviours.
5 SD]
G; not in F1, but see
massed entry at 3.4.0 SD
6 engineers
On metrical grounds Gifford’s emendation, ‘enginers’ (a once-common
spelling variant of ‘engineers’, stressed on the first syllable) seems
preferable to Q and F1 ‘engines’. The metaphor, carried into line 7 with
‘machine’, might, as Bolton & Gardner assume, be of siege warfare
(though
OED, Machine n. 2, gives 1656 as
the earliest date for ‘machine’ in the sense of ‘military engine,
siege-tower’). But ‘engineer’ was also commonly used to mean ‘plotter’
(cf. .;
Sej., 1.4, ‘No, Silius, we are no
good engineers’; and
Epigr. 115.31, where ‘An engineer in
slanders of all fashions’ is probably Inigo Jones); and Jonson is more
likely to be using ‘machine’ in the transferred sense of Lat.
machina: device or stratagem.
6 engineers]
G (enginers); engines F1
10–11 Not . . .
me Cf.
JC, 2.2.126–9. On clients, see
.
13 praetors
See .
15–16 This was historically Cicero’s chief problem, as
it is in the play: the suspicion that he was exaggerating the danger of
the conspiracy – or even inventing it; cf.
3.1.53 and
4.2.15–20.
18 provide
exercise foresight.
18 not I do
not.
18 SD]
G; not in F1
19–20 Was Caesar . . .
so Cf.
3.3.219–20. In preparation for Cicero’s attitude to Caesar in
5.6, Jonson makes sure that we know that Cicero knows of Caesar’s
involvement with Catiline.
23 figures
rhetorical forms of expression.
24 ever and
anon time and time again.
25 mended
improved on.
27 gentle An
ironic play on at least two meanings of the word: (1) well-born; (2)
mild, tender; perhaps also (3) of the gentler sex.
29 unbated
unabated, undiminished (cf. .).
32 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
34 What . . .
have? As there is no reply to this question, it may well be an
aside, Cicero thinking out loud about Crassus, whom – we know from 3.1 –
he has reason to be suspicious of.
40 To another] F1 (To’another)
41 SD]
G, subst.; not in Q
3.5 The scene, following in time immediately upon the
previous, takes place before dawn, outside Cicero’s house, with the
Porter speaking (at least initially) from inside the stage door through
which Cicero, Quintus, and Fulvia just exited, and with Cicero and his
companions entering, and speaking from, ‘above’. Dramatizing one
sentence in Plutarch,
Cicero, 16, ‘The men came at
daybreak, and as they were not permitted to enter, they fell to railing
and abuse at the doors, which made them still more suspected’, Jonson
develops the situation in a faintly comic vein, with Cethegus having
backed out in a huff and Cicero lecturing the frustrated assassins,
rather than having them apprehended. That Cicero brings powerful friends
to act as witnesses is later made clear (
4.2.237–9).
3.5 ] G; not in F1
0 SD
Vargunteius’s reference to ‘them’ (2) makes it clear that he and
Cornelius have not come alone. Sallust, Bell. Cat.,
28, refers to them going cum armatis hominibus,
‘accompanied by armed men’.
0 SD]
G, subst.; Vargvnteivs, Cornelivs, Porter, /
Cicero. Cato,
Catvlvs, / Crassus. F1
3–4 He . . .
way Cf. .
5 more
Probably ‘more than one’, but could also mean ‘more than a friend’, i.e.
a client.
8 revelation
a disclosure which amounts to betrayal.
OED does not give
this meaning, but admits ‘betray’ for the verb (Reveal
v. 2b
obs.) with 1640 as the earliest
example. But cf.
TNK, 3.6.114, ‘if you reveal
me’.
10 SD]
this edn; not in F1, but see massed entry
at 3.5.0 SD
10 SD QUINTUS
It would seem that Quintus is also present in this scene, since he is
addressed by Cato in 38–9. Cicero would have to enter at this point
since, when he starts speaking, he has clearly heard Vargunteius
announce himself and Cornelius as ‘friends’.
11 All’s one
It makes no difference.
12 instant
pressing, urgent (Lat. instans).
13 SD] F1, opposite lines 13–15; not in
Q
13 he i.e.
Cicero himself, speaking here in the third person.
16 Cethegus
He is expected by Cicero, to whom Fulvia will have repeated what Curius
told her,
3.3.214–5.
18–31 This speech knits together a number of separate
passages from Cicero’s published speeches,
In Cat., 1 and
2.
21 Leave to
be Cease being.
22–4 Cf.
In Cat., 1.2.6: ‘The eyes and ears of many
shall watch you, although you may not know it, as they have done
heretofore’.
24 her the
commonwealth’s.
25–6 Be . . .
perpetual Cf.
In Cat., where Cicero speaks
of his own implacability (
Ne illi vehementer errant, si
illam meam pristinam lenitatem perpetuam sperant futuram:
‘Surely
[the conspirators
] are very
much mistaken if they think that that former leniency of mine will last
for ever’, 2.3.6), and the indignation of the wider community (‘the
senate, the equestrian order, the Roman people, the city, the treasury,
the taxes, all Italy, all the provinces, foreign nations’) and of the
gods: ‘In a contest and battle of this kind, even if the hearts of men
fail them, would not the immortal gods themselves compel these many
great vices to be overwhelmed by these most notable virtues?’ (
In Cat.,
2.9.25).
27 such . . .
cause a case (Lat. causa) like yours, when
summoned to justice. ‘Calling’, in the legal vocabulary of the phrase,
seems to be the equivalent of Lat. advocans.
28 attempts
conspiratorial enterprises (
OED, Attempt n. 3a obs.).
29–31 It doth . . .
basely Cf. Cicero on the hangers-on to the conspiracy: ‘I do
not know why, if they cannot live honestly, they should wish to perish
disgracefully’ (
In
Cat., 2.10.21).
32 You . . .
Marcus Jonson is not afraid to hint at the slight absurdity of
Cicero’s attempt to convert by eloquence in this situation.
32 They are] F1 (they’are)
33–4 prove this
practice have proof of this conspiracy.
34–5 let . . . /
To prevent . . . / From.
37 abused (1)
misrepresented; or (2) falsely used (
OED, Abuse v. 3 or 4, both obs.).
37 SD]
G, subst.; not in Q
40 The] F1; “The
Q
41 SD] F1, opposite lines 41–3; not in
Q
42–4 ] ’Tis . . . / And . . . As] F1; “’Tis . . . / “And . . . / “As
Q
44 SD]
G, subst.; not in Q
45–80 Reacting to the thunder and lightning, the Chorus
also registers the progress of the action towards crisis, realizing
through the voice of the people of Rome the effect of Cato’s call to
‘raise the city’ (
39). Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 31, tells how the
precautions taken against the conspiracy changed the mood of the city to
terror, gloom and, questioning, to the point where even the women,
‘throwing aside haughtiness and self-indulgence, despaired of themselves
and of their country’. Jonson here takes the mood rather than verbal
details from Sallust, as the voice of Rome proceeds from fear of omens
in nature and of internal and external chaos, to self-examination and
self-castigation.
46 rising
engaging in a hostile action.
47 sons of
earth The mythological race of giants were, according to
Hesiod, sons of Ge (earth). On their war with the gods, see .
52 threat
(archaic form of) threaten.
53–4 These lines seem to reflect Sallust’s
description, Bell. Cat., 31.2, of a general
apprehensiveness in which neque loco neque homini cuiquam
satis credere, ‘people did not trust any place or any human
being’.
54 order
social class (Lat. ordo).
54 amazed
terror-stricken (
OED, a. 3 obs.).
55 ports
city-gates (Lat. porta).
56 their
mother Rome. Cf. Catiline on Rome as (step)mother,
1.1.87–91.
60 plagues
afflictions, calamities.
64 Th’evil] F1 (The’euill)
64 suffer it
experience its effects.
65–6 that . . .
virtue From Sallust, Bell. Cat., 11, ambitio . . . quod tamen vitium propius virtutem erat,
‘ambition which, though it is a vice, is close to virtue’. A main theme
in Sallust is that Rome has declined because ambition has turned into
avarice.
67–8 And has caused Rome, as she now is, to be
incapable of ransoming herself (‘no price’) from inevitable destruction,
i.e. Roman ambition – expounded in lines
69–74 as desire for ever more
possessions – has become destructive of Rome as she was when truly
great. A difficult clause, its syntax is made a little easier by
Gifford’s emendation of Q’s and Ff’s ‘selfe’ to ‘self’s’.
67 self’s]
G; selfe F1
70–2 ends . . .
desiring
H&S follow Harris,
Cat. in seeing a model for these lines in Lucan’s
De bello, 2.657, on the restless energy of Caesar,
nil actum credens, cum quid superesset agendum,
‘who thought nothing done as long as there was something left to do’.
But Jonson’s lines (which insist on the emphasis of a full stop after
‘begins’) make the idea serve the main theme of the Chorus: ambition as
self-destructive because insatiable.
71 filled
satisfied or satiated (
OED, Fill v. 10b obs.).
77–8 cast . . .
up Either (1) reckon up, or (2) give up, abandon (
OED,
Cast v. 83 (cast up h obs.)), or both.
78 prevent
forestall (
OED, 5 obs.). What forestalling
would have meant is defined in lines 79–80, with ‘past’ (
79) suggesting, apart
from its temporal meaning, ‘past repair’.
4.1 Plutarch, Cicero, 18, relates
that ‘there happened to be at Rome two ambassadors of the Allobroges, a
nation which especially at that time was in bad condition and oppressed
by the supremacy of Rome’. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 40–41,
describes them and their role in revealing and thwarting the conspiracy.
Jonson has invented this scene of their meeting with Cicero and his
companions, as an economical way of introducing the Allobroges and at
the same time establishing the lack of courage in the body of senators,
Cato’s fearlessness, and Cicero’s diplomacy. The imaginary location
seems to be a street on the way to the temple of Jupiter Stator, where
the Senate is to meet.
4.1 ] F1 (Act IIII.)
0 SD Enter
. . . allobroges]
this edn; Allobroges. F1
0 SD
ALLOBROGES Following Plutarch, Jonson presumably envisages two
ambassadors, the smallest number to suggest the collective
representativeness which his speech headings indicate. Only one of them
(singular: Allobrox) need speak. The Allobroges were a Celtic tribe of
central Gaul (modern Savoy and Dauphiny), annexed to Rome since 121 BC,
for a long time reluctantly and rebelliously so, but eventually
romanized during the Empire. Lentulus describes them and their
grievances in
4.3.40–53.
0 SD
Thunder and lightning]
this edn; not in F1
0 SD The
thunderstorm, which Romans would fear as a portent of evils to come,
marks the continuity with the last scene of Act 3. Juvenal satirizes the
‘quaking and trembling’ of men in such fear in Satires, 13.223–4. In a city of strict sumptuary laws (if not on
the Jacobean stage) a senator would be recognized by the broad purple
stripe woven into his tunic (see .).
0 SD
Divers . . . trembling] F1, in margin; not in Q
1 SH
first allobrox]
this edn; not in F1, Q; Allobrox
Bolton & Gardner
3 Upbraid
i.e. reproach Rome for.
3 them i.e.
‘these men’ (1).
4 affrights
actions causing terror.
7–11 Cf. the discussion of the proper Roman reaction
to such a thunderstorm in
JC, 1.3.45–56.
8–9 stand . . .
out meet . . . with bravery.
9 like
beasts In Ovid’s
Met., 1.84–5, man’s
distinction from beasts is in his standing erect, looking up to heaven.
Cf. Cato’s insistence on ‘stand
[ing
]
upright’,
4.1.32.
11 Such low cowardice would not be justified even if
the whole world were collapsing.
13 superstitious
fools men so foolish as to hold false beliefs (Lat. superstitiosus).
14 plain
complain (of).
15 a . . .
Senate a Senate whose authority rests only in clothes.
16 tyrants] F1 (tyrannes)
18 blows
inflates.
18 prick
sword (
OED, n. 15).
19 bold and
wretched Echoing Juvenal, Satires, 8.122,
fortibus et miseris, ‘at once brave and
miserable’.
20–3 These lines also draw on those in Juvenal,
Satires, 8.121–4 which warn against outrages on a
subjugated people (Libyans): though plundered of gold and silver, they
will still have their
arma, ‘weapons’ (whereas ‘arm’,
22, is the limb
wielding the weapon).
21 this i.e.
the sword, but also the sententious couplet that follows, declaring a
kind of guerilla war.
23 SD]
G; Cato, Catvlvs, Cicero, Allobroges. F1
24 urge See
.
26 confidence
of boldness deriving from.
29–32 just . . .
unfeared A reimagining of the fearlessness of the just man in
Horace, Odes, 3.3.7–8, who would remain impavidus, ‘unfeared’ (i.e. undismayed) even if the vault of
heaven cracked and fell upon him.
35 habits
clothes. ‘If archaeology had been studied for costumes on the
Elizabethan stage, these would be the
bracae or
trousers which had given to southern Gaul the name of
Gallia bracata’ (
H&S).
35, 44 SHs]
this edn;
All. F1
36 sue
to petition, appeal to.
39 forbear
have patience with (
OED, 2 obs.). Cicero’s
polite way of saying ‘go away’ strikes the Allobroges as ‘sweetness’
(
46).
40–1 Fabius Sanga
. . . use In the Roman system of patronage, the general who
conquered a foreign people usually became their patron, i.e. looked
after their interests in Rome. Such ‘patronage’ was hereditary; Quintus
Fabius Sanga descended from the conqueror of the Allobroges, Quintus
Fabius Maximus (Allobrogicus).
42 on . . .
word Cicero gives his own word as Consul.
43 Dispatch A
speedy answer.
44 SD]
G; not in F1
46 more
greater. Cf.
Epicene, 1.2.17, ‘That’s a more portent.’
47 place
official position (
OED, n. 14b).
47 boist’rous
rough and violent (i.e. in behaviour and speech) (
OED,
Boisterous a. 9b). Cf.
R2, 1.1.4, ‘the
boisterous late appeal’.
47 moods
dispositions, tempers.
48 practiseth
makes use of.
49 unfit
ill-fitting. The image is of authority as a garment too large for
‘ignorant greatness’ who therefore resorts to blustering and hectoring
in order to appear to fill it out. As an image of tyranny, cf.
Mac.,
5.2.20–2, ‘Now does he feel his title / Hang loose about him,
like a giant’s robe / Upon a dwarfish thief.’
50 discerned
recognized as different.
51 sulphurous
The word is used earlier of Sempronia (‘She has a sulphurous spirit’,
3.3.43). Sulphur
is literally employed by the conspirators:
3.3.145,
4.2.374 and n.
52 contumelies harsh, abusive, haughty language.
53 good and
great A common Jonsonian collocation, embodying a favoured
ideal. Cf. the dedication to Epigr., addressed (like
Catiline) to Pembroke: ‘In thanks whereof, I
return you the honour of leading forth so many good and great names as
my verses mention on the better part, to their remembrance with
posterity’ (11–13).
55 equal
just, fair (Lat. aequus).
56–9 Such men not only help bestow favour and success
upon the cause they support, but enhance their own reputations, turning
the needs of just men into an occasion for their own [i.e. the benefactors’] praise.
56–9 Such . . . / They . . . / Then . . . / In] F; “Such . . . / “They . . . / “Then . . . / “In
Q
59 SD]
G; not in F1
4.2 ] G; not in
F1
4.2 This scene is based on the accounts in Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 31, and Plutarch,
Cicero, 16, of the meeting of the Senate which Cicero called
immediately upon the abortive attempt to assassinate him, i.e. in the
morning of 8 Nov. The early part is enlivened by the asides and the
undercutting strategy of Caesar and Crassus; the arrival and exit of
Catiline produce dramatic moments; but the scene as a whole is dominated
by Cicero’s long speech – the downfall of the play on the Jacobean stage
– which follows very closely
In Cat., 1.
0 SD]
this edn; THE SENATE. F1
0 SD
other
senators Conspirators of senatorial rank are
present; see
4.2.211–23. Jonson expects a single direction, ‘THE SENATE’,
to enable the reader to envisage the scene and its participants. Onstage
the entry would have been similar to that in Chapman’s
Caesar and
Pompey, 1.2: ‘
Enter some bearing axes,
bundles of rods, bare, before two Consuls . . . Senators . . .
following. The Consuls enter the degrees
[i.e. seats ranked according to status
]’; though in this case only one Consul is present (see
378–9). Some form of
seating would have been necessary, if only for the anti-Catiline
demonstration,
82–8.
1 SH] F1 (Prae.)
1 SH Bolton
& Gardner give this speech to Flaccus, one of the two praetors named
by Cicero at
3.4.13.
As its function is ceremonial and its language formulaic, and as the
scene requires a large number of characters onstage, it could be taken
by any actor not otherwise engaged.
1 Fathers
Senators. See .
2 the house . . .
Stayer The temple of Jupiter Stator on the Capitoline Hill.
Cicero chose this for the meeting (as stated in
In Cat., 2.12,
senatum in aedem Iovis Statoris convocavi) rather than
the Curia, the Senate House in the Forum, because it was vowed to the
sovereign god of the Romans in his aspect as supporter (
Stator, ‘Stayer’) of the city.
4 frequent
full, well-attended (Lat.
frequens). Cf.
Sej.,
5.100, ‘a frequent Senate’.
5–6 Which . . .
hers A translation of the formulaic phrase, quod
felix faustumque sit, with which a consul opened an address to
the Senate. Another version appears in Sej., 5.521–2:
‘Fathers conscript, may what I am to utter / Turn good and happy for the
commonwealth’.
5 What] F1;
Which Q
5–6 What . . . hers]
in roman type, Q (state 1); italics,
Q (state 2), F1
6 conscript
fathers Lat. patres conscripti (or patres et conscripti: patricians and newly elected
members), the traditional form of address to, and description of, the
Senate as a body.
7 that
if.
11 pierce ’em
make its way to reveal them (i.e. ‘the dangers’).
11–12 the voice . . .
morning i.e. the thunderstorm in 3.5.
13 instruct
furnish (Lat. instruere).
14 stark] F1;
dead Q
15 A line truer to history than to the telescoped
time scheme of the play.
