Catiline His Conspiracy (1611)

Edited by Inga-Stina Ewbank

INTRODUCTION

The first performance

Catiline His Conspiracy (as the play’s title-page in the 1616 folio confirms) was first ‘Acted in the year 1611. By the King’s Majesty’s Servants.’ The play was not a success with its first audiences, encountering ‘all vexation of censure’, as Jonson puts it in his address ‘To the Reader in Ordinary’ in the quarto edition of Catiline published later in the same year. It is impossible to know at which of the two playhouses then used by the King’s Men the play was originally staged: at the open-air amphitheatre of the Globe on the south bank of the Thames, or the indoor Blackfriars theatre in central London. Much the same repertory, of new plays and revivals, was played at both houses (Gurr, 1996, 367; Knutson, 1991, 136), and the quite modest demands which Catiline makes on staging could have been met equally well at either theatre. Blackfriars had a larger proportion of better-educated playgoers, and might consequently be regarded as the more likely venue for this learned tragedy, yet the play’s unhappy fate at its first performance might alternatively suggest that it had not gone down well with a more diverse audience at the Globe.

In 1611 London theatres were closed by plague only during the month of February (Barroll, 1991, 173). The performance cannot have been later than August, since William Ecclestone, listed in the folio edition as one of the actors, joined the Lady Elizabeth’s Men on the 29th of that month. This points to the spring or summer of 1611 as a likely date for the first performance. The intricate work that must have gone into the composition of the text suggests that the writing of Catiline stretches back at least into 1610, perhaps earlier.

Catiline His Conspiracy: then and now

In the Tullianum, the dank underground cell of the Mamertino prison hollowed out of the Capitoline Hill and now to be found beneath the small church of San Giuseppe dei Falegnami (St Joseph of the Carpenters), there is a plaque on which are inscribed the names of ten notable enemies of the state of Rome executed there. In 104 BC the Numidian king Jugurtha was starved to death (morto per fame), while his conqueror Marius led a victory parade through the Forum. In 46 BC Vercingetorix, the Gallic general, was beheaded (decapitato) after Caesar’s triumph. The name of Catiline, who conspired against the Senate and people of Rome, is not there; he died in Tuscany, a ‘brave bad death’, as Jonson’s Cato calls it (Catiline, 5.5.269), in battle against a legitimate Roman army. But there are the names of the chief members of his conspiracy: ‘Lentulus and Cethegus, Roman senators and other accomplices of Catiline’, listed as strangolati in 60 (which should be 63) BC. And the next name but one is that of Sejanus, decapitato in 31 BC, before his body was torn apart by an outraged mob. Both the eponymous villain-heroes of Jonson’s two surviving tragedies are thus commemorated as balefully significant in the history of Rome. They are no less significant – and, some would say, baleful – in the history of Ben Jonson as a playwright.

The Tullianum is hardly one of the chief sights for the British visitor to Rome, and yet each year far more people read the names on that plaque than ever read (let alone see) Jonson’s two Roman tragedies, Sejanus His Fall and Catiline His Conspiracy. Both were failures in the public theatre on first performance, although Jonson made it abundantly clear, when he prepared the texts for the reader, that this was the public’s fault, not his. Jonson’s decision to return to historical tragedy with Catiline might seem, after the débâcle of Sejanus at the Globe in 1603, as perverse as the readiness of the King’s Men – the company of players in which William Shakespeare was still a sharer, actor, and leading playwright – to stage it.

In the years since Sejanus, Shakespeare (who had acted in Jonson’s first Roman play) had written two Roman tragedies, Antony and Cleopatra and Coriolanus, but by 1611 the new theatrical fashion was for romantic tragicomedy; and in Cymbeline, the Shakespeare play contemporary with Catiline, Rome is treated with anything but historical accuracy. Since Sejanus, Jonson had scored three comic successes with Volpone, Epicene, and The Alchemist, the first and third of these with the King’s Men. The writing of Catiline must also to some extent have overlapped with the writing of at least The Alchemist. The turn from comedy and contemporary London to tragedy and the Rome of the late Republic was deliberate and programmatic.

Jonson proudly asserted in his dedication of the play to the Earl of Pembroke that here, ‘in these jig-given times’, was ‘a legitimate poem’; not only that, but ‘the best’ of his tragedies. Catiline was better than Sejanus, we are to understand, because in the later work he had not made those concessions to popular taste which he had admitted to in the preface ‘To the Readers’ of Sejanus: the lack of ‘a proper chorus’ and of observance of ‘the strict laws of time’. Catiline, though not absolutely ‘strict’ in its observance, telescopes a year and a half of Roman history, from July 64 BC, when Cicero was elected Consul for the year 63 BC, to January 62 BC, when Catiline was killed in battle. It does so by merging Catiline’s two electoral defeats (64 and 63 BC) into one, and so placing the beginning of the conspiracy a year earlier than historians think likely, as well as making it seem that Cicero becomes Consul immediately upon his election instead of the following 1 January, as was the rule. The result is an action which appears to take place over a short time (though hardly just the three days which Herford and Simpson reckon). It does not, however, strictly observe the ‘law’ of unity of time.