16–18 but . . .
seemed Closely translating Cicero on the Senate’s reluctance
to believe his story of incredible crimes being plotted,
In Cat.,
3.4:
quoniam auribus vestris propter incredibilem
magnitudinem sceleris minorem fidem faceret oratia mea.
16 wanted
lacked.
17 so incredible] F1 (so’incredible)
18 make make
up, invent.
20 given out
reported
22 envy See
.
25 not . . .
since For dramatic reasons Cicero may be exaggerating the
speed of events, but Senate sessions could be held between dawn and
sunset.
25 yet since] F1, Q (state 2); sithence Q (state 1)
27 lose] F1 (loose)
29–30 But . . .
all This elliptical argument, where ‘it’ means ‘the loss of my
life’ and ‘all’ is ‘all lives’, is illuminated by the probable source
passage in
In
Cat., 1.11, where Cicero sees that his own death
would
cum magna calamitate rei publicae esse
coniunctam, ‘be part of a major disaster for the republic’.
31 those i.e.
those lives.
31 then fall
die in the general destruction of Rome.
31 SD]
this edn; not in F1
32 let you
alone leave it to you, Cicero. Cf.
TN,
3.4.153, ‘Nay, let me alone for swearing.’
32 artificer
trickster (
OED, 6 obs.).
32–4 Plutarch, Cicero, 14, says that
Cicero ‘deliberately let a bit of the breastplate show by loosening a
portion of his tunic from his shoulders, showing off the danger to the
onlookers’. Dion, Roman History, 37.29, reports that
‘partly for his own safety and partly to arouse prejudice against his
foes’ Cicero was ‘careful to allow people to see’ the breastplate.
Cicero himself declares in Pro Murena, 52, that he
wore armour not to protect himself but to show citizens how their consul
was placed in metu et periculo, ‘in fear and
danger’.
33 gorget peers] F1 (gorget’peeres)
33 gorget a
piece of armour for the throat (
OED, n.
1 obs.).
33 peers (1)
looks out; or (2) appears (aphetic form; cf. F spelling ‘’peers’).
Probably a blending of both senses, common at the time, into ‘appears to
be looking out’ (
OED, Peer v.2).
36 got in
admitted to Cicero’s house.
37 so so long
as.
38 carry . . .
constantly stick to the same false story confidently (
OED,
Constantly 1b obs.). Cf.
Volp., 4.4.3–4:
‘Is the lie / Safely conveyed amongst us?’
39 I’ve] F1 (I’haue)
43 mad
madden.
44 SD]
this edn; not in F1
45 intelligence communication.
46 his
wife Cf. .
Plutarch, Cicero, 20, has Terentia urging her husband
to act against the conspirators.
46 him
himself.
47 them i.e.
the guards (whose presence ‘without’ Quintus is reporting). Their
arrival onstage – ‘this muster’ (
50) of as many extras as were
available – is obviously meant to mark the seriousness of Cicero’s
concern for his own, and the Senate’s, safety.
48 SD
Exit Quintus]
this edn; not in F1
49 depart not
from do not abandon (
OED, Depart v. 11).
49 SD] F1 (Quintus Cicero / brings in the /
Tribunes, and / guards.), opposite 45–7; not in Q
53–4 he . . .
province See .
59 mean
lowly.
63–6 An almost literal translation of Quintus Cicero’s
description of Catiline in
De Petitione Consulatus, 9:
natus in patris egestate, educatus in sororis stupris,
corroboratus in caede civium, cuius primus ad rem publicam aditus in
equitibus Romanis occidendis fuit. ‘Confirmed’ (
65) means, like
corroboratus, ‘firmly established’. That Cicero does
not need to name Catiline in this speech, but merely to deliver a
curriculum vitae, suggests the state of alarm in Rome;
it also makes Catiline’s delayed entry the more effective.
64 Advancing his state by prostituting his
sister.
65–6 ent’ring . . .
gentry making his entry into political life by murdering
members of the equestrian class (i.e. in Sulla’s proscriptions).
67 study
inclination (
OED, n. 1 obs. From Lat.
studium).
67 custom
habit.
69 field of
riot sphere of dissipation.
71–3 I saw and felt the signs of his wickedness
(‘mischiefs’: see .) but could or would not at first draw the terrible
conclusions from them. A close translation of Cicero’s words on Catiline
in Pro Caelio, 7.14, cuius ego facinora
oculis prius quam opinione, manibus ante quam suspicione,
deprehendi, ‘whose villainy I discovered with my eyes before I
believed it, through my hands before I suspected it’.
75 manners
moral conduct (
OED, Manner n.1 4b obs.).
76–7 No . . . / Lose] F1 (subst.); “No . . . / “Loose Q
79 Convince
him prove him guilty (
OED, v.
4 obs.; Lat.
convincere).
‘Him’ and ‘his’ refer in this line to Catiline, in the rest of the
speech to Caesar.
81 sentences
maxims (Lat. sententiae).
81–2 look /
Toward ‘have regard to (Latin spectare ad)’
(Bolton & Gardner).
82 SD Enter
catiline]
G; not in F1
82 SD
Catiline . . . him] F1,
opposite 83–4; not in Q
85 keep aside
sit beside him.
85 SD This
anti-Catiline demonstration is later (
4.2.295–307) described by Cicero.
According to Plutarch,
Cicero, 16, ‘none of the
senators would sit down with him, and all moved from the bench’. Cf. the
moment in
Sej., 5.596 SD, when ‘
The Senators
shift their places.’
86 face
appearance; see .
87 modesty
sense of propriety (Lat. modestia).
88 strangeness coldness, absence of friendly feeling (
OED,
n. 2 obs.).
90 strange
unfriendly, hostile (
OED, a. 11 obs.). Caesar’s sceptical echo of Catiline’s query
may be part of his strategic attempt to drive Cicero ‘mad’ (see ).
98 place See
.
100–2 One . . .
tongue-man Cicero was of course famous for his oratory
(‘tongue-man’ is a derisive coinage). For Catiline, who is about to be
demolished by it, to sneer at his eloquence is ironic.
102 lewd
wicked (
OED, a. 5 obs.).
109 caesar . . . down?]
placed in round brackets, F1
109 Will . . .
down Caesar is apparently wondering whether Catiline will give
up and leave at this point.
111 furies . . .
Ate ‘Not the tragic conception of them as avenging goddesses
who punished, but rather as powers of mischief who led men blindly’
(
H&S). Cf.
Iliad, 19.91, where Ate is ‘the eldest daughter of
Zeus, . . . flitting through men’s heads, corrupting them’.
113–14 A powerful re-creation of Sallust’s statement,
Bell. Cat., 15.5, ita conscientia
mentem excitam vastabat. Igitur color ei exsanguis, ‘so cruelly
did conscience ravage his overwrought mind. Hence his pallid
complexion’.
116–402 These lines are a close, often verbatim,
translation of
In
Cat., 1, the speech which Cicero delivered to the
Senate on 8 Nov. 63 BC and later edited and published. Where this source
text helps to clarify Jonson’s choice of a word or phrase, it is given
in brackets.
116 Whither at
length How far, in the end.
H&S somewhat unfairly criticize
this as a ‘crude’ translation of Cicero’s famous opening,
Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, one which fails to
appreciate the use of ‘tandem’ in urgent questions (implying something
like ‘for heaven’s sake’). But Jonson’s Cicero is at this point already
well launched on his attack and does not need a strengthener.
117 licence
abuse of freedom; disregard of law.
119 the palace
the Palatine Hill (the chief of the seven hills of Rome and the site of
temples and aristocratic houses). Jonson is translating (‘misleadingly’,
H&S) Cicero’s
nocturnum praesidium Palati, ‘nightly guard kept
on the Palatine’ (
In Cat., 1.1.1).
121 concourse . . .
men rallying of all loyal citizens (
concursus
bonorum omnium:
In Cat., 1.1.1).
124 strike thee
nothing not impress you.
124 counsels
plans (
consilia:
In Cat., 1.1.1).
125–6 bound . . .
knowledge restrained by the fact that everyone knows about
it.
128 conscience
internal conviction (
OED, 1 obs.).
128 to the
right rightly.
131 O . . .
manners Cicero’s famous lament,
O tempora, o
mores! (
In Cat., 1.1.2), is recalled by Jonson in various
contexts, both comic and tragic, throughout his work (Donaldson,
1977, 157–60). For
‘manners’, see .
133, 157, 216 council] F1 (counsell)
134 Partakes . . .
cares takes part in our debates (
fit publici
consili particeps:
In Cat., 1.1.2).
136–7 And we, brave fellows as we are, think we are
doing our duty to the Republic as long as we avoid this man’s sword and
madness. The irony in Jonson’s ‘good men’, here and in 138, becomes
clearer if read against the
fortes viri of the text he
has rendered almost literally,
Nos autem fortes viri satis
facere rei publicae videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitamus
(
In Cat.,
1.1.2).
139 coercion
application of force.
142 grave
authoritative (
OED, Grave a. 1 obs.) (
vehemens et grave:
In Cat.,
1.1.3).
142–3 The state’s
. . . Senate The Republic does not lack the law, nor the
Senate the authority to enforce it (
non deest rei publicae
consilium neque auctoritas huius ordinis:
In Cat., 1.1.3).
143–4 we . . .
ourselves It is we consuls (with the power and responsibility
this office entails) that are lacking (
nos, nos, dico
aperte, consules desumus:
In Cat.,
1.1.3–4).
145 This twenty
days For twenty days now (
vicesimum iam
diem:
In
Cat., 1.2.4).
145 that
decree i.e. the decree conferring upon the consuls absolute
power to act. It is passed by the Senate towards the end of this scene;
see .
In Cicero’s metaphor, here as in
In Cat., 1.2.4, it
becomes a sword left in its ‘sheath’ (
147).
149 confidence
audacity (
non ad deponendam, sed ad confirmandam
audaciam:
In Cat., 1.2.4). Cf. 4.1.26.
150 desire
Pronounced as a trisyllable.
151–4 seem . . .
treachery By omitting a ‘not’ before ‘seem’ (
non
dissolutum videri, ‘not to seem remiss’:
In Cat., 1.2.4)
Jonson has given a new turn to a sentence which, in terms of vocabulary,
he translates closely. This appears intentional, since Jonson’s entire
sentence remains in the conditional (‘I could desire . . . But then I
should . . .’), whereas
In Cat., 1.2.4, with rather less logic in
the relation between clauses, moves to an indicative ‘but now I condemn
myself’ (
sed iam me ipse . . . condemno).
151 main
momentous (
OED, a. 5 obs.).
155 jaws . . .
Etruria narrow passes of Etruria (
in Etruriae
faucibus conlocata:
In Cat., 1.2.5). Etruria (or Tyrrhenia)
was a region of central Italy and home to the Etruscans, covering part
of modern Tuscany, Latium, Emilia-Romagna, and Umbria, and extending
southwards to Rome. The headquarters of Catiline’s army was at Faesulae
(modern Fiesole, near Florence); see
3.3.71–2.
155 Etruria] F1 (Hetruria)
160 make just
doubt ‘justifiably wonder’ (Bolton & Gardner).
163 were] F1; bee
Q
163 meal and
batch sort. The image is of baking: the same flour and batch
of loaves. Cf.
EMI (F), 1.2.70, ‘o’your own
batch’. Cato’s interjections are sourceless.
168 But shall
That he will not.
169–75 Cf.
In Cat., 1.2.6: ‘As long as anyone will dare
to defend you, you will live, and you will live as you live now,
surrounded by many competent guards whom I have set so that you may not
be able to move against the state
[ne
commovere te contra rem publicam possis]. The
eyes and ears of many shall watch you, although you may not know it, as
they have done heretofore.’
171 at a hand
closely.
171 oppressed
blocked, hemmed in (
obsessus:
In Cat., 1.2.6).
172 least
commotion even a small disturbance, insurrection.
173 shall
still that will continually.
174 spial
observation, watch (
OED, 1 obs.).
179 break out
is revealed.
181, 291 lose] F1 (loose)
183 lictor
Here the word is apparently used in a transferred sense (cf.
1.474n). Cicero,
In Cat.,
1.3.7, describes Manlius as
audaciae satellitem
atque administrum tuae, ‘tool and lackey in your wild scheme’.
On Manlius, see .
185 Or
Either.
186–200 The events referred to here stem from the source
rather than the play and fit somewhat awkwardly into the time scheme of
the latter.
187 fifth . . .
November 28 Oct. The Roman system was to date the days before
Kalends (the first of any month), Nones (the seventh of March, May,
July, and Oct.; the fifth of other months), and Ides (the fifteenth of
the months mentioned; the thirteenth of others). Behind Jonson’s dating
lies Cicero’s phrase
in ante diem v Kalendas Novembris
(
In Cat.,
1.3.7). H&S see this as a ‘crudely literal adoption of the
Latin’; but De Luna (
1967, 37–8) argues that Jonson deliberately rendered the
phrase as awkwardly as he did in order to suggest to his audience ‘the
notorious Fifth of November’ of the Gunpowder Plot.
188 order body
of leading citizens (
optimates; cf.
In Cat., 1.3.7).
188 which my
caution which caution of mine. Not in Jonson’s source, and so
‘a minor touch to elevate his hero’ (
H&S).
190 but
that.
192 strengths
protecting forces (meis praesidiis: In
Cat., 1.2.7).
193 rede
decision, plan. Together with ‘public’, the meaning approaches the
source’s
res publica, the Republic (
commovere te contra rem publicam non potuisse:
In Cat.,
1.2.7).
193 rede] F1 (reed)
197 Praeneste
A stronghold in the Hernican mountains, some twenty miles south-east of
Rome, which Sulla had sacked and colonized with veterans.
198 Where] F1, Q (state 2); And Q (state 1)
199 Made good
Secured.
202–3 with . . .
in Jonson’s play on prepositions translates three verbs –
referring to what Catiline does, attempts, and plans – in the source
(
Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas:
In Cat.,
1.3.8).
205 circumstance circumlocution, beating about the bush (
OED,
n. 6) (
non agam
obscure: 8). Cf.
Discoveries, 1434, ‘in obscure words or
by circumstance’.
205 Laeca’s
house Cf.
headnote
to 3.3.
206 shop
workshop.
206 mint place
of fabrication.
207 Among your
sword-men Jonson seems to have misunderstood his source, which
locates Laeca’s house
inter falcarios, ‘in the street
of the scythemakers’ (
In Cat., 1.4.8).
210 convince
thee prove you guilty. The assumption that speaking would mean
denying is clearer in the source (
Convincam, si negas,
‘I will prove it, if you deny it’:
In Cat., 1.4.8).
Jonson’s ‘this’ could either refer to Catiline’s speaking, or (as the
punctuation here adopted suggests) point forward to what Cicero
sees.
212 clime
region of the earth. The question is a general ‘where in the world are
we?’ (
ubinam gentium sumus?:
In Cat., 1.4.9).
217 spoil
destruction (
OED, n. 8 obs.).
219 Follow . . .
ambition Travel around the whole world, and you won’t find
ambition to match theirs. Cicero (In Cat., 1.4.9)
claims that the conspirators’ plan extends to the destruction of the
whole world: de orbis terrarum exitio cogitent.
221 as as I
would.
222 Whom Those
whom. Latin syntax is applied to English vocabulary in
222–3 (translating
quos ferro trucidari oportebat, eos nondum voce volnero:
In Cat., 1.4.9).
228 offices
tasks to be performed.
230 thou affirmed’st] F1 (thou’affirmd’st)
231 let See
3.3.168, which is
echoed here.
233 Three . . .
crew See . (Cf.
duo equites Romani, ‘two
Roman knights’,
In
Cat., 1.4.9).
236 Your . . .
dismissed Almost as soon as your gathering (‘convent’ =
meeting:
OED, n. 1) broke up. Cf.
In Cat.,
1.4.10:
coetu vestro dimisso.
237 clients
Here means simply ‘followers’ but with an ironic edge, since the murder
plot was based on Vargunteius being, in the formal sense, a ‘client’ of
Cicero’s.
239 of good
place prominent citizens (
summis viris:
In Cat.,
1.4.10).
241 His
spirits Either (1) Catiline’s vital power or energy (
OED,
Spirit n. 16b); or (2) his tutelary spirits
(
OED, 3c), in which (likely) case cf.
Ant.,
4.3, where Mark Antony is being abandoned by his guardian
spirit.
243 ports
city-gates.
246 sink
cesspool. Cicero’s phrase is magna et perniciosa sentina
rei publicae: In Cat., 1.5.12–13, ‘the
Republic’s huge flow of deadly sewage’, and Sallust also uses sentina to denote those who flocked to Catiline (Bell. Cat., 37.5).
249 a wall
i.e. the city-wall (inter me atque te murus: In Cat., 1.5.10).
249–50 stop / To
do give up the idea of doing (
OED, Stop v. 38) (
num dubitas . . .?:
In Cat.,
1.5.13, ‘surely you are not hesitating’).
251 thou’rt
thou wert.
253 ‘Whither’ . . . ‘to exile?’]
this edn; Whither . . . to exile? F1
254 ask . . .
it if you ask my opinion, I advise it (
si me
consulis, suadeo:
In Cat., 1.5.13).
256 without
outside.
256 knot small
group of associates (
OED, n.1 18). Cf.
JC, 3.1.117, ‘So often
shall the knot of us be called / The men that gave their country
liberty’.
257 note mark,
brand (
OED, n.2 7).
(
Quae nota domesticae turpitudinis:
In Cat., 1.6.13.)
259 close
hidden.
262 lewd fact
evil deed (
OED, Fact n. 1c obs.).
264 Within . . .
baits Cf. Forest 4.6–12.
265–6 Before . . .
torch Whom you have not provided with a weapon for his
violence and a way to indulge his sexual appetite. Cf.
In
Cat., 1.6.13:
cui tu adulescentulo quem
corruptelarum inlecebris inretisses non aut ad audaciam ferrum aut
ad libidinem facem praetulisti? ‘To what youth whom you had
ensnared by the allurements of your seduction have you not furnished a
weapon for his crimes or a torch for his lust?’ The latter refers to the
practice of slaves lighting their masters home at night. ‘
[R
]age’ can have a range of meanings,
including sexual passion (
OED, n.