The unity of place in Catiline is again more attended to than in Sejanus, even though not ‘strictly’ observed. While the Senate is a key location, there is a great deal of movement between various other locations in Rome, or just outside (the Mulvian Bridge in 4.7), and in Act 5 two scenes are set in Tuscany, at the respective camps of Petreius and Catiline. Still, in the use of a chorus, of a ghost serving, like a Senecan umbra, as a prologue, and of Petreius as a messenger (nuntius) to report offstage violence and death, Catiline follows classical models. The play certainly ‘discharge[s] the other offices of a tragic author’ which Jonson had defined in the Sejanus preface as ‘truth of argument, dignity of persons, gravity and height of elocution, fulness and frequency of sentence’ (i.e. aphorisms). Some of those qualities, and especially the ‘height of elocution’ in Cicero and others – not to mention its length – were presumably what caused the initial theatrical failure of the play where, according to Jonson’s preface ‘To the Reader in Ordinary’, the audiences ‘commend[ed] the first two Acts . . . because they are the worst, and dislike[d] the oration of Cicero’. The fellow playwrights who wrote commendatory verses for the quarto of Catiline tuned in to Jonson’s note of scorn and defiance. Though popular playwrights all, they claimed to find the value of the work precisely in the fact that Jonson (in Beaumont’s words) had not ‘itched after the wild applause / Of common people’, and expected, like Jonson himself, that posterity would come in time to recognize its greatness.

Yet it may not have been the ‘common people’ alone who were impatient with Jonson’s play. The lines adapted from Horace’s Epistles, 2.1.186–8, quoted as a motto on the title-page of the 1611 quarto – his non plebecula gaudet. / verum equitis quoque iam migravit ab aure voluptas / omnis ad incertos oculos et gaudia vana (‘the rabble does not enjoy these. And in truth all the pleasure of the knights, too, has now passed from the ear to the vain delights of the fickle eye’) – hint at a wider constituency of discontented theatre-goers within Jonson’s original audience. So too does Edmund Gayton’s comment, years later, on Jonson’s behaviour after the failure of one of his plays, traditionally thought to have been Catiline:

the only laureate of our stage (having composed a play of excellent worth, but not of equal applause) fell down upon his knees and gave thanks that he had transcended the capacity of the vulgar; yet his protestation against their ignorance was not sufficient to vindicate the misapplication of the argument, for the judicious part of that auditory condemned it equally with those that did not understand it. (Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixote, 1654; Literary Record)

Gayton’s testimony, however, must be regarded with suspicion. He was just three years old when Catiline – if this is indeed the play to which he refers – was first staged in London in 1611, and he was not always known as a reliable reporter of events that had occurred within his adult years.

By the time Gayton recorded these observations, moreover, Catiline had made a remarkable recovery. The title-page of the second quarto, published in 1635, declared that the play was ‘now acted by His Majesty’s Servants with great applause’. Throughout the mid and late seventeenth century it enjoyed a succes d’estime. On the evidence of allusions made to Jonson and Shakespeare in that period, G. E. Bentley was able to draw the astonishing conclusion that Catiline was then ‘the most familiar of all the plays of the two dramatists’ (Bentley, 1945, 111). More recently it has been shown that, as a political lesson that could be used by all sides, the play was very much alive in the polemical culture of the Civil War and Commonwealth period (Wiseman, 1998). In the Restoration a taste for neoclassical tragedy, together with the possibility of reading contemporary political parallels into Catiline, gave it a certain popularity in the theatre (see the play’s Stage History, Electronic Edition). In 1670 Jonson’s Ghost could appear in the epilogue to a revival of Every Man In His Humour to castigate the ancestors of the present audience because ‘they condemned those noble works of mine, / Sejanus and my best-loved Catiline’ (Noyes, 1935, 248).

Yet over a longer span of time, the hopes that Jonson and his admirers placed in the verdict of posterity have not been fulfilled. By 1711, John Dennis declared Catiline, like Sejanus, to contain material ‘utterly incapable of exciting either compassion or terror for the principal characters, which are yet the chief passions that a tragic poet ought to endeavour to excite’; by mid-century Edward Young could regard Catiline as all too dependent on the writings of Sallust, and sadly lacking in the originality he associated with the work of Shakespeare (Noyes, 1935, 312, 314). Subsequent generations have tended to relegate the play to the category of what Anne Barton (1984, 154) has called ‘frigid neo-classical mistakes’. By now it may well be true that Catiline is Jonson’s least popular play: not acted for the last three hundred years, dismissed by critics in phrases of which T. S. Eliot’s ‘that dreary Pyrrhic victory of tragedy’ is one of the kindest (Eliot, 1958, 149). While editions of other Jonson plays have multiplied, since 1916 the only scholarly edition of Catiline, apart from Herford and Simpson’s, has been Bolton and Gardner’s in the Regents Renaissance Drama series (1973). With a reader-friendly text not easy to come by, and with the matter and manner of Catiline becoming ever more alien as Latin disappears from curricula and syllabuses, there seem to be formidable barriers for a reader of this work to overcome. The aim of this edition is to remove the first of those barriers and to lower the second by providing such textual and contextual information as may help the reader to understand and appreciate the extraordinary achievement of the play ‘best-loved’ by Jonson himself – indeed to get that much closer to being what Jonson called a ‘reader extraordinary’.