6b), but in this particular construction, where it corresponds
to the source text’s
audacia, with ‘lusts’ (
266) corresponding to
libido, ‘rage’ seems to signify violent action
(
OED, 3 obs.).
266 not held] F1 (not’held)
267 Thy latter
nuptials i.e. Your marriage to Aurelia. See
1.1.32–4 and
114–7.
269–71 lest . . .
revenged i.e. your crimes are of an order of heinousness
which, in a well-governed state, should not be allowed to exist or, if
they do, go unrevenged. Hence, to name them would be a slur on Rome (ne in hac civitate tanti facinoris immanitas aut exstitisse
aut non vindicata esse videatur: In Cat.,
1.6.14).
271 fortunes
financial ruin.
272 hang are
suspended, i.e. the thought of ruin come ‘next Ides’ is hanging over
Catiline (ruinas fortunarum tuarum quas omnis proximis
Idibus tibi impendere senties: In Cat.,
1.6.14).
272 next Ides
i.e. when interest on loans falls due for payment.
275–81 Stood’st . . .
malice The reference is to what came to be known as the first
Catilinarian conspiracy, in which Catiline allegedly plotted with
Autronius and Publius Cornelius Sulla – elected consuls, but soon
unelected because of their electoral malpractice – to murder the two
newly elected consuls and others on the Capitol on 1 Jan. 65 BC. The
details are obscure and Catiline’s involvement is doubtful; see Hardy
(
1924), chap.
2. Jonson follows
In Cat., 1.6.15, but seems also to
have in mind a passage, 1.5.11, in which Cicero accuses Catiline of
wanting to kill him in the Campus Martius (
in campo)
at the last consular elections. Jonson appears to have taken Cicero’s
in comitio (1.6.15) as a reference to the
elections,
comitia centuriata, held in the Campus
Martius (see
3.1.1,
headnote); hence ‘in the field’ (
275) and ‘Upon the day of choice’
(
277). The
Comitium, situated north of the Forum at the foot of the Capitoline
Hill, was the chief place of political assembly in republican Rome.
280 the mere
fortune nothing but fortune, i.e. an intervention by the
goddess of chance or luck, important in Roman religion (non
. . . sed Fortunam populi Romani obstitisse: In
Cat., 1.6.15). Most sources suggest that it was Catiline’s
impatience that betrayed and so thwarted the conspiracy, on 31 Dec. 66
BC.
283–4 declined . . .
body avoided (
OED, Decline v. 12 obs.) by making a slight body-movement (
parva quadam declinatione et, ut aiunt, corpore
effugi:
In Cat., 1.6.15). ‘
[A
]s we say’ could, as in the source’s
ut aiunt, be attached to this phrase, but Q
punctuation, as well as the grammar and sense of the sentence, suggests
that it applies to the (obviously metaphorical) wresting of the dagger
from Catiline’s hand (
285).
287 can . . .
it you won’t give up keeping your dagger at your side.
Cicero’s point is that Catiline keeps trying to stab him.
287 which i.e.
the dagger.
287–8 how . . .
not I don’t know how you have dedicated it or with what rites
you have consecrated it (Quae quidem quibus abs te initiata
sacris ac devota sit nescio: In Cat.,
1.6.16).
290 fix
plunge. (Not in
OED; translating
defigere
in the phrase rendered almost verbatim:
quod eam necesse
putas esse in consulis corpore defigere:
In
Cat., 1.6.16).
291 lose this
way abandon this way of speaking.
293 owing thee
your due.
294 SH The Q
and F speech heading, ‘Cat.’, is ambiguous,
but this line is clearly Cato’s, part of his ongoing commentary, not
Catiline’s.
294 Tantalus or
Tityus Two mythical figures who appear together in Odyssey, 11 and Met., 4, suffering
dreadful punishments in Hades, Tantalus for killing his son Pelops and
serving him up to the gods, Tityus for assaulting Lato, mother of Apollo
and Artemis.
295 erewhile a
short time ago (paulo ante: In Cat.,
1.7.16).
296 Of . . .
frequency Out of such a numerous assembly (ex hac
tanta frequentia: In Cat., 1.7.16).
299 Riss Rose
(obsolete form; see also ).
299 Riss] F1 (Riss’)
299 consular
men ex-consuls (consulares: In
Cat., 1.7.16). These ranked next to the consuls and the
consuls-designate as the most important members of the Senate.
302 shambles
slaughter-house.
306 need
necessary (
OED, n. 5).
310 if . . .
word if this is the word you are waiting for (
si
hanc vocem exspectas:
In Cat., 1.8.20).
311 A line of implied stage directions.
312 Dost . . .
voices Are you waiting for them to authorize my decision by
speaking (quid exspectas auctoritatem loquentium: In Cat., 1.8.20).
314 suffer it
allow it to be uttered without objecting to it (
cum
patiuntur, decernunt:
In Cat., 1.9.21). Cf.
the proverb, ‘Silence gives consent’ (
Dent, S446).
315, 321 they are] F1 (they’are)
316 Prove . . .
honest If you should prove free from reproach. This is not a
possibility ever expressed in In Cat., 1.
319 discourse
reason (
OED, n. 2 obs.).
(Translating
ratio, in
aut ratio a furore
revocarit:
In Cat., 1.9.22.)
323 th’Aurelian
Way An important highway up the western coast of Italy, into
Etruria and so towards Faesulae.
323 th’Aurelian] F1; the Aurelian Q
324 Set down
Agreed.
324–5 unto . . .
before Cf.
3.3.74–82. As this is the morning after the nightly meeting
of the conspirators, Cicero’s statement (translated from
In
Cat., 1.9.24) is inconsistent with the eagle’s appearance in
3.3.
329 ‘What]
Bolton & Gardner; what F1
330 looked for
awaited, or expected (quem exspectari . . . sentis:
In Cat., 1.11.27).
331 intestine
war civil war. Cf.
1H4, 1.1.12–13, ‘the intestine shock /
. . . of civil butchery’.
331 he’s] F1 (he’is)
332 the
caller-out the one who summons (evocatorem:
In Cat., 1.11.27).
333 men . . .
mischief well-known desperadoes. Jonson wisely leaves out
Cicero’s unfounded accusation that Catiline was evocatorem
servorum, i.e. planning to call on the slaves to rise – a
perpetual Roman nightmare, and one which Catiline refused to
contemplate, even after the Senate had declared him a traitor (cf.
Sallust, Bell. Cat., 44).
334 prince
leader (
OED, 2 obs.) (
principem coniurationis:
In Cat.,
1.11.27).
338 punishment.’]
Bolton & Gardner; punishment. F1
342 fencer
swordsman, but in the Roman context, gladiator (unius
usuram horae gladiatori isti ad vivendum non dedissem: In Cat., 1.12.29). Cicero’s intention is abuse,
gladiators being either prisoners of war and condemned criminals, or, if
professional fighters, slaves or virtual bondslaves to
games-promoters.
343 this grave
order i.e. the Senate (in hoc ordine: In Cat., 1.12.30).
344 soft
censures feeble (expressed) opinions (
OED, Censure n. 3) (
mollibus sententiis:
In Cat., 1.12.30). In
Pro Murena,
51, Cicero speaks of senators not wanting to take firm measures against
Catiline, either because they saw nothing to fear or because they were
afraid of everything.
349 his heart
shine his intentions to be conspicuously clear (
OED,
Heart n. 7 obs.; Shine v. 6).
350 fondly
foolishly.
352–69 led . . .
head Cicero here assumes that all the Catilinarians will
follow their leader and leave Rome, a strategic mistake that could have
been fatal, and that he is cautiously to refer to in
5.3.37–40.
353 blown
together collected. The verb looks forward to ‘shipwrecked’,
prompted by In Cat., 1.12.30, ceteros
undique conlectos naufragos adgregarit, ‘attaches to himself
shipwrecked people whom he has collected from here, there and
everywhere’.
358 Where
Whereas (
OED, conj. 12b obs.).
364 are . . .
heat feverishly toss to and fro (cum aestu
febrique iactantur: In Cat., 1.13.31).
370 wall See
.
372–3 to circle . . .
weapons In
In Cat., 1.13.32, the two plans
to surround (‘circle in’ and ‘girt’) officials and institutions are more
clearly and specifically aimed at the centres of law and government in
Rome. Jonson’s ‘the Praetor’ is there
tribunal praetoris
urbani, i.e. the tribunal in the Forum at which the senior of
the eight praetors,
praetor urbanis, tried cases
within the city of Rome. Jonson’s ‘the court’ – a word he uses for
‘senate’ in
4.2.437,
and also in
Sej., 3.470 – is the Curia (
obsidere
cum gladiis curiam), i.e. the Senate House (cf. .).
374 balls
missiles (
OED, Ball n.1
5). Jonson is translating
malleolos,
fire-darts used in sieges (
In Cat., 1.12.32). Looking
for allusions to the Gunpowder Plot, De Luna (
1967), 63, finds it significant that
Cicero’s text contains ‘no suggestion of explosives or modern ordnance’
and, in particular, no mention of ‘sulphur’, which she claims (though
OED does not support this) ‘was used almost
interchangeably for gunpowder after 1605’. But the ‘flax and sulphur’
laid in at Cethegus’s house (3.3.145–6; see .) have a source in
Plutarch, and Jonson seems to have taken care to make all his incendiary
terms applicable to Roman conditions.
378–9 my . . .
abroad Antonius had gone to lead the army against Catiline’s
forces, though, as we learn in
4.6.3–7, he had an illness
(possibly diplomatic) and handed the command to Petreius.
381 gentlemen of
Rome the equites (tantam in
equitibus Romanis virtutem: In Cat.,
1.13.32). In the late Republic they were the moneyed, non-political, and
mainly non-senatorial section of the upper class.
382–3 These lines are not so much ‘Jonson’s insertion’
(
H&S) as a
return to an earlier passage,
In Cat., 1.8.21, where
Cicero referred to
equites Romani and the other
citizens standing around the Senate whose hands and weapons he had only
with difficulty kept away from Catiline. The point is to suggest that
the Senate is surrounded by people baying for the blood of Catiline,
‘these’ in line 381 indicating a gesture towards this imagined crowd
offstage.
383 parricide
murderer of a parent or near relative (as in 1.32), but also – as with
Latin parricida – of a ruler. Here it could refer to
Catiline as murderer of Cicero as Consul and of ‘conscript fathers’; the
word parricidium could also, both in English and in
Roman Latin, denote a traitor to his country, and does so in In Cat., 1.13.35.
386 oppressed
suppressed, put an end to (
OED, Oppress v. 3 obs.). The line is a literal
translation of
omnia patefacta, inlustrata, oppressa,
vindicata esse videatis:
In Cat.,
1.13.32.
387 this omen
i.e. what Cicero has prognosticated in his long sentence beginning ‘I
here promise’ (
376).
‘
[I
]n Roman belief, to declare
something an omen was tantamount to making it one’ (Bolton &
Gardner).
390 that . . .
sacrament Cf.
1.487–508 and
3.2.49.
391–402 The prayer to Jupiter (as in the source) confirms
the choice of his temple for this meeting of the Senate; cf. . It
points the inseparability of religion and politics in Roman life.
393 With . . .
first Exerting the same propitious influence as you did in
founding Rome. This compresses, and shifts the meaning of, the
corresponding clause in In Cat., 1.13.33, which
appeals to Jupiter qui isdem quibus haec urbs auspiciis a
Romulo es constitutus, ‘who was established by Romulus with the
same auspices as this city’, i.e. it rehearses the traditional belief
that Romulus vowed to raise a temple to Jupiter.
397 complices
(1) confederates; (2) associates in crime (
OED, Complice 1 obs. and 2).
398 th’offence] F1 (the’offence)
398 offence . . .
men Referring to the conspirators collectively as that which
is hostile to loyal citizens (homines bonorum
inimicos: In Cat., 1.13.33), whereafter a
parenthesis (in Q) specifies their criminality.
403 high
elaborately rhetorical.
405 He’s] F1 (H’has)
407 grave
dignified.
409 order See
.
412 Cato’s reply (
413–5) helps to explain this line:
‘the best way’ for Cicero’s eloquence would be to speak well of Catiline
and his ancestry, yet he always speaks ill.
418 his
preservation him to preserve (i.e. save) it.
419 Hercules
Cf. Caesar on Cicero as a ‘Herculean actor’,
3.1.98–100 and n.
419 Atlas See
.
419 inmate See
.
and .
421 burgess’ . . .
Arpinum Cicero was the son of a rich and well-connected eques (see .), but not of senatorial
rank, living in Arpinum (modern Arpino), a hill-town in the Liris
valley, south-east of Rome. Catiline’s sneer is double: a ‘burgess’ –
inhabitant of a borough; Latin municeps – is neither a
proper Roman nor of high rank. It is also unfair, as citizens of Arpinum
(a free town, or municipium, since 90 BC) enjoyed full
citizenship, with the right to vote, in Rome. Juvenal, Satires, 8.237–8, contrasts the high-born Catiline
unfavourably with Cicero in the same terms: hic novus
Arpinas, ignobilis et modo Romae / municipalis
eques, ‘born at Arpinum, of ignoble blood, a municipal knight
new to Rome’.
425 prodigy
monster (
OED, 2b obs.).
426 run thrust
or forced out (
OED, v. 47 a); cf. F1
‘forc’d’.
426 forced] F1;
runne Q
427 the first . . .
heap The primal chaos, as described by Ovid,
Met., 1.7,
rudis indigestaque moles. The use
of ‘indigested’ in the sense of ‘formless, chaotic’ (
OED,
Indigested a. 1) often implies an echo of
Ovid’s description.
429 head
person (with reference to some quality or attribute, here impudence)
(
OED, Head n. 7a).
432 SD] F1, opposite 432–3; not in Q
433 SH
‘Chorus’ here in Q and F1 seems to mean many of the Senators onstage,
probably excepting Caesar and Crassus, and any senatorial conspirators.
Gifford has ‘Omnes’, Bolton & Gardner ‘Senators’. In 5.3.196 the SH
for a similarly collective voice is ‘Sen.’ To
mark the continuity of Catiline’s speech, F1 puts the Chorus’s line, as
well as Cato’s two interruptions (437, 440–41), in brackets.
433 chorus . . . Consul!]
placed in round brackets, F1
435–40 Catiline’s scorn of Cicero closely echoes
Caesar’s of Metellus in Lucan, De bello, 3.134–7. ‘Vanam spem mortis honestae / Concipis: haud’ inquit
‘iugulo se polluet isto / Nostra,
Metelle, manus; dignum te Caesaris ira / Nullus honor faciet . . .’, ‘“In vain do you hope for
an honourable death: never,” he said, “shall my hand be defiled by
cutting your throat, Metellus; no honour shall make you worthy of
Caesar’s anger”’.
437 cato . . . traitor!]
placed in round brackets, F1
440–1 cato . . . mouth!]
placed in round brackets, F1
441 portentous
monstrous.
441 it i.e. a
‘title’ bestowed on Cicero by ‘this flattering Senate’ (438).
442 look thee
dead kill you by looking at you (like the fabled basilisk; cf.
The
Duchess of Malfi, 3.2.87–8, ‘if I could change / Eyes
with a basilisk’); or, look to see you dead.
444 I’m] F1 (I’am)
446–51 Catiline’s departing threat of fire is quoted in
Sallust, Bell. Cat., 31.9, incendium meum
ruina restinguam, ‘I will put out my fire by general
devastation’; but Jonson builds up its dramatic impact through the
interjections of Catulus and Cato.
446 put out
driven out, with the implication (1) of being dismissed, turned out of
senatorial office, but also, in view of what follows, (2) of being
extinguished. The logic which emerges from the unsaid and the hiatus in
446–7 is that his
rage –
his fire – will only be put out by the burning
of Rome; or, as he develops the idea, his funeral pyre will be fuelled
by the ‘timber’ of Rome. Cf. Catiline’s threat in his earlier
altercation with Cato,
3.1.219–21 and n.
448 pile heap
of combustibles on which a body is burnt (
OED, n.3 3d).
449 matter
timber, wood. Cited as ‘a Latinism’ in
OED,
n.
1 1b (Latin
materia).
Cf.
Und. ‘To the Reader’, 2–3, glossing the classical
term
silva, as ‘works of diverse nature and matter
congested, as the multitude call timber-trees, promiscuously growing, a
“wood” or “forest”’; and ‘materia’ in the Epigraph to
Discoveries called ‘Silva’.
449 screech-owl Commonly referred to as a bird of ill omen, Cf.
New Inn, 3.2.10;
Queens, 158;
The
Duchess of Malfi, 4.2.166.
450 imperfect
incomplete, but also, as in the ‘imperfect speakers’ of
Mac., 1.3.70, with
the meaning of ‘evil’ (
OED, a. 3 obs.).
451 – the]
this edn; The F1
451 the common
fire i.e. the conflagration of Rome.
452 SD]
G, subst. (Rushes out of the Senate.); not in F1
453 He’s] F1 (H’is)
457–8 See . . .
consuls The Roman formula for declaring a state of national
emergency, known as
senatus consultum ultimum. In
Bell. Cat., 29.2,
senatus decrevit darent
operam consules ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet, ‘the
Senate voted that the consuls should take heed that the commonwealth
suffer no harm’, Sallust also explains that this conferred upon the
consuls supreme power: unlimited jurisdiction at home and in the field;
but he does not mention that the situation was unprecedented. ‘Never
before had this extreme decree been passed merely in anticipation of a
state of war, and in reliance upon unproved statements of a magistrate’
(Hardy,
1924,
55).
459 ’Tis . . .
need Caesar and Crassus are now apparently anxious to be seen
to support Cicero rather than Catiline.
460–1 But . . .
Fulvia Jonson invents this public mention of Curius and
Fulvia, which, while dramatically convenient, is politically
‘questionable’ (
H&S) and, in terms of plot, renders problematical the
appearance of Curius among the conspirators in 4.3.
462 They . . .
reward This, rather than the salvation of Rome, is of course
what they were after, but Cicero sees the ‘reward’ as a matter of realpolitik. Cf. .
463 ministers
agents (in effect, informants). Cf.
3.3.225.
463 SD]
this edn; not in F1
465 ring
hollow sound false.