Catiline as a Roman tragedy

In 1611 there was nothing in itself extraordinary about writing a play on Roman history, nor about aiming at the form of a ‘true’ (i.e. classical, which had come to mean Senecan) tragedy. What was extraordinary was the combination of the two in a work for an adult acting company. Strictly classical form, observing the unities and employing a chorus and a Nuntius to report action, was the preserve of a small group of closet dramatists connected by aesthetic conviction and personal ties to Mary Herbert, Countess of Pembroke, sister of Sir Philip Sidney and mother of William Herbert – the third Earl of Pembroke, to whom Jonson dedicated Catiline with an assured appeal to his ‘great and singular faculty of judgement’. The Countess had begun the fashion of plays never intended for the theatre with her Antonius (1590), a translation of the French neo-Senecan Garnier’s Marc Antoine. Samuel Daniel wrote his Cleopatra (1593) as a pendant to Antonius, and dedicated to it the Countess; and other writers followed this fashion, such as Sir William Alexander with his Monarchic Tragedies (1604) and Julius Caesar (1607). Plays written in and for the two universities could also afford to be ‘true’ tragedies, but playwrights writing for the London stage knew that they had to suppress their classicizing ambitions. To present a play with a ‘sententious Chorus’ and a ‘weighty Nuntius’ in a public theatre would be patently useless since ‘the breath that comes from the uncapable multitude is able to poison it’. This is John Webster’s lament, echoing Jonson’s Sejanus preface, in the epistle ‘To the Reader’ which prefaces The White Devil, acted at the Red Bull in the early months of 1612 (lines 18–22).

On the other hand, the history of Rome as subject-matter attracted Tudor and Stuart playwrights for a number of reasons. As one of the few bodies of consistent, continuous, and completed historical material available, it provided attractive topics for political and moral lessons. Thus the thematic intention of George Chapman’s Caesar and Pompey (written early to mid-1604) is written out on the title page: The Wars of Pompey and Caesar. Out of whose events is evicted this proposition. Only a just man is a free man. ‘Rome’ meant a culture and an ethos – all that is called upon when a ‘Roman thought’ strikes Shakespeare’s Mark Antony (Ant., 1.2.88). The idea is summed up by Petreius in Catiline when he reminds his soldiers what they are fighting for:

For the raised temples of th’immortal gods.

For all your fortunes, altars, and your fires,

For the dear souls of your loved wives and children,

Your parents’ tombs, your rites, laws, liberty.

(5.1.15–18)

To be a ‘noble Roman’ – a phrase recurring, though often ironically, throughout Catiline – should mean commitment to all these institutions, divine, domestic, familial, civic, a commitment to the concept of pietas, which Jonson in Catiline translates as ‘piety’ (see 3.2.39 and 108; 5.5.238). Catiline, in deciding to ‘lose my piety’ (1.1.93), abuses all these and epitomizes ‘impiety’ (impietas; see 1.1.60; 3.1.123). When he fights a Roman army, ‘Piety left the field’ (5.5.238). For all the noble ancestry with which he challenges Cicero (4.2.406–12), Catiline can be seen as representing the opposite of the virtues associated with the Roman Republic, ‘the traditional values of fides, disciplina, pudicitia, libertas (honour and loyalty, self-discipline, chastity, liberty)’ (Hunter, 1977, 114–15).

Secondly, and more importantly to some, Roman history offered great plot material – stories of heroism and of villainy, of power-struggles, bloody battles, murders, and suicides. Though it aims at a political moral, Chapman’s Caesar and Pompey also has all of those ingredients, including a scene where Cato disembowels himself and repels those who try to put his entrails back in order to ‘sew them up, / Being yet unperished’ (5.2.174–5, ed. Parrott, 1910). And, thirdly, Roman history contained events that could be staged with spectacular theatricality, such as suggested by stage directions in Thomas Lodge’s play about the struggle between Marius and Sulla, The Wounds of Civil War (first acted by the Admiral’s Men between 1585 and 1591), ‘Sulla in triumph in his chair triumphant of gold, drawn by four Moors before the chariot’ (3.3) or, as the play ends, ‘The funerals of Sulla in great pomp’ (ed. Houppert, 1969).

To Jonson those last two reasons for turning to Roman history – great plot material and spectacular theatricality – were less important. When he took the conspiracy of Catiline for his subject-matter, he also deliberately chose to dramatize a series of actions which are abortive or frustrated: Catiline’s attempt to be elected Consul (3.1), the attempt to assassinate Cicero (3.5), the attempt to involve the Allobroges which produces the Mulvian Bridge ambush (4.7), the assault on Caesar