466 appear
prove to be.
466 prove ’em
put them to the test.
469–78 Plutarch, Cicero, 20, discusses
Cicero’s suspicions of Caesar and his unwillingness to act on them for
fear of Caesar’s friends and power (though this is in relation to the
trial of the conspirators, as in 5.6).
473 Hydra Cf.
.
474 ’prove
approve.
478 SD]
G; not in F1
4.3 ] G; not in F1
4.3 This scene, of Catiline’s last appearance in
Rome, is set an undefined location (presumably not Catiline’s house) on
the day of his disastrous confrontation with Cicero in the Senate. It is
based on Sallust, Bell. Cat., 32,
34, and 39. In the Jacobean theatre, with the conspirators entering by
one stage door as the senators leave by the other, Catiline’s opening
abuse, ‘this state-cat’, would be directed at a barely offstage Cicero.
Would senatorial conspirators exit and re-enter, or simply cross the
stage into a new scene?
0 SD] F1 (Catiline, Lentvlvs, Cethegvs, Cv- / rivs,
Gabinivs, Longinvs, / Statilius.)
1 discovered
made known (with the implication of ‘betrayed’) (
OED,
Discover v. 6).
2 state-cat
‘Cat’ was a term of contempt for a human being, expressing, it seems, a
general revulsion (cf. ‘Cats’ in
Cor., 4.2.36); it was
also a slang term for a prostitute (
OED, n.
2a, b). In Latin,
feles, cat, could also
mean a thief. Whatever the specific implication here, the term gives
Cethegus a metaphor to develop in his own way (
3–4).
3 He had] F1 (He’had)
4 I had] F1 (I’had)
5 of calling
back for retracting.
7 you had] F1 (you’had)
7 yesternight i.e. at the meeting in Laeca’s house.
10 mature
make ready. Cf. Bell. Cat., 32.2, insidias consuli maturent, ‘he instructed [his associates] to bring the plots against the
consul to a head’.
14 bleed a
life give my life-blood.
15 ensigns
standards, banners.
17 draw . . .
on create hostile feelings against. Cf.
3.1.2.
21 Massilia
Modern Marseilles, an originally Greek city, at this time part of
Transalpine Gaul and in a league of friendship with Rome. Cicero rated
it superior to the rest of the world for culture and good government
(Pro Flacco, 63).
21–2 give . . .
fortune bow to fate (translating Bell. Cat.,
34.2, fortunae cedere).
23 stand . . .
faction hold out against so powerful an intrigue (
OED,
Faction n. 4b obs.). The
phrase is clearer in the light of
Bell. Cat., 34.2,
where Catiline claims to be falsely accused and leaving
quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, ‘since he
was unable to stand the intrigues of his enemies’.
25 contention
struggle (Bell. Cat., 34.2, contentio).
26 the support
of any action to vindicate. Catiline claims to be putting the
good of Rome before his own good name.
28 my better
genius the spirit who influences me for good.
32 Give . . .
eyes Fortune was traditionally represented as blind. Cf.
The Duchess
of Malfi, 1.1.477–9.
34 them i.e.
Fortune’s eyes. Anything that Curius says is of course weighted with
irony, including his farewell
sententia (
35).
35 A] F; “A Q
37 I am . . .
creature I am your entirely obedient servant.
37 SD]
G; not in F1
44 I have] F1 (I’haue)
39 Umbrenus
Sallust, Bell. Cat., 40, describes Lentulus’s use of
Publius Umbrenus, who ‘had carried on business with the Gauls’ and knew
many of their leading men.
40 resiant
resident (
OED, a. 1a obs.).
41 great
usuries instances of charging exorbitant interest. In Bell. Cat., 40.3, the Allobroges complain of avaritia magistratuum, ‘the avarice of the
magistrates’; and extortion was a common complaint against provincial
governors.
45 they are] F1 (they’are)
46 still . . .
change always on the look-out for (political) turmoil. Cf.
. Horace, Epodes, 16.6, refers to the
Allobrox as novisque rebus infidelis, ‘disloyal [to Rome] in time of political
revolution’.
47 in . . .
with at present hating.
49 society
political alliance.
50 The rather
for All the more because of.
50 seat
geographical location (
OED, n. 17 obs.).
51 they abound] F1 (they’abound)
51 horse
cavalry. A collective plural (
OED, n.
3b).
52 Which is the only thing our army is short of.
53 coming
inclined to meet our advances. Cf.
Volp., 3.7.127,
‘If you were absent, she would be more coming.’
54 Sempronia’s
house i.e. the house of Decimus Brutus. See
4.4.74–5n.
55 confirm
’em
more make more certain of their
support.
56 store
large number; i.e. it will do them good to see how spirited we are, and
how many.
57–61 Would . . .
sitting Jonson re-creates, in the idiom he has found for
Cethegus, Sallust’s statement that, during these preparations, Cethegus
semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum, ‘constantly
complained of the inaction of his associates’, and even said that he
would himself impetum in curiam facturum, ‘make an
attack upon the Senate House’ (Bell. Cat.,
43.3–4).
59 I ha’] Q;
I’ha’ F1
59 genius to
inclination for (
OED, 3a obs.). Cf.
EMO, 2.1.89, ‘’Tis against my
genius.’
62 mar spoil.
Cethegus shows some self-knowledge.
62 SD]
G; not in F1
4.4 ] G; not in F1
4.4 Cicero’s meeting with the Allobrogian ambassadors
– a crucial step in his attempt to provide the Senate with proof of the
seriousness of the situation – had to be kept strictly secret and so is
likely to have taken place in his own house. The meeting receives a
brief mention in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 41; Jonson’s
fleshes this out from Felicius, Sallust folio, col. 506 B–C, from where
he draws the substance of Cicero’s address to the Allobroges and of
their reply.
0 SD]
G; Cicero. Sanga. Allobroges.
F1
1 Sanga See
.
4–13 They . . .
conquered A sympathetic expansion of Sallust’s account, Bell. Cat., 41, of the Allobroges’ deliberations.
10 sounded
spoke of.
12 They are] F1 (They’are)
13 Translating Bell. Cat., 41.4,
vicit fortuna rei publicae. The goddess Fortuna
actively aiding the Republic is a common theme; cf. .
14 was who
was.
14–16 agent . . .
state Cf. .
15 negotiation business transactions (Lat. negotiatio).
17 th’ambassadors] F1 (subst.); the’Ambassadours Q
18 firm
steadfast, resolute.
19–20 deserve /
Of have just claims for reward from.
20 SD]
G; not in F1
20–40 Both Cicero’s brief soliloquy and his speech to
the ambassadors are verbally very close to Felicius, Sallust folio, col.
506 B–C.
21 discovery
bringing to light.
22 manifest . . .
traitors proving the guilt of these traitors beyond doubt.
Verbatim from Felicius, coniuratos manifeste convincere
posset.
23 Be . . .
Jupiter Cicero’s prayer is being answered; cf.
4.2.391–402n.
23 SD]
G, subst.; The Allobroges / enter.
F1, opposite 23–4; not in Q
24 Confederates Allies (of Rome) by treaty (Lat. confoederatus).
26 careful
patron patron who is attentive to your interests.
30 advise
caution (OED, v. 5 obs.).
36 hazard . . .
air risk exchanging certainties for uncertainties. As in
Felicius:
incerta pro certis captare, which echoes
Sallust,
Bellum Iugurthinum, 83.1, where Metellus
warns Bochus that to become an enemy of the Roman people means
incerta pro certis mutare. For ‘air’ in the sense of
something unsubstantial,
OED has only one entry
(Air n. 1b), dated 1692.
37 voice
Either (1) what the Catilinarians have said (i.e. promised) (cf.
OED,
n. 9 obs.); or (2)
vote. In the context of contrasting certainties with uncertainties, (1)
seems more likely. The corresponding phrase in Felicius is little help:
parvo commodo ingentia pericula subire, ‘to
undergo great dangers for small profit’.
38–40 Loud . . . / With . . . / All]
F1; “Loud . . . / “With . . . / “All Q
38 laid
suppressed.
39 raised
started.
40 A
sententia either from
Felicius or from his source in Sallust,
Bellum
Iugurthinum, 83.1 (cf. ., above), which is here closer
to Jonson’s text:
omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum
aegerrume desinere; Metellus declares that ‘it was always easy
to begin a war but very difficult to end one’. Both Sallust and Felicius
make the point that the beginning and the end of a war are not in the
control of the same man. Cf.
Dent, W39.11.
41–3 These Senate decrees are reported in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 36.
43–51 And . . .
knowledge Jonson here pieces together Cicero’s account of
anti-Catiline activities from several passages in Sallust: Catiline and
Manlius being declared traitors, from Bell. Cat., 36;
Quintus Metellus Celer’s suppression of disturbances in Picenium,
Bruttium, and Apulia, from Bell. Cat., 42; security
arrangements in Rome and rewards to informers, from Bell.
Cat., 30. What Cicero does not say is that not one person,
slave or free citizen, came forward to inform on the conspirators, a
point made in Bell. Cat., 36.5.
47 detect
inform against (
OED, 2 obs.).
53 vindicate
punish (
OED, 1c obs.) (Lat.
vindicare).
54 practice
conspiracy. See . The distinction made – or rather not made – by
Cicero in 54–5 is between evil deeds (‘fact’: cf. .) and
the intention (‘purpose’) to commit them.
56 hand
direction.
63 If . . .
designs As long as your wishes agree with my plans.
64 SH As in
4.1, only one Allobrox speaks, though at least two Allobroges are
present.
64–71 The Allobrox’s speech closely follows, in part
translates, Felicius, col. 506 C.
64, 74, 103, 107 SHs
first allobrox]
this edn; All. F1
66 defection
falling away from allegiance.
67–71 These lines translate Felicius literally, sed eos non esse tam fortuna miseros, aut voluntate
perditos, ut P. R. multis laboribus collectam amicitiam subito
effunderent.
71 precipitate
themselves come suddenly to ruin or destruction (
OED,
v. 2 obs.) (Lat.
praecipitare, reflected in Q spelling).
71 precipitate] F1; præcipitate Q
72 this What
‘this’ refers to is suspended until 77ff. F marks the digression with
brackets.
73–7 When . . . chief.]
placed in round brackets, F1
75 Decius
Brutus Decimus Brutus (Consul in 77 BC) was the husband of
Sempronia; Sallust, Bell. Cat., 40.5, mentions that
Umbrenus conducted the Allobroges in domum D. Bruti,
and that Brutus himself was away from Rome.
76 Sempronia –]
this edn; Sempronia. F1
76 instruct
inform (with the implication of reminding).
77 a chief a
leading figure, i.e. either (1) in the conspiracy (which is an
exaggeration); or (2) in the house (as she was known as an assertive
woman).
78 affection
disposition.
79 put on
pretend. In Sallust, Bell. Cat., 41, Cicero’s verb in
the context is simulare.
80 give
report.
83 prevent
forestall. See .
84 You’ve] F1 (You’haue)
84 dispatch
official dismissal (given to an ambassador after completion of his
errand) (
OED, n. 2 obs.).
85 for
because of.
88 of . . .
decline in order to avoid.
90 They’ve] F1 (They’haue)
93 engage
pledge.
95 Those i.e.
the letters.
95 pretend
hold out as pretext (
OED, v. 6) (Lat.
praetendere).
101–2 Ill . . . / And] F1; “Ill . . . / “And Q
104 We’re] F1 (We’are)
105 confidence
assurance.
107 SD]
G; not in F1
4.5 Prepared for by Cicero’s plotting, this scene in
Sempronia’s house is based on Sallust, Bell. Cat., 44,
which, however, gives only the bare facts of the meeting between the
Allobroges and the conspirators left in Rome. Jonson is responsible for
introducing Sempronia as a proto-feminist, as well as Cethegus at his
impatient and bombastic best, and so creating moments of comic relief in
the midst of looming disaster.
4.5 ] G; not in F1
0 SD]
G; Sempronia, Lentvlvs, Cethegus,
Gabi- / nivs, Statilivs, Longinvs, Vol- / tvrtivs, Allobroges. F1
6 gravity
weighty dignity.
7 their many
cautions the circumspectness of their conduct.
8 Fitting their
persons Appropriate to their function (as ambassadors).
12–13 Thucydides . . .
ambassadors Sempronia is flaunting her knowledge of Greek (cf.
2.1.40ff.), but it is faulty. Thucydides is the fourth-century-BC
writer, author of the history of the Peloponnesian War but not of the
definition of ambassadors which Sempronia attributes to him. H&S
traced it to the
Florilegium Ethico-Politicum (
1610), 1.49, which
states that to be an ambassador you must act as a spy:
Legationes specie, speculatorem agas.
13 SD]
G; not in F1, but see massed entry at
4.5.0 SD
14 scout
spy.
17 exquisite
accomplished (with, in the context, a somewhat oxymoronic effect).
19 smock-treason Compounds with ‘smock’, suggestive of loose
conduct in women, are common in seventeenth-century dramatic texts. Cf.
‘Smock-secrets’ in Mag. Lady, 4.7.41.
21 cobweb-bosoms bosoms which, like cobwebs, are both frail and
ensnaring.
21 other i.e.
other kind of treason.
25 wild
Hippolytus Hippolytus refused the amorous advances of his
stepmother, Phaedra, who in revenge told his father, Theseus, that he
had assaulted her. Fleeing from Theseus’s anger, Hippolytus was torn to
pieces by his own stampeding horses on the sea shore. Marlowe, Hero and Leander, 77, also calls Hippolytus
‘wild’.
25–6 prove . . .
over suffer death in every limb.
26–7 ere . . .
it i.e. before I’d trust a woman with wind, supposing I could
catch it (let alone a secret). Playing on ‘wind’ as both speech and
flatus (
OED, n.1 11b obs., 10) and traditional ideas about women
as gossips: cf. Proverbs, 27.15–16.
30 for your
heart despite all your courage.
31 tongue or
carriage speech or conduct.
31 Calypso
The nymph who rescued Odysseus when shipwrecked and detained him on her
island for seven years (Odyssey, 5). A backhanded
compliment to Sempronia as a Greek scholar.
31 SD]
G; not in F1, but see massed entry at
4.5.0 SD
32 Mercury
The patron god of the movement of people and messenger of the gods. In
Discoveries, 1334–5 Jonson defines him as ‘the
president of language’ and ‘deorum hominumque
interpres’.
33 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1, but see massed
entry at 4.5.0 SD
35–6 prophecy . . .
Sibyl’s A Jonsonian touch to remind us of Lentulus’s
obsession; cf. 1.1.255–86.
36 SH
GABINIUS As stated in Sallust, Bell. Cat.,
44, Gabinius has been in charge of bringing the Allobroges to the
meeting.
38 partake
participate.
39 and here
too i.e. in my own house.
42 a moment
of importance. Cf.
Ham., 3.1.86, ‘enterprises of great pitch
and moment’.
49 if they
were i.e. if they were hurt.
49–51 Capaneus . . .
down Capaneus was one of the seven heroes who marched against
Thebes. He scaled the walls, defying Zeus, and was struck dead by a
thunderbolt. Jonson’s source here is Statius,
Thebais,
10.935–9, where it is stated that, had the hero’s limbs been consumed a
little more slowly,
potuit fulmen sperare secundum
(939), ‘he could have expected a second thunderbolt’ (cf.
51).
51 bolt] F1;
charge Q
54–5 the world . . .
ours Jonson uses the same conceit in his poem in the 1623
Shakespeare folio: Shakespeare’s death has left the stage mourning ‘like
night, / And despairs day, but for thy volume’s light’ (‘Shakes.
Beloved’, 5.636–40, lines
79–80).
58 SH] F2 (sem.);
sen. Q, F1
58 bear me
hard may find me hard to put up with.
59 right
justice.
60 SH
first allobrox]
this edn; All. F1
61 admire
marvel at (Lat. admirari).
62 prevent the
Consul i.e. forestall any attempt of Cicero’s to come to an
agreement with the Allobroges.
67 i’the way
on your way back.
68 association alliance (Bell. Cat., 44.4, societatem confirmarent).
68–9 This . . .
you Sallust, Bell. Cat., 44.3, mentions that
Lentulus sent ‘a certain Titus Volturcius of Crotona’ to accompany the
Allobroges.
70–2 Lucius Bestia
. . . Cicero The first and last we hear of Bestia since his
appearance in Act 1. Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 43.1, has
Lentulus arrange for Bestia,
tribunus plebis, to
convoke an assembly of the people and denounce Cicero, throwing on him
belli . . . gravissimi invidiam, ‘the blame for a
most injurious war’ (cf.
3.1.2 for ‘envy’), as soon as Catiline’s army was ready for
action.
74 freemen
men free of political oppression. Cf.
JC,
3.2.20–1, ‘Had you rather Caesar were living, and die all
slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live all freemen?’ There is irony
in Lentulus presenting ‘ourselves’ as models of ‘freemen’: cf. the
title-page ‘proposition’ of Chapman’s
Caesar and
Pompey: ‘Only a just man is a freeman.’
74 SD]
G; not in F1
4.6 The point of this scene is to show Cicero’s net
closing on the conspirators: two separate armies moving to trap
Catiline’s force; an ambush laid to secure the incriminating letters
carried by Allobrogian ambassadors; the chief conspirators in Rome
facing arrest. Jonson takes his facts, and some language, from Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 59 and 57. The summoning and
instructing of the two loyal praetors is described in Cicero, In Cat., 3.5.
4.6 ] G; not in F1
0 SD]
G; Cicero. Flaccvs. Pomtinivs.
Sanga. F1
1 I cannot . . .
to I cannot doubt that the war will.
2 for
because of.
3–11 This follows Bell. Cat., 59
closely, both on Antonius’s gout (pedibus aeger) and
Petronius’s military experience, especially his ability to address each
of his soldiers by name.
3 my
colleague Antonius, my fellow consul; see
4.4.41–2.
4 affected
afflicted.
8–10 tribune . . .
years Petreius’s ladder of promotion is verbatim from Bell. Cat., 59.6: annos triginta tribunus
aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor. A praefectus was an officer in the army; a legatus had semi-independent command; a praetor could command an army.
13 They have] F1 (They’haue)
14 ask their
braveries require them to be brave.
14 necessities situation of hardship. Catiline’s army had no
hope of either escape or reinforcements.
16 manage
management (
OED, n. 5 obs.).
17 worthy
patriot Jonson is an early user of ‘patriot’ in this positive
sense, ‘One who disinterestedly or self-sacrificingly exerts himself to
promote the wellbeing of his country:
OED, n.,
2, citing
Volp., 4.1.95–6 as first usage
(‘such as were known patriots, / Sound lovers of their country’).
Sej.,
4.290 actually predates this: ‘What are thy arts – good
patriot, teach them me’; see Cain’s note to this passage. The ironical
question in the translators’ preface to the King James Bible (
1611), ‘Was
Catiline therefore an honest man, or a good patriot?’, is not likely,
however, to be a reference to Jonson’s play.
19 their . . .
Gallia them from moving, as they intended, into (Transalpine)
Gaul.
19 SD]
G; not in F1, but see massed entry at
4.6.0 SD
20 train hath
taken stratagem has succeeded (
OED, Train n.2 1b; Take
v. 11). Bolton & Gardner read the phrase, anachronistically,
as a metaphor ‘from the ignition of a train of gunpowder leading to the
main charge’, and it may well have struck Jacobean readers as such. Cf.
the character Trains in
Devil.
21 Mulvian
Bridge Pons Mulvius, which carried the Via Flaminia across the
Tiber some two miles north of Rome.
21 Mulvian]
this edn; Miluian F1
26 tumult
serious fighting (Lat.
tumultus), cf.
3.3.187.
27 SD]
G; not in F1
31 sense
apprehension (of why they have been summoned).
31–2 Prodigal . . . / Feel] F1; “Prodigall . . . / “Feele Q
33 that . . .
not so that they will not be able to escape (
OED,
Start v. 6 obs.).
33 not.] F2;
not, F1, Q
34–5 A state’s . . .
women The F1 reading (‘A state’s anger’, replacing Q’s ‘A
state’) irregularizes the metre but specifies the misogynistic sentiment
somewhat: fools and women are beyond the law, in that they are not
important enough for punitive measures to be taken against them.
34–5 A . . . / Should] F1; “A . . . / “Should Q
34 state’s anger] F1; State Q
35 knowledge
notice (
OED, n. 4 obs.).
36 care See
.
38–9 undergo . . .
fate endure the ill-will caused by exposing so many great
men.
43 hear ill
‘am ill spoken of’ (
H&S). Translating the Latin idiom
male
audio; for its opposite,
bene audio, cf.
Alch.,
1.1.24, ‘I do not hear well.’
43 SD]
G; not in F1
4.7 Here, for once, speech gives way to action.
Jonson draws out the key points in Sallust’s account of the ambush at
the Mulvian Bridge, Bell. Cat., 45: the double-dealing
of the Allobroges and the readiness of Volturcius to save his own life
at the expense of his conspirators’. Historically, the Allobroge envoys
left Rome on the night of 2 Dec., and the public exposure and arrest of
the conspirators (5.3) took place the following day.
4.7 ] this edn; not in F1
0 SD]
G, subst.; Praetors, Allobroges, Vol- /
tvrtivs. F1
1 SH
first allobrox]
this edn; All. F1
6 SD Sallust
(Bell. Cat., 45.4) has Volturcius defend himself,
sword in hand, against superior numbers (gladio se a
multitudine defendit); theatrical economy presumably reduces
this to a token fight.
8 stands out
who refuses to yield.
13 upon . . .
life on the condition that my life is saved.
15 I’m] F1 (I’am)
17 favour
leniency, mitigation of punishment (
OED, n.
3b obs.); cf.
MV, 4.1.
382–3, ‘that for this favour / He presently become a
Christian.’
19 Again the success of a political manoeuvre is
attributed to the gods. Cf. 4.2.391–402.
19 SD]
G; not in F1
20–71 The Chorus continues and advances the
self-examination by the people of Rome begun at the end of Act 3. As
H&S point out,
the main thought here is taken from a passage in Felicius’s
Historia, col. 503 A (though not, as
H&S state, a marked passage).
The plight of ‘the careful magistrate’ is at the heart of this
pro-Ciceronian poem of Jonson’s, as it is in Felicius’s
O
condicionem miseram administrandae Reipublicae; but Jonson
deals with the topic through the eyes, ears, and mind of the people,
who, with the case of Catiline as a catalyst, analyze their own
confusion, readiness to judge on insufficient evidence, fickleness, and
adherence to a blame culture.
21 Like . . .
mists i.e. Where you hear before you see.
22 surprise
attack suddenly and without warning.
23 resists!
opposes (such an attack).
30 airs
things which people say (
OED, Air n. 9 obs.; ‘popular air’; Lat.
aura popularis).
31 censure
judge (with the implication of criticizing). Cf. Discoveries, 699–700, where Jonson deplores ‘that iniquity’ of
the vulgar, ‘to censure their sovereign’s actions. Then all the counsels
are made good or bad by the events.’
37 best mood
‘most correct opinion’ (Bolton & Gardner).
41 doom
judgement.
44–51 The Chorus rehearses the catch-22 situation which
Cicero found himself in
vis-à-vis Catiline: blamed
first for exercising too much power and then for exercising too little.
Cicero makes the same point in
5.3.34–8. Cf. Felicius, col. 503
A.
44 One while
At one time.
46–7 for . . .
abused of exercising malice and abusing power.
48 he i.e.
Catiline.
50–1 charge . . .
go blame Cicero, who let him go, for our distress (
OED,
Harm n. 2 obs.).
53 wander
fall into error (
OED, v. 3b).
54 the careful
magistrate Cf. other passages on the subject at
3.1.102–3;
3.2.250–5,
4.1.45; and Dedicatory
Epistle, 11n.
55 mark
target.
60–4 The perverse sets of opposites in these lines
form Jonson’s closest approach to verbal echoing of Felicius (cf.
60, ‘call their
diligence, deceit’ with
non diligens consul, sed crudelis
vocabitur, col. 503 A).
63 the price
what they are after.
69–70 those . . .
To a state where we.
70–1 brook . . .
crimes Cf. Alch., Prologue, 13–14.
70 brook bear
with.
5.1 A scene made up of one long speech, Petreius’s
address to his soldiers, to be matched and contrasted with Catiline’s
address, in 5.4, to his army. The final act moves between two imaginary
locations: Rome and, as in this scene, the neighbourhood of Pistoria,
where Catiline, intending to escape with his army into Transalpine Gaul,
is being trapped between two Roman armies, one led by Quintus Metellus
Celer and the other by Antonius, who, suffering (diplomatically: see
4.2.378–9n.) from
gout, has handed command to Petreius. Sallust,
Bell.
Cat., 59, briefly refers to Petreius’s exhortations to each of
his men, but his speech here is taken from Felicius, who seems to have
invented it. It follows this source (in Sallust folio, cols. 544, 546),
at times verbatim, in defining, first, the causes for which the battle
is to be fought and, second, the three sorts of soldiers in Catiline’s
army. On the latter subject Jonson at some points draws directly on
Cicero’s list of five categories of men attracted to Catiline,
In Cat.,
2.8.18–2.10.22, which, however, seems also to have been
Felicius’s source.
5.1 ] F1 (Act V.)
0 SD]
Bolton & Gardner, subst.; The Armie. Petreivs. F1 (The Armie. / in left
margin); Petreivs. The Armie. Q
2 Consul
Antonius. See . and .
3 Kept Being
kept.
5–10 We . . .
years A close translation of Felicius, col. 544 C, Agitur nunc milites, non quam late, aut quam magnifici
Pop. R. fines futuri sint: sed
ut quae multis maiorum nostrorum laboribus, victoriis, multis annis
parta sunt.
10 purchasing
gaining (
OED, Purchase v. 4 obs.).
11–19 Again, this highly emotive rhetoric of causes is
very closely patterned on Felicius, col. 544 C–545 A, Non
estis nunc de gloria, de vectigalibus, aut pro sociorum
iniuriis (pro quibus semper Pop. R. exercitus certare consuevit) sed pro nostra
R. P. dimicaturi, pro deorum immortalium templis, pro fortunis
omnium, pro aris atque focis, pro coniugum vestrarum ac liberorum
anima, pro libertate, pro salute denique totius orbis
terrarum.
15 raised
high, lofty.
16 fires
hearths.
21 thrust out
Either (1) expelled (from Rome) (
OED, Thrust v. 1b); or (2) plunged into (i.e. these crimes)
(
OED, 7). Possibly influenced by Cicero’s use, in
this context, of the verb
iactare (to fling or toss),
In Cat.,
2.9.20.
23 made rich
i.e. by acquiring property through Sulla’s proscriptions.
24 expense
wasteful expenditure (
OED, 1a obs.). Cf.
Shakespeare,
Sonn., 129.1.
25–6 t’expect . . .
proscriptions A direct translation of Felicius’s
novas tabulas a Catilina & locupletum proscriptiones
expectant (col. 546 A–B).
Tabulae novae, ‘new
bills’, implying the cancellation of debts, was the political programme
with which Catiline attracted the debt-ridden. In his speech to the
people,
In
Cat., 2.8.18, Cicero puns on the phrase in order to
indicate what
his ‘new bills’ would mean.
28 pause
hesitation (i.e. arising from fear). Felicius’s Petreius, echoing
Cicero,
In
Cat., 2.18, does not consider these veterans worth
fearing:
eos tamen minime pertimescendos puto.
30–1 so . . .
cause are ‘as little equal to yours as is their small number
or unworthy cause’ (Bolton & Gardner). Jonson’s version of
Felicius’s virtute vobis & numero pares esse non
poterunt (col. 546 B).
32–49 The descriptions of the iniquities and excesses
of ‘The second sort’ (
32) and ‘The rest’ (
44) follow Felicius (col. 546 B
and C), who here echoes
In Cat., 2.22–3.
32 city-beasts Coining this compound as an antithesis to
‘citizens’ (
33),
Jonson sharpens Felicius’s afterthought:
si cives sunt
potius quam pecudes, ‘if they
are citizens,
rather than beasts’.
33–4 who . . .
own Translating Felicius,
qui dum bona nostra
sperant, effunderunt sua, with ‘let fly’ (
34) rendering
effunderunt, ‘fling forth, or waste’.
35 whelmed
swamped. Literally from Felicius,
obruti
[vino]. The two
kinds of excess which follow (‘swelled . . . whoredoms’,
35–6) are there in
Felicius but imaged more concretely by Jonson. For ‘hourly’, see
1.351n.
40 Watching
Doing guard-duty. From Felicius, vigilando.
41 exercise their
youth employ themselves when young. Literally from Felicius,
eorum iuventutem exercuere.
42 gamesters
See .
As in Felicius’s alia ludere (546 C), the game-playing
is probably, but not necessarily, amorous.
43 The point, that this ‘sort’ wish the state more
harm than they are able to put into action, is made by both Cicero and
Felicius, but Jonson’s formulation is closer to Cicero’s
magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra rem publicam quam arma
laturi, ‘they seem to me more likely to attack the republic
with wishes than with arms’ (
In Cat., 2.8.18).
43 to you] F1;
to’you Q
45 fencers
For this as a derogatory term see .
46 murderers . . .
parents Both Cicero (
In Cat., 2.10.22) and Felicius place
parricidae (which could also mean ‘traitor’; cf.
4.2.383n.) among
Catiline’s followers.
46–7 all . . .
Italy Jonson takes the ‘plague’ from Felicius (totius Italiae pestes), but where his source simply sums up
this ‘sort’ as facinorosi, ‘criminals’, Jonson returns
to the idea of a Roman ‘sink’, or cesspool. Cf. .
51 weapon]
Bolton & Gardner; weapon? F1, Q
52–5 H&S trace the reference here to the myth of Perseus, who,
after cutting off the head of the Gorgon Medusa, flew with it over the
Libyan desert, where the blood drops falling on the sand turned to
poisonous snakes. Lucan’s
De bello, on which Jonson
draws at other points in the play, contains a particularly graphic
version of the story (9.624–733), in which the barren Libyan land ‘drank
in poison from the slime of the dripping head of Medusa’ (697).
54 inhabitable uninhabitable. Though not recorded in
OED, formed from inhabitable, as Latin
inhabitabilis. Cf.
R2, 1.1.64–5, ‘Even to the frozen
ridges of the Alps, / Or any other ground inhabitable’.
56–66 Petreius’s peroration is apparently sourceless.
While it draws on both Classical and Christian notions – that ‘the best
death’ (
60) is in
battle for your country echoes Horace (see
3.2.165–6n.); and the phrase ‘tents
of rest’ (
61) has a
biblical ring – it concludes, like Cicero’s major speeches, by trusting
the cause of the Senate and people of Rome to the gods.
57 upon our
party on our side.
60 writ
recorded (i.e. in ‘eternal memory’).
65 eagles See
.
67 SH
]
Bolton & Gardner;
Arm. F1
67 SD]
G; not in F1
5.2 In Rome, a politically significant scene devised
by Jonson to show how events have made it politic for Caesar and Crassus
to abandon the cause of Catiline and to appear to support Cicero.
5.2 ] 1739; not in F1
0 SD] F1 (Caesar, Crassus.)
1 looked . . .
of expected this from. ‘[T]his’ refers to Lentulus’s fatal blunder of trying to use the
Allobroges.
2 gave ’em
came to the conclusion that they were. Cf. Crassus at
4.2.453.
3–9 But . . .
writ Plutarch, Cicero, 15, tells of Crassus
receiving letters, delivered at midnight by an unknown man, one of
which, unsigned, was addressed to him and warned him to quit the city.
He immediately took this, together with the rest (unopened), to Cicero,
‘desiring to acquit himself somewhat of the blame which he bore on
account of his friendship with Catiline’. Jonson adds Crassus’s
suspicion that it might be a trick of Cicero’s.
6 he . . .
him The pronouns refer to Cicero, but – like the ‘they’ and
‘their’ of this dialogue – are kept vague, as if to convey caution and
unease.
8 among so
many i.e. when so many are to be killed.
10–12 I . . .
before Suetonius, Divus Iulius, 17, mentions
that Caesar gave Cicero information about Catiline (thereby preventing
Curius from getting his reward as informer).
10 plied him
kept on at him. Cf.
MV, 3.2.276, Shylock ‘plies
the Duke at morning and at night’.
11 Thick with
intelligences With numerous (OED, Thick
a.
5) pieces of information (especially applied to the communication of
spies or secret agents:
OED, Intelligence n. 6b obs.).
11 they’ve] F1 (they’haue)
13 state-bridges political situations where one is precariously
balanced, as on a narrow bridge, between two factions. Possibly prompted
by the fact that Lat. pons, ‘bridge’, could also mean
the gangway by which voters at the comitia passed into
the enclosure and to the ballot boxes.
15 take . . .
part take the part of one who stands (
OED, Standing vbl n. 11), i.e. join the safe Ciceronian
faction.
17 these . . .
men Cicero’s decision to arrest the chief conspirators (
4.6.27–33) has
obviously been rapidly effected and become generally known.
18 SD]
G; not in Q
5.3 The location is now the Temple of Concord in the
Forum, where, the morning after the coup at the Mulvian Bridge, Cicero
has called the Senate to a meeting. The scene evolves from an intimate
conversation (apparently begun offstage and offering a sudden new light
on the matter of the preceding scene) into a public occasion. Cicero’s
unwillingness to accept accusations brought against Caesar by two men
who were his enemies is the subject of
Bell. Cat., 49.
Sallust there tells how Caesar was hated by Catulus because Caesar had
defeated him in the election for the office of
pontifex
maximus, and by Piso because of his accusations in Piso’s trial
for abuse of provincial powers. Jonson suppresses these motivational
details, condensing them into one phrase, ‘their grudge’ (
7); but, where Sallust
(unlike Plutarch,
Cicero, 20) has no doubt that the
accusations are ‘false’, the play so far has made Caesar’s innocence
less clear-cut and Cicero’s apparent high-mindedness here more ironic.
The Senate meeting which follows is largely taken from Cicero,
In Cat.,
3. This was in fact a speech addressed to the popular
assembly, in which Cicero gave an account of the meeting of the Senate
(immediately after its conclusion) and of the measures taken by the
magistry for the safety of the state. Jonson’s adaptation of this source
realizes the dramatic potential in the confrontations with the
individual conspirators.
5.3 ] 1739; not in F1
0 SD]
this edn; Cicero, Qvintvs, Cato. F1
1 wrought to
be induced (by insidious means) to do (
OED, Work v. 14).
5 speak
show, manifest (
OED, v. 29). Cf.
Mac.,
4.3.160–1, ‘And sundry blessings hang about his throne / That
speak him full of grace.’
9 circumstance evidence.
11 carry
support, give validity to (
OED, Carry v. 41).
12–13 I . . . me
Cicero protesting too much?
16–17 Cicero apologizes to Cato for giving him the task
of bringing forth Lentulus and having the other conspirators taken away.
Jonson seems here to be remembering Sallust,
Bell.
Cat., 46.5, ‘The consul himself took Lentulus by the hand, because
he was praetor, and led him to the Senate, bidding the rest follow under
guard.’ As Jonson then develops the scene, we must assume that this
request (which a director may well wish to cut) is countermanded by the
arrival of the Senators, and that Cato either remains onstage or at most
makes an exit and quick re-entry, since he is there to read the letters,
and Lentulus is brought before the full Senate only at line
82 and after three of
the other conspirators.
18 SD Bolton
& Gardner, following Gifford, add ‘Exeunt’ to line
17 and make what follows into a
new scene. But Cicero clearly remains onstage; his speech is continuous.
and so is the scene, its assumed location being the Temple of Concord.
Cicero presumably pauses briefly between lines 2 and 3 of his speech to
allow for the entry of the senators and to assume the formal attitude
and tone for addressing the Senate.
17 SD]
this edn; THE SENATE F1
18–19 What . . .
Senate For this formula, see .
18–19 What . . . Senate]
Wh; italicized in Q, F1
20 break
open. A Roman letter would be a sheet of papyrus rolled, tied with a
string (linum), and secured with a seal (signum).
20 view them
round pass them around and consider them. Jonson is drawing on
both the literal and the transferred meanings of Lat. circumspicere: (1) look round upon; (2) examine, or
ponder.
21–3 A reflection of
In Cat., 3.3.7,
which makes much of Cicero having left unopened the letters recovered
from the Allobroges, thus taking the risk that he would be humiliated if
they did not contain the incriminating evidence he expected.
23 diligence
conscientiousness (Lat. diligentia).
23 contemned
scorned.
23 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
24 weapons . . .
house In
In Cat., 3.3.8, we learn that the Allobroges had
told Cicero of the store of arms in Cethegus’s house, and that the
praetor (Sulpicius) whom he sent there ‘brought out a very large number
of daggers and swords’.
25 SH
FLACCUS The SH in Q and F1 (
Prae., for
praetor:
see Collation) suggests that either Flaccus or Pomtinius, or both, could
be speaking. Pomtinius is assigned a major speech in
5.5.3–16.
25 SH
flaccus]
this edn; Prae. F1; Pomtinius
Bolton & Gardner
27 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
28 care
anxiety.
30 face
appearance. Caesar and Crassus are now anxious to distance themselves
from the conspiracy.
33 my faith
belief in me. The contrast of great crimes and small belief comes from
In Cat.,
3.2.4., where Cicero’s account of the conspiracy
propter incredibilem magnitudinem sceleris minorem fidem
faceret, ‘because of the incredible greatness of the crimes
found small faith’.
34–44 These lines are a close translation of
In Cat.,
3.2.4, but Jonson’s Cicero is even cleverer than Cicero’s at
both admitting and yet also minimizing the fact that his policy in
‘casting Catiline out’ misfired when the rest of the conspirators did
not follow as he had expected: see
37–8, ‘when . . . not’, and
40, ‘that . . .
thought’. Cf. .
35 envy . . .
word hostility provoked by the words ‘cast out’ (and the deed
they signify). Translating
In Cat., 3.2.3,
non enim iam
vereor huius verbi invidiam.
39 fury and] F1 (fury’and)
40 stayed . . .
thought dwelt in my mind. Cf.
OED, Stay, v.1, 16+b.
42 met . . .
eyes perceived their treason. Verbatim from
In Cat., 3.2.4,
cum oculis maleficium ipsum videretis.
43 think for
consider. The underlying verb in
In Cat., 3.1.4 is
providere, to foresee and provide for.
44 hands
handwriting.
45 safe
secured, kept in custody (
OED, a.
10).
46 the Allobroges] F1 (the’Allobroges)
46 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
47–65 This episode dramatizes Cicero’s narrative,
In Cat.,
3.4.8. There Volturcius is described as in
magno
timore, ‘abject terror’. Here his passage from denial (
48–9), through
confession with attempt at amelioration (
52–3), to letting go in a speech
chopped up by fear (
55–62), is all Jonson.
49 for
to.
52 truly I] F1 (truely’I)
54 Senate’s . . .
word Volturcius is being given a promise of immunity, echoing
In Cat.,
3.4.8,
fidem publicam iussu senatus
dedi.
55–62 The ‘fear and interruptions’ spelled out by F1’s
SD are indicated in Q by the punctuation.
58 Servants
Slaves. In
In
Cat., 3.4.8, Lentulus’s letter urges Catiline
ut servorum praesidio uteretur, ‘to rally the slaves
to his support’, which he steadfastly refused to do.
63 SH]
this edn;
All. F1 (also 94, 96,
103)
65 urged . . .
horse urgently requested of us some immediate support in the
form of cavalry. Cf. . and
5.3.101.
67 SD] F1, opposite 66–8; not in Q
68 hundred
hundredth. An obsolete use of the cardinal as ordinal.
68 fencer See
.
69 arms
Cicero is setting the stage for Cethegus by a somewhat heavy pun on the
heraldic and military meanings of the word.
69 SD]
G; not in F1
70–81 The confrontation with Cethegus is described in
In Cat.,
3.5.10, but in very different terms: he ends up silent,
‘paralyzed and smitten by his guilty conscience’. Jonson has created a
scene not without black humour and accordant with Cethegus’s indomitable
character and verbal inventiveness. The insouciance of lines
72–6 recalls the way
Barabas recounts his pursuits in
The Jew of Malta,
2.3.172ff., and it is tempting to hear in line 76 an echo of
the lines ‘And now and then, to cherish Christian thieves, / I am
content to lose some of my crowns’ (175–6), ‘And now and then one hang
himself for grief’ (194), as well as of Spencer Junior’s ‘And now and
then stab, as occasion serves’, from Marlowe’s
Edward
II, 2.1.43.
75 helm
helmet.
77 paper
written document (
OED, Paper n. 2 obs.). Jonson would know that it was not made of
paper. Cf. .
83 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
83 Reach
Hand.
83–4 I . . .
all Statilius is given equally short shrift in
In Cat.,
3.5.10 (
confessus est).
84–108 Cicero,
In Cat., 3.5.10–12, gives more space to
Lentulus, even – in lines which clearly impressed Jonson – quoting his
dialogue with this highest-ranking conspirator.
86 Lentulus’s grandfather was Publius Cornelius
Lentulus,
princeps senatus (see .) from
125 BC; as recalled in
5.3.163–6, he was wounded in the fighting which led to the
death of Gaius Sempronius Gracchus in 121 BC.
87–8 so . . .
citizens Jonson’s translation of
In Cat., 3.5.10,
qui amavit unice patriam et civis suos is close but
also inventive: instead of Cicero’s one verb,
amavit,
he applies ‘loved’ to ‘fellow citizens’ and by ‘did so only embrace’
strengthens the point of the earlier Lentulus’s unique devotion to his
country.
87 only embrace] F1 (only’embrace)
87 country, and] F1 (countrey’, and)
88–90 Was . . .
foul The image and idea come from
In Cat., 3.5.10:
quae quidem te a tanto scelere etiam muta revocare
debuit, ‘surely
[this seal
], though mute, should have called you back from from such a
crime’. For ‘fact’ (
89) as ‘crime’, cf. .
90 foul –] F1 (foule —)
92 argue
prove (
OED, v. 3).
94 Last night
Volturcius showing his willingness to collaborate. The interaction
between characters in this scene exceeds anything suggested in the
source.
103 Spies?
Lentulus realizes the double-dealing of the Allobroges.
103–7 You . . .
last Lentulus obviously expounded this habitual topic of his
to the Allobroges when talking apart with them,
4.5.36–55. The theatre audience
heard it from Catiline,
1.255–60 and
3.3.83–7.
108 were who
were.
109–10 Cethegus explodes into sarcasm, triggered by the
reference to Lentulus’s praise of him (cf.
4.5.56).
111–13 Besides . . .
others Jonson here returns to Sallust, Bell.
Cat., 47, where it is Volturcius who produces this list of
names.
111 your agent
i.e. Umbrenus; see
4.3.38–9 and
4.4.14.
113 you i.e.
Lentulus, whose position Volturcius, over-anxious to please the Senate
(cf. Cicero’s ‘peace’,
118), is now helping to make impossible.
114 I’ve] F1 (I’haue)
117 Cimber
i.e. Gabinius. See
3.3.236n.
119 visor mask
(i.e. of innocence). Cf. .
125 engineer
plotter (
OED, n. 1 obs.).
Cf. . In
In Cat.,
3.3.6, Cicero summons Gabinius as
omnium scelerum
improbissimum machinatorem, ‘the arch-villain behind all these
crimes’.
125 engineer] F1 (enginer)
125 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
125–38 Show . . . told
you The Gabinius episode dramatizes a single sentence in
In Cat.,
3.5.12:
Gabinius deinde introductus, cum primo
impudenter respondere coepisset ad extremum nihil ex eis quae Galli
insimulabant negavit, ‘Gabinius was then brought in, and though
at first he began by answering impudently, in the end he denied none of
the charges which the Gauls brought against him.’
127 Neither . . .
know Gabinius’s double negatives in Q (see collation) are less
elegant but more expressive of his intransigence.
127 Neither . . . know] F1; Nor I will not know Q
127 head
disposition (
OED, n. 7).
128 it This
probably refers to the letter which Gabinius refuses to acknowledge as
his. Eating it, like eating the impudent speech which he has ‘vented’
(129), i.e. uttered, both symbols of his plotting, would be an
appropriate punishment.
130–5 Acting within the law was a fundamental concept
in Roman thinking. There is a similar play on what is lawful (
licet) in
Martial, 2.60.3–4, where a young adulterer questions the
legality of his threatened punishment (castration).
134–5 Th’inquiring . . . / Unto]
F1; “Th’inquiring . . . / “Vnto Q
136–7 Take . . .
not Cicero might seem the more appropriate speaker of these
lines; but, unless the SH is an error, they point to Crassus’s eagerness
to dissociate himself from the conspirators, as do previous
interjections of his in this scene (
30,
67).
141 stink Thus
Jonson in Epigr. 59 on spies ‘Who, when you’ve burnt
yourselves down to the snuff, / Stink, and are thrown away.’
142 bridges
These were often spoken of as favourite stations for Roman beggars. See
Juvenal,
Satires, 4.116; 5.8–9; and 14.134. There is a
Vicelike wit in Cethegus’s vision of the heroes of the Mulvian Bridge
becoming discarded spies and begging on the very bridges that their
diligent spying (‘active industry’,
143) has helped to save from
destruction by the conspirators.
145 cloud
multitude (
OED, n. 7) For ‘cloud of
witnesses’, cf. Hebrews, 12.1, which as a subtext emphasizes by contrast
the conspirators’ intransigence, or ‘boldness’ (
146): ‘Wherefore seeing we also
are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us lay aside
every weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset us’ (AV; ‘cloud of
witnesses’ also in Geneva Bible). De Luna,
1967, 276–8, points out that the
phrase figured prominently in documents recording the trial of Father
Garnet for involvement in the Gunpowder Plot.
148–87 Cicero’s speech moves back and forth across
In Cat., 3 and
4, bringing together a number of passages and beginning,
148–53, with an almost
literal translation of 3.16.
149–51 feared . . .
rashness Lentulus was known as lethargic (‘sleep’,
150), Longinus as fat,
and Cethegus as rash; cf.
3.3.194,
233–5, and
5.4.14–5. Here Jonson translates
In Cat., 3.7.16,
non mihi esse P.
Lentuli somnum nec L.
Cassii adipes nec C.
Cethegi furiosam temeritatem
pertimescendam.
151 he i.e.
Catiline.
154–60 The source of these lines on the Allobroges is a
passage in
In
Cat., 3.9.22, where Cicero argues that the gods have
guided them and him and saved the city.
157 they the
conspirators.
160 neglecting
disregarding (
In
Cat., 3.9.22,
neglegerent).
162 When Catiline had returned to Rome (as Lentulus’s
letter, entrusted to the Allobroges, called on him to do).
162–72 This . . .
complices A close translation of
In Cat., 4.6.13, in
which Cicero, speaking to the Senate, puts the heinousness of Lentulus’s
plans into a historical context.
163–6 grandfather
. . . spoil See .
166 he i.e.
Lentulus.
167 Ruffians] F1 (Ruffins)
169 Th’other . . .
of The non-senatorial (as against ‘us’ senators, 168).
169 th’other] F1 (The’other)
172 complices
accomplices. Originally meaning simply an associate or comrade, by 1600
the word had acquired the predominant sense of ‘an associate in crime’.
The prefix ‘ac’ ‘may have arisen from the indefinite article,
a complice, or by assimilation to
accomplish’ (
OED, Complice n. and
Accomplice n.).
173–83 The vision of horrors summoned up by Cicero is
closely based on one of the most powerfully emotive passages in his
fourth speech against Catiline (
In Cat., 4.6.11–12); we are spared only
Cicero’s
aspectus Cethegi et furor in vestra caede
bacchantis, ‘the sight of Cethegus in frenzied bacchic revels
upon your slain bodies’.
174–6 city . . .
flame While this might evoke the Gunpowder Plot, it is a
virtually literal translation of
In Cat., 4.11,
hanc urbem, lucem orbis terrarum atque arcem omnium
gentium, subito uno incendio concidentem.
177 buried
covered over. The verb is no doubt chosen for the implicit irony of the
country being ‘buried’ with unburied corpses and as echoing, in
177–8, the play on
forms of the verb
sepelire, ‘bury’, in the source
passage where Cicero sees
sepulta in patria miseros atque
insepultos acervos civium, ‘pitiful and unburied heaps of
citizens lying on the grave of our country’ (
4.6.11).
180 purple
Senate It is possible that, as
H&S suggest, Jonson may have
misunderstood his source’s reference to purple when it envisages
Lentulus as king,
purpuratum esse huic Gabinium, ‘with
Gabinius as his chief courtier (i.e. clad in purple)’ (
In Cat., 4.6.12).
But, with the idea of successful conspirators (‘those’) forming
Lentulus’s Senate, purple makes perfect and powerful sense, the colour
suggesting at once a Roman senator’s tunic and the blood ‘those’ would
be steeped in.
184 invade your
sense assault, either (1) your hearing (‘sense’ then meaning
‘that one of the senses which is indicated by the context’ (
OED,
n. 1e obs.); cf.
Cor., 2.2.
115–16, ‘the din of war gan pierce / His ready sense’); or (2)
your senses (‘sense’ then a collective singular,
OED,
6b).
188–92 But . . .
scene A boldly self-reflexive move in a play so dominated by
Ciceronian ‘oration’ (
190): Cethegus seizes on the theatrical aspect of ‘spectacle’
(
186) and
imagines a play different from the one he is in, a play where Cicero’s
‘part’ (
188) is
literally cut in the first ‘scene’ (
192).
190 defeated
spoiled (
OED, Defeat v. 3 obs.).
194 free
custody a Roman alternative to imprisonment, in which the
culprit was detained in the home of a trustworthy citizen who would then
be held responsible for him.
196–201 The allotment of custodians seems to be Jonson’s
own.
200–1 Publius . . .
Aedile Lentulus is placed in the custody of a relative who is
also an ally of Cicero’s. Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther was to
become Consul in 57 BC and then to work hard to restore Cicero from
exile. Aediles were the lowest rank of elected magistrates; their chief
responsibilities were the upkeep of the city, the control of prices, and
the management of the public games.
204 put off
divest himself of. A magistrate could not lawfully be imprisoned.
206 SD
Plutarch, Cicero, 19, says that Lentulus laid down his
robe with the purple hem, the symbol of his office, before the
Senate.
206 offence . . .
religion A religious aspect of the praetorship was the right
to conduct major auspices. It is appropriate that Caesar, as
pontifex maximus, raises this point. Without
mentioning Caesar, Cicero,
In Cat., 3.6.15, says of Lentulus’s
resignation that
ea nos religione in privato P.
Lentulo puniendo liberaremur, ‘this would enable us to
punish
[him
] as a private citizen,
without religious scruples’.
207 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
209 were the
lights provided the information that led (
OED,
Light n. 6 c).
211 treasure
treasury (
OED, n. 3 obs.).
213 favour’s
well leniency is quite sufficient (
OED, Well a. 11 obs.).
216–17 Let . . .
thanks This is reported in
In Cat., 3.6.13.
220–1 Whose . . .
commonwealth An almost literal translation of Cicero’s account
of the praise given him,
In Cat., 3.6.14:
quod virtute,
consilio, providentia mea res publica maximis periculis sit
liberata. ‘
[C
]ounsel’ (from
consilium) here means ‘judgement, sagacity’ (
OED,
n. 3 obs.).
221–2 without . . .
force Again a direct translation of Cicero’s own terms of
praise,
In
Cat., 3.10.23: Rome rescued
sine caede,
sine sanguine, sine exercitu, sine dimicatione (‘tumult’,
221).
226 fortitude
moral courage (Lat. fortitudo).
227 civic
garland A crown (corona civicus) made of oak
leaves, given for saving the life of a fellow citizen in war. According
to Cicero, In Pisonem, 6, it was Lucius Gellius
Publicola, not Cato, who proposed this honour.
227 garland] F1 (gyrland)
228 father . . .
country According to
In Pisonem, 6, Quintus
Catulus suggested this title of honour (
parens
patriae). Cf. Jonson’s poem to Lord Monteagle, who was regarded as
the saviour of parliament from the Gunpowder Plot: ‘My country’s parents
I have many known, / But saver of my country thee alone’ (
Epigr.
60.9–10).
229–30 public . . .
him A unique honour which, Cicero points out in
In Cat.,
3.6.15,
mihi primum post hanc urbem conditam
togato contigit, ‘I was the first civilian to receive since the
founding of Rome’. Jonson echoes this in line
236, with ‘of the civil robe’
rendering
togato.
231–3 The phrasing of the prayer adapts that in
In Cat.,
3.6.15,
quod urbem incendiis, caede civis,
Italiam bello liberassem, ‘because I had saved Rome from
burning, the citizens from massacre, Italy from war’.
231–3 ‘For . . . massacre’]
Bolton & Gardner; lines in
italics, F1
239 you’ve] F1 (yo’haue); you’haue Q
240–50 A truly Ciceronian periodic sentence, modelled on
In Cat.,
3.12.
240 come . . .
grateful are no less pleasing (
OED, Grateful 1)
(translating
non minus nobis iucundi atque inlustres,
3.1.2).
245–6 we . . .
joy we can feel pleasure at our preservation, but are unable
(because lacking consciousness) to rejoice at being born. Translating
(reversing the order of the two clauses) sine sensu
nascimur, cum voluptate servamur (3.1.2).
247 posterity
descendants (Cicero’s posteros).
252 added . . .fasti ‘registered in the calendar as a historical event’
(
H&S).
Fasti was the name of the old Roman calendar which
indicated special days for festivals, observances, and public and legal
business.
252–65 This episode is from Sallust, who, in Bell. Cat., 48.3–9, discusses the truth or falsehood
of the charge against Crassus and the mixed motives behind senators’
refusal to believe Tarquinius.
252 SD]
G, subst.; not in F1
255 varlet
rogue.
258 up close
in prison (as in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 48.6: in vinculis).
260–1 crassus . . . prove.]
in parentheses, F1
260 By yours
Sallust says that some senators believed Tarquinius’s accusation to have
been instigated by Cicero, and that he himself heard Crassus assert
afterwards that ‘this grave insult was put upon him by Cicero’ (Bell. Cat., 48.8–9).
262 credit
Either (1) authority (
OED, n. 2b obs.); or (2) high estimation (5b).
264 tracts and
courses course of events. ‘
[T
]racts’ here means the course or continuity of something (
OED,
Tract n.3 2 obs.).
266–81 This episode is based on Suetonius’s account,
Divus Iulius, 17, of how Caesar, being accused by
Lucius Vectius and Curius of complicity with Catiline, stipulated ‘no
reward’ (
276) to
Curius as proof of the Senate’s belief in his own honesty.
266 libel
document (
OED, n. 2 obs.;
from Lat.
libellus, which has a range of meanings from
‘small book’ to ‘written accusation’).
268 throw it] F1 (throw’it)
273 private
motion ‘Lat. privilegium, a bill relating to
an individual’ (Bolton & Gardner).
277–8 think . . .
honest think my reputation for honesty to be be very dubious
and uncertain. ‘Untimely’ here – possibly under the influence of Lat.
intemperans, intemperate, profligate – seems not
to be a temporal determinant. Cf. Claudius on Hamlet’s killing of
Polonius as ‘what’s untimely done’,
Ham., 4.1.40.
281 contentment satisfaction.
281 SD]
G; not in F1
5.4 Location: Catiline’s camp near Pistoria.
Catiline’s address to his soldiers, extracting heroism from an
impossible situation, and inspired by Roman ‘virtue’ (
49) unlike any other speech of
his, forms his last appearance in the play. It derives, sometimes
verbatim, from Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 58.
5.4 ] this edn; not in F1
0 SD]
Bolton & Gardner, subst.; The Armie. Catiline. F1 (The Armie. / in left
margin); Catiline. The Armie. Q
4 prowess
courage.
5 Habitual or
natural Acquired by habit or inherent by nature (Bell. Cat., 58.2, natura aut moribus).
6 in act in
action (i.e. battle).
7–9 Catiline’s sententia is a
direct translation of Bell. Cat., 58.2–3, Quem neque gloria neque pericula excitant, nequiquam hortere; timor
animi auribus officit.
7–9 Whom . . . / ’Tis . . . / Keeps] F1; “Whom . . . / “’Tis . . . / “Keepes
Q
7 glory or] F1 (glory’or)
8 t’attempt
to seek to influence.
10 warn you
remind you of (Bell. Cat., 58.3, pauca
monerem).
11 give . . .
counsels explain to you the reasons for the decision I have
arrived at (i.e. his battle policy). Translating Bell.
Cat., 58.3., uti causam mei consili
aperirem.
12 point
plight (
OED, n.1 24 obs.).
15 sleepiness
sluggishness. Lentulus’s hallmark.
19 wait lie
in wait for (
OED, v.1 1
obs.).
22 corn and
victual grain and provisions of any kind.
23 of need
necessarily.
23 remove
change our position.
23–4 whither . . .
passage the sword must both point and clear our way to
wherever we go, i.e. as in Bell. Cat., 58.7–8, Quocumque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est,
‘Wherever we decide to go, we must cut our way with our swords.’
27–9 think . . .
now An almost literal translation of Bell.
Cat., 58.8–9: memineritis vos divitias, decus,
gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dextris vostris
portare.
29 want
Either (1) are deprived of; or (2) miss (
OED, v.
2f or g, both obs.).
29–30 with . . .
swords The heroic and hubristic assertion that the soldiers
carry the fates themselves in their hands, and teach them with their
swords (i.e. control them), is Jonson’s addition to the source.
31 give the
blow conquer (i.e. give the coup de
grâce).
31 safe to
secure for. The line translates Bell. Cat., 58.9, Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta erunt.
31 to us] F1 (to’vs)
33 free towns
Lat. municipia. After the enfranchisement of Italy in
89 BC all communities that were not coloniae became
municipia.
34 Where
Whereas (
OED, conj. 12b obs.).
38 the great
ones the politically powerful (Lat. optimates).
43–4 There is in you more compulsion towards victory
than in your opponents, since you are fighting for your own cause, they
for that of others (i.e. as in Bell. Cat., 58.11–12,
pro potentia paucorum, ‘to uphold the power of a
few men’).
45 He’s] F1;
“Hee’s Q
45 trusts . . .
armed flees when he has a sword in his hand.
46–8 Methinks . . .
spectacle This vision of the battle to come as a theatrical
performance with death, furies, and gods as an audience, is not in
Jonson’s source text.
46 waiting
looking forward to.
47 heaven at] F1 (heauen’at)
47–8 at . . .
For free (i.e. suspending all other activity) to watch.
49 envy our
virtue begrudges our bravery (translating Bell.
Cat., 58.21, si virtuti vostrae fortuna
inviderit, but, unlike the source, identifying Catiline with
his soldiers: ‘our virtue’).
50–3 yet . . .
estate This peroration is all Jonson’s.
50 care take
care (
OED, v. 2b).
53 While she puts us to the test, fear for her own
power.
5.5 Back to Rome, where the final scene takes the
form of a Senate meeting into which, around the presiding figure of
Cicero and within the context of the opposition between Caesar and Cato,
all the material necessary for the denouement of the Catilinarian
conspiracy has been compacted. The fate of the chief conspirators is
debated and decided; they are taken to be executed; and the heroic death
of Catiline in battle is narrated. Jonson’s main source is Sallust, Bell. Cat., 50–60.
5.5 ] this edn; not in F1
0 SD]
this edn;
The Senate. F1
1, 2 SHs]
G, subst.; Sen. F1 (also at 79, 148, 149, 151)
3 bethink you
of consider (
OED, Bethink v.
8c).
5–13 Some . . .
rescue A free and lively version of Sallust’s account of
attempts being made to rescue the conspirators, who were in custody. The
Republic had no police force, and powerful individuals provided
themselves with friends, clients, and servants who, when needed, could
be armed and virtually serve as a private army.
5 clients
See .
5 freedmen
slaves who have been emancipated.
6 make head
start an insurrection (
OED, Head n.
52a).
6 bawds
While most commonly used of pandering in sexual contexts, the term could
also refer to one who ‘panders to any evil design’ (
OED,
Bawd n. 1b).
8 artificers
craftsmen.
11 Chosen and
exercised Picked and trained (translating Bell.
Cat., 50.2, lectos et excercitatos).
11 attemptings attacks.
12–13 prove . . .
rescue try to rescue him.
18 next
designed elect. Silanus was consul
designatus at the time and so entitled to speak first in
debates.
19 sentence
opinion (
OED, n. 1 obs., from
Lat. sententia), with a suggestion also of a
judicial sentence, as again at lines
28 and
30.
20–6 Silanus’s speech is Jonson’s creation, from
Sallust’s brief statement (Bell. Cat., 50.4) that ‘he
had recommended that they be put to death’ (supplicium
sumundum decreverat). Its fervour makes his later
near-recanting (see ) the more remarkable.
25 article
moment. When used of time, the literal sense – from Lat.
articulus, ‘joint’ – is a ‘nick’ joining two successive
periods (
OED, n. 2).
25 eye tinge
(
OED, n. 9 obs.).
This sense – rather than ‘point’ (Bolton & Gardner) or ‘minute
portion’ (Harris,
Cat.), neither definition recorded
in
OED – suggests that Silanus is thinking of the
smallest possible amount of light as against utter darkness (as in the
dungeon where executions take place). Cf. ‘an eye of green’ in
Temp.,
2.1.55.
27 SHs]
G, subst.; Sen. Q
28–78 Caesar’s speech is a condensed version of that
attributed to him by Sallust, Bell. Cat., 51.
29 doubtful
uncertain, ambiguous (Bell. Cat., 51.1, res dubiis).
35 to . . .
cause in relation to the case before us.
36 fact
crime. See .
37 Weigh . . .
with See .
38 passion
feelings. Sallust’s Caesar contrasts passion (lubido,
an older form of libido) with intellect (ingenium) and then cites instances in the history of Rome
where adherence to the latter has preserved her dignity (Bell. Cat., 51.1–6).
41 devise
consider a plan (
OED, Devise v. 5b).
43 I advise limiting ourselves to such penalties as
the law has established (rendering Bell. Cat., 51.8,
eis utendum censeo quae legibus comparata
sunt).
44 alter upon
humour change policy, motivated by an excited state of public
feeling (
OED, Humour n. 5c).
45 they offend] F1 (they’offend)
46–7 their fame . . .
same they are as little known as they are great.
49–50 So . . .
licence Translating Bell. Cat., 51.13–14,
Ita in maxuma fortuna minuma licentia est. ‘[L]icence’ here means ‘freedom of
action’.
51 nor . . .
hate neither favour nor hate.
56 or grace
either favour (‘use . . . hatred’ translates Bell.
Cat., 51.16, gratiam aut inimicitias
exercere).
57 manners
See .
57 his modesty] Q; modestie F1
60 abhorring
from abhorrent to (Lat. abhorrens ab; but
Jonson here goes one stronger than Sallust, where Silanus’s verdict is
simply found aliena, ‘foreign’ to Rome: Bell. Cat. 51.17).
61–2 Since . . .
death Unlike Jonson’s Caesar, Sallust’s at this point
discusses at some length the Porcian and other laws which provide that
Roman citizens, even when found guilty of serious crimes, are not to
lose their lives but be permitted to go into exile. He also emphasizes
and exemplifies (e.g. by Sulla’s proscriptions) the danger of setting a
precedent which could be used by tyrants.
62 give
assign.
63 vain
unnecessary (Bell. Cat., 51.19, supervacaneum).
68 The line translates
Bell. Cat.,
51.20,
ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse, with
‘care’, as in
1.1.59,
meaning ‘sorrow’.
72 states
possessions, property (
OED, State n. 36 obs.).
72 confiscate
confiscated.
74 severed
Either (1) kept apart from each other; or (2) ‘kept distant’ (Bolton
& Gardner) (less likely, since it would simply repeat ‘far
off’).
75–6 have . . .
people have their case presented either to the Senate or to a
popular assembly. Sallust’s Caesar, Bell. Cat., 51.43,
advises just this: neu quis de eis postea ad senatum
referat neve cum populo agat.
77 mulcted
punished by a fine (or by other means, see
OED, which quotes this
example, Mulct v. 1).
78 that . . .
guard (the towns) which were responsible for keeping the
rebels imprisoned.
79 A line to show the Senate’s readiness to be
swayed by rhetoric.
80–96 Cicero’s speech is largely made up of selected
lines from his fourth speech against Catiline, delivered to the Senate
on 5 Dec. 63 BC.
80–1 Fathers . . .
me Literal translation of the opening of
In Cat., 4.1.1,
Video, patres conscripti, in me omnium vestrum ora atque
oculos esse conversos.
81 censures
See .
82 Either
Both (with plural verb:
OED, Either a. (pron.) 1b
obs.). Here
probably also under the influence of the source’s
uter, since the whole sentence is a near-literal translation of
In Cat.,
4.4.7,
Uterque et pro sua dignitate et pro rerum
magnitudine in summa severitate versatur.
83 answering
befitting (
OED, Answer v. 28 obs.).
87 The other
bonds The other (Caesar) urges imprisonment (
OED,
Bond n.1 1 b). Cf. the
source text’s
vincula, ‘imprisonment’, plural of
vinculum, ‘bond’:
In Cat., 4.4.7.
88 found . . .
plague are devised (i.e. would serve) as a uniquely
appropriate affliction (i.e. punishment). The vocabulary here reflects
the source text (
In Cat., 4.4.7): ‘found out’ for
inventa sunt; ‘for the more singular plague’ for
ad singularem poenam.
91 act decide
to carry out (Lat. agere).
93 an even
face ‘equanimity’ (Bolton & Gardner).
96 immature
premature (i.e. death would always find him ready) (
OED,
a. 1 obs.) (Lat.
immaturus).
97–8 Fathers . . .
required Jonson is kinder to Silanus than Plutarch, who, in
Cicero, 21, declares that Silanus changed his mind
in the belief that Caesar’s proposal was carrying the day, and weakly
explained that he had never meant to advocate the death penalty but
instead imprisonment, as being the extreme punishment for a Roman
senator. But according to Suetonius, Divus Iulius,
14.1, Silanus merely ‘gave a milder interpretation to his proposal,
since it would have been humiliating to change it’.
99–147 This . . .
done Cato’s speech is a compressed version of that attributed
to him in Bell. Cat., 52. Sallust’s Cato frames his
argument within an attack on the moral decline of the age, but Jonson’s
concentrates on the urgency of the issue at hand: the life or death of
the conspirators.
103 common
facts regular crimes.
106 is
happened has happened. A once-common use of the auxiliary with
this verb.
106 wait wait
for.
108 subtilly
subtly. An old form, which here, with deliberate ambiguity, has the
sense of either ‘ingeniously’ or ‘craftily’. Spelling and metre indicate
that it is trisyllabic.
109–13 Cato points out, as in
Bell.
Cat., 52.13, that Caesar’s argument against the death penalty –
that death is not the worst punishment but ‘the end of evils, and a rest
/ Rather than torment’ (
66–7) – is based on a scepticism which turns fundamental
Roman beliefs into mere fiction (‘a pretty fable’,
109). While Jonson finds the idea
in Sallust, his wording here may nevertheless recall that of Marlowe’s
Faustus: ‘Come, I think hell’s a fable.’ Mephistopheles: ‘Ay, think so
still, till experience change thy mind’ (
Doctor Faustus, A-text,
2.1.130–1). Cf. the image Petreius paints to his soldiers, of
what will happen to Catiline’s army: ‘all their host / Tormented after
life’ (
5.1.62–3).
109 things A
way of avoiding calling what is ‘delivered’ (i.e. ‘told’:
OED,
Deliver v.1 11 obs.) either ‘tales’ or ‘truths’. In
Bell. Cat., 52.13 a pronoun,
ea, ‘those’,
serves the same purpose.
111 ill
evil.
118 where i.e.
in the small free towns, where.
119 vain
counsel useless recommendation
(Bell. Cat., 52.16, vanum . . .
consilium).
120–2 if . . . fear
him Cato (here very close to the source text) misses no
opportunity to turn Caesar’s argument into a sign of his complicity with
the conspirators.
121 In . . .
men when all men are so frightened. A Latin construction,
rendering the source’s in tanto omnium metu, Bell. Cat., 52.16.
125 as as
if.
127–8 Jonson translates Cato’s adherence to traditional
Roman virtues, including his misogyny, quite literally: Non
votis neque suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur;
vigilando, agundo, bene consulundo, Bell.
Cat., 52.29.
129 From which (virtues) they (the gods) will be
reluctant to withdraw their presence and help (
OED, Forsake v. 4).
134 turn
become.
135–9 Oh . . .
’em Jonson’s Cato, like Sallust’s (Bell.
Cat., 52.26–8), turns his oration into a dialogue of two voices,
one ignominiously representing his audience of senators.
141 than than
that which.
143–5 to . . .
error to have realized that you made an error in being slow to
act. The point of
142–5 is that under other circumstances he would have been
willing to let the Senate hesitate and then learn the hard way, from
experience, whereas the circumstances are now such that the experience
would be death and destruction, with no time for learning – a point he
also made at
105–6.
143 repaired this
fault corrected this error (i.e. of sparing these men).
144 t’have] F1 (to’haue)
146–7 let . . .
done Cato’s punch-line (including ‘done’, meaning ‘finished’)
is Jonson’s invention.
148–51 This chorus of voices, including that of Silanus
recanting his near-recantation (
150), is the dramatic equivalent
of Sallust’s statement,
Bell. Cat., 53.1, that ‘a
decree of the Senate was passed in accordance with
[Cato’s
] recommendation’.
149 are all] F1;
all were Q
151 Go forth
Proceed.
152 I’m] F1 (I’am)
153 SD
Enter . . . letters]
G, subst.; not in F1
153–9 The letter episode is based on Plutarch, Cato Minor, 24, a passage devoted to the sexual
trespasses of Cato’s sisters and wife. Jonson brings it in as an
anticlimax in Cato’s suspicions of Caesar: whoever actually sent the
letter, Cato cannot be sure that Caesar is not telling the truth, and
so, immediately upon his victory in the Senate, Cato is here made to
look not a little ridiculous. Possibly Jonson also wants to remind us of
the network of relationships within the Roman aristocracy which
underlies the events of the play. The writer of the letter (157–8),
Servilia, was for many years Caesar’s mistress and also one of the most
powerful women of her generation. Half-sister of Cato, she was at this
time married to Silanus, the consul-elect (another reason for not
broadcasting the letter); Brutus and Cassius, who were to lead the
assassination of Caesar in 44 BC, were, respectively, her son from her
first marriage and her son-in-law (married to a daughter from her
marriage to Silanus; another daughter married Lepidus, the triumvir).
Caesar was at this time married to Pompeia, a granddaughter of
Sulla.
153 SD
He . . . exits]
this edn; not in Q
159 discover
it At this point the ‘letters’ have dwindled into singular.
The source has only ‘a small letter’ brought in for Caesar. For
‘discover’, see .
159 Hold thee
Here! Take it! (
OED, Hold
v. 15b; ‘thee’
is the dative.) Cf.
AWW, 4.5.41, ‘Hold thee,
there’s my purse.’
159 drunkard A
puzzling invective here, but true to the source. Presumably ‘adulterer’
would shame Cato as much as Caesar.
160–1 You’ll repent
. . . Cicero Here, as in line
152 above, Jonson is following
Suetonius,
Divus Iulius, 14.2, in having Caesar
continue to oppose the Senate’s resolution
vis-à-vis
the conspirators. To those with knowledge of Roman history this line is
ominous and Pomtinius’s response ironical: Cicero had to repent the
‘rashness’ of having the conspirators executed immediately, which was a
violation of the citizen’s right to trial and to appeal to the people in
capital cases. Though approved by Senate and people in the first moment
of panic, the action was of questionable legality and was soon to be
held against Cicero. By 58 BC the Senate had declared him an exile.
161, 162 SH
pomtinius]
Bolton & Gardner; Prae.
F1
161 SD
Cicero’s ‘Hold
[i.e. ‘Stop it!’
],
friends!’ (
162) and
his rejection of ‘violence’ (
163) indicate that a serious
fracas is taking place, Pomtinius representing – for the sake of
theatrical economy – the anti-Caesar feelings. There is no source for
him as the initiator of violence; but according to Suetonius,
Divus Iulius, 14.2, the knights guarding the Senate
drew their swords against Caesar as he persisted in his opposition; and
Plutarch,
Caesar, 8, reports (and doubts) a story that
they would have killed him but for Cicero refusing to give the nod of
approval. Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 49.4, reports a similar
attack on Caesar but assigns it to the earlier Senate meeting (here
5.3).
162 public
people (of Rome).
164 SD
Exit Pomtinius.]
this edn; not in F1
165 Spinther’s
house See and n.
166 SD At this
point Jonson has to dramatize a scene which, in his sources, involves a
great deal of perambulation. In Plutarch,
Cicero, 22,
‘Cicero went with the Senate to the conspirators, who were not all in
the same place . . . He first took Lentulus from the Palatine and led
him through the Via Sacra and the middle of the Forum, with the men of
highest rank in a body around him as his guards, . . . to the prison’,
where he also took ‘every one of the rest in order and had them put to
death’. Jonson’s solution is to avail himself of the conventions of
continuous staging and unlocalized settings, to create by repetition a
sombre ritual. The fiction of the stage representing the Senate House
dissolves, and Cicero – surrounded by as many of the senators as would
not be needed for doubling in this cast-expensive scene – moves in turn
to each of the three ‘houses’, represented by stage doors, from which
each of the conspirators is brought forth for a last speech, walked
across the stage with Cicero, and taken away to be strangled by the
executioners. That Gabinius and Statilius, sent to separate houses (
5.3.197–8), now emerge
from the same door may suggest that three doors (as at Blackfriars) was
the limit of what the stage could offer. If there were only two doors at
the Globe (cf. Gurr,
2001; Fitzpatrick,
2002), the third entry could be from
the same door as the first or second, audience imagination continuing to
supply the appropriate location. As the executions were performed in the
Tullianum, the underground cell of the prison of Rome (gruesomely
described by Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 55.3–6; and see
Introduction), it is tempting to suggest that it was through the
trap-door that the prisoners were taken offstage and that the
executioners kept re-emerging. As the text assumes continuity of
performance, with Cicero confronting each conspirator as he enters and
finally receiving Petreius’s report, there seems to be no justification
for dividing lines
166–283 into three separate scenes, as done by Bolton &
Gardner.
166 SD
Enter . . . guarded]
this edn; not in F1
166 sad grave
(
OED, a. 4 obs.).
166, 173, 184 ]
lines indented, F1
169–71 i.e., according to an unrepentant Lentulus, it is
only a matter of recent ill-fortune that it is he, and not Cicero, that
is being killed. The exchanges between Cicero and the doomed men are
entirely Jonson’s invention.
171 SD]
this
edn; not
in F1
173 SD]
this edn; not in F1
175 ‘He was
once’ i.e. ‘He is dead’, but to say this would have been to
use a word of ill omen. Cethegus, however, pretends to take it as an
incomplete sentence and a jumping-off point for a final attack on
Cicero.
175 ‘He was once.’]
Bolton & Gardner; He was once. F1
177–9 that . . .
into In Cethegus’s inchoate argument that his own baseness
makes Cicero even more base (‘this worm’,
178), ‘him’ (
178) refers to himself and ‘his’
(
179) to
Cicero.
179 moved i.e.
to anger.
180 Justice] F1;
“Iustice Q
181–3 Cethegus represents his ignominious death – by
punitive strangling instead of bellicose sword fight – as a bad joke,
the kind of ‘trick’ played by the goddess Fortune (cf. .).
Here she is not just fickle but a ‘whore’ with the fates acting as her
‘bawds’, much as in
John, 3.1.60–1, ‘France is a bawd
to Fortune and King John, / That strumpet Fortune’, whereas in the 1
Player’s speech,
Ham., 2.2.451–55, the ‘gods’ are asked to ‘take away
her power’ from ‘strumpet Fortune’. Cf. also
Lear, 2.4.48,
‘Fortune, that arrant whore’.
182 which
who.
183 by a] F1 (by’a)
184 else i.e.
if, instead of letting me sleep, the gods sentence me to some punishment
in the underworld. Cf. and n.
184 SD]
this edn; not in F1
186 rude For
Gabinius’s particular rudeness see
5.3.129–36.
186 SD]
this edn; not in F1
186–7 take ’em . . .
you This line evokes the horror – not less for not being seen
– of the executions. Plutarch, Cicero, 22, tells how,
as Cicero was leading the prisoners to their death, there were ‘people
the while shuddering at what was doing and passing by in silence, and
chiefly the youth, who felt as if they were being initiated with fear
and trembling in certain national rites of a certain aristocratic
power’.
188 SD]
this edn; not in F1
190 call . . .
Consul call Rome happy because you are Consul. The line echoes
the poem De suo Consulato, which Cicero wrote to
glorify his Consulship, O fortunatam natam me consule
Romam, and which Juvenal quotes when writing of Cicero’s
eloquence as his undoing, Satires, 10.122.
191 parent . . .
country See .
193 dwell
linger, hang.
194 lay . . .
old store up for a time when they are old.
196 such a
year some year in the future.
196 fasti Roman calendar. See
5.3.251n.
197 SD]
G; not in F1
200 Consul
Antonius. See .
201 victory . . .
him According to Roman usage Antonius, though claiming to be
too ill to take part in the battle (cf.
5.1.3), was entitled to the honour
of the victory, because Petreius was his inferior officer.
204 the conquest
. . . black even victory is clouded with sorrow.
205 House of
Concord The location of the Senate meetings in
5.3 and
5.5. We are to imagine that the
scene continues and concludes in the open, outside the prison.
206 happy
fortunate.
208 spread
extend.
209 it . . .
it the tale would demand that he did so.
210–69 Petreius functions as the Messenger (
Nuntius) in classical tragedy, reporting the offstage
catastrophe and death(s). Catiline’s final battle is described in
Sallust,
Bell. Cat., 59–61; but the style of
Petreius’s speech, with its elaborate similes and supernatural
presences, is in the epic tradition, modelled on Lucan, whose language
is sometimes echoed, interwoven with lines entirely Jonson’s own, to
render the heroism of Catiline’s ‘brave bad death’ (
269). For dramatic effect,
historical events have been telescoped: the battle did not take place
until early Jan. 62 BC, nearly a month after the execution of the
conspirators in Rome.
210 straits
difficulties of choice (since Catiline was trapped between two enemy
armies) (
OED, Strait B. n. 2b obs.).
212–13 it . . .
choice In attributing Catiline’s choice to ‘Fate’, Jonson
rejects Dion Cassius’s idea that he decided to attack the stronger of
the two armies trapping him because he thought ‘Antonius would let
himself be beaten in view of his part in the conspiracy’ (37.39).
214 peised
counterbalanced (
OED, Peise v. 3c obs.).
214 peised] F1 (paiz’d)
215 riss rose
(cf. .), here in the sense of taking up arms. For the darkness
identified with Catiline’s action, cf. Sulla’s Ghost,
1.1.61–2, ‘Let . . . day / At
showing but thy head forth, start away’, and the darkened morning of the
conspirators’ meeting in Act 1.
215 riss] F1 (riss’)
217–18 hide . . .
wings i.e. bring chaos and confusion everywhere.
218 quarry
Either (1) intended prey; or (2) pile of dead bodies (
OED,
n.1 3c or 2 obs.). The latter is more likely if, as Harris,
Cat. suggests, ‘make the world her quarry’ is an echo
of
De bello, 7.46,
fatisque trahentibus
orbem, ‘fate drawing the world to its destruction’ (as the
soldiers demand the signal for battle).
219 stay
delay.
220 Echoing a passage in Lucan, De
bello, 7.129–33, in which a battle between Pompey and Caesar
‘must decide what Rome was to be’ (et quaeri, Roma quid
esset, 132).
220 be inquired] F1 (be’enquir’d)
222 form
formation.
223 came on
advanced.
223–7 the face . . .
come For
226–7, cf.
De bello, 7.129–30,
Multorum pallor in ore /
Mortis venturae,
‘many faces bore the paleness of the death that was to come’; while the
description of Catiline’s face as an allegory of his own actions,
223–5, is a Jonsonian
particularizing of
De bello, 7.130,
faciesque simillima fato, ‘faces very much like doom’.
229 precipitate See .
230 himself
i.e. Catiline.
232–6 Without distinct verbal echoes, the image – of
one death having on the battle the effect of the breaching of an isthmus
and unleashing the forces of two previously separated seas – recalls how
the death of Crassus precipitates Caesar and Pompey into the civil war
in De bello, 1.100–6.
238 Piety . . .
field A possible echo of the pseudo-Senecan
Octavia, 160, where
sancta Pietas extulit
trepidos gradus, ‘holy Piety with trembling steps withdrew’
(from the imperial palace). But the vision of the battle as an arena
with the furies as overwhelmed spectators,
236–9, is all Jonson’s. Cf.
1.1.70–2n. and
5.4.46.
239–40 in . . .
was Echoing De bello, 6.147–8, where we hear
of one soldier qui nesciret, in armis / Quam magnum virtus crimen civilibus esset, ‘who did not know
what a great crime valour is in a civil war’.
244 Enyo Greek
goddess of war, here identified with war itself.
247 Pallas-like As it did to Pallas, son of the Arcadian king
Evander, when, fighting for Aeneas, and so for Rome-to-be, he rallied
his troops (Virgil, Aeneid, 10).
248–9 his troops . . .
trunks From Sallust, who reports, as a sign of the boldness
and resolution of Catiline’s army, Bell. Cat., 61.2–3,
Nam fere quem quisque vivos pugnando locum ceperat, eum
amissa anima corpore tegebat, ‘almost every man covered with
his body, when dead, the position he had taken when alive at the
beginning of the battle’.
249 they’d] F1 (they’had)
251 Collected . . .
fury Gathered all his rage. Literally from De
bello, 1.207, totam dum colligit iram
(describing Caesar crossing the Rubicon).
253–5 Libyan lion
. . . wounds The simile is from the same passage in De bello, 1. 205–12, with ‘careless of wounds’
rendering securus volneris, 212.
257 it . . .
it i.e. death.
258–64 A close imitation of Claudian, Gigantomachia, 91–101, where the story of Minerva’s fight with
the giant Enceladus is told: a source Jonson uses again extensively in
Gold. Age.
259 Medusa, a charming and beautiful daughter of the
Gorgons, enjoyed an encounter with Neptune in Minerva’s sacred temple.
To punish her for this offence, Minerva turned the locks of Medusa’s
hair into snakes, covered her body with scales, and ensured that whoever
she looked at would turn to stone: a power Medusa retained even after
Perseus had cut off her head (cf. .). Perseus used the
severed head as a weapon, mounting it on the aegis of Minerva, and
brandishing it towards his adversaries: thus ‘holding forth’ (ostendens, Gigantomachia, 92).
264 was . . .
feared had become that which he feared. Translating Gigantomachia, 101, Quod timuit iam totus
erat.
266–9 yet . . .
parts This owes something to Sallust’s last, half-admiring
look at Catiline, found among a heap of slain enemies,
ferociamque animi, quam habuerat vivos, in voltu retinens,
‘and retaining in his looks the fierce spirit which had animated him
when alive’,
Bell. Cat., 61.4–5; but, where Sallust
has the dying man ‘still breathing slightly’ (
paululum
etiam spirans), Jonson gives us his still moving hands as
emblematic of his rebellion. Cf. also his ‘sluggish hands’,
1.1.79–82n.
269 parts i.e.
of the body.
269–70 A brave . . .
country The sentiment of the oxymoron ‘brave bad’ is
articulated in Florus, Epitome, 2.12.12, which Jonson
echoes: ‘Catilina . . . pulcherrima morte si pro patria sic
concidisset, ‘a glorious death, if he had fallen in battle for
his country’.
271 ere The F1
spelling (also in Q) suggests that Jonson meant ‘ere’, ‘prior to this’,
rather than ‘e’er’, ‘ever’ (though the latter is a possible reading).
The point – a traditional eulogy both made and negated – is much the
same in either case.
273 A line to celebrate the self-effacing ‘virtue’ of
the Roman commander, and one which could reflect ironically on Cicero
himself.
274 the immortal] F1; th’immortal Q
278–80 Only . . .
thoughts Echoing Cicero’s peroration in
In Cat., 4.23,
where, in return for saving Rome, he asks only that the memory of this
occasion, and the whole of his consulship, remain
in
vestris fixa mentibus, ‘fixed in your minds’.
280–3 conscience . . .
first Cf. the Chorus’s wish at
2.1.378, and also
Epigr. 98.10–12,
‘And study conscience more than thou wouldst fame. / Though both be
good, the latter yet is worst, / And ever is ill got without the first.’
The source is Pliny,
Epis
tles,
1.8.14,
Praeterea meminimus quanto maiore animo honestatis
fructus in conscientia quam in fama reponatur. ‘Conscience’
(
280) here
combines the later modern meanings of both ‘consciousness’ and
‘conscience’; ‘study’ (
281), as in Lat.
studere, means ‘apply
oneself to’, or ‘aim to achieve’.
282–3 Though . . . / And] F1; “Though . . . / “And Q
283 SD]
G; not in F1
285–93 ] F1; not in
Q
287–92 The ‘principal tragedians’ in the original 1611
King’s Men presentation of
Catiline were all
experienced Jonsonian actors. Three had taken leading roles in the five
plays by Jonson the company had previously presented:
EMI (1598),
EMO (1599),
Sej. (1603),
Volp. (1606), and
Alch. (1610). They were
Richard Burbage (1568–1619), also a lead actor in many of Shakespeare’s
plays, and Henry Condell (d. 1627) and John Heminges (
c. 1566–1630), who in 1623 were to serve as the two co-editors
of Shakespeare’s First Folio. Heminges ceased acting in 1611, and
Catiline would have been one of the last plays in
which he appeared. Burbage probably took the part of Cicero in this
ill-fated presentation. Heminges’s apprentice, Alexander Cooke (or Cook;
d. 1614), and John Lowin (
c. 1576–1653) had performed
in three of the Jonson plays previously presented by the King’s Men:
Sej.,
Volp., and
Alch. William Ostler (d. 1614) had been one of the Children of
the Chapel who acted in
Poet. in 1601; he was one of
the three players who presented
Britain’s Burse in
1609, and he had performed with the King’s Men in
Alch. in 1610; in the year of
Catiline’s
performance, he was hailed by John Davies of Hereford as ‘Sole king of
actors’ (
The Scourge of Folly,
1611, Epigram 205).
The young Richard Robinson (
c. 1595–1648) was
associated with female roles and may have played the part of Sempronia
in
Catiline; he is referred to as ‘A very pretty
fellow’ in
Devil (2.8.64 and n.), where he may have
taken the part of Wittipol. John Underwood (d. 1624) had been a boy
player at Blackfriars from 1600 to 1608, acting in
Cynthia (1600) and
Poet. (1601); as a sharer
with the King’s Men, he too had performed in
Alch. in
1610, as had Nicholas Tooley (1583–1623) and William Ecclestone (
c. 1591–
c. 1624).
288 Richard] F1 (Ric.)
288 John] F1 (Ioh.)
289 Alexander] F1 (Alex.)
289 Henry] F1 (Hen.)
290 John . . . John] F1 (Ioh. . . . Ioh.)
291 William] F1 (Wil.)
291 Nicholas] F1 (Nic.)
292 Richard] F1 (Ric.)
292 William] F1 (Wil.)
In
piety of us all, and for whose virtue
See more
Not heaven itself from
thy
See more
And
’twere impiety to think against them.
See more
With
his prodigious rhetoric. But I hope
See more
The
commonwealth, yet panting underneath
See more
Make all past, present,
future ill thine own,
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Most
noble Consul! Let us
See more
What
age is this, where honest men
See more
Except
the gods, that
See more
Why,
he does make and breed ’em for the people,
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Especially in such an envious state
See more
Who’s that? It is the
voice of Lentulus.
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I still
have known you no less true than valiant,
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However
great we are, honest and valiant,
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Were we
not better to fall, once, with
See more
We do
redeem ourselves to liberty
See more
Hence
comes that wild and vast expense
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Or
safe at Rome, depending on
See more
To
vent it anywhere; ’twas such a secret,
See more
Troubles me somewhat and is worth my fear.
See more
Did
crack, we should stand upright and unfeared.
See more
It is some men’s malice.
See more
Caesar
and Crassus, if they be ill men,
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Become
a mistress.
See more
This
day, to us and all
See more
These
men were truly
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Too
oft to dignify the magistrates.
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That
sooner will accuse the magistrate
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This magistrate hath
struck an awe into me
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Such
were the great
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And
fortitude I have,
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Shouldst have heard these or other words as
fatal.
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Cinna
and Sulla dead. Then, bold Cethegus,
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But
Quintus Catulus and Piso both
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So,
now there’s no
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Let
not this trouble you, Caesar; none believes it.
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Where
are the public executioners?
See more
Silanus, you are consul
See more
Somewhat modest.
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And
then Petreius, his lieutenant, must
See more
Meet
and not yield. The Furies stood on hills
See more
Some
of his fierceness, and his hands still moved,
See more
Coming
from thence.
See more
Hourly
some fatal mischief to the public.
See more
With
hourly whoredoms, never left the side
See more
The
commonwealth owes him a
See more
He
presently take arms, and give a blow
See more
Report
it to the Senate.
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It is,
methinks, a morning full of fate!
See more
Somewhat modest.
See more
And
fortitude I have,
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It
shall be in –
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And a
vain dream, out of
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Called
both my brother and friends, shut out your
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As
strong as he doth heaven? And was I,
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The
flax and sulphur are already laid
See more
And
Flaccus and Pomtinius, the
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Manlius at Faesulae is by this time
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Is
there a beauty here in Rome you love?
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Could
my Aurelia think I meant her less
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That
he went hence alive, when those I meant
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Here I
begin the
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And
then to take
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The fire you speak of:
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Honoured and loved. It were a noble life
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I’ll
send you aid.
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What
is that same Umbrenus,
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Did teach me, madam.
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As
these for me: dull, stupid Lentulus,
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Let night grow blacker
with thy plots, and day,
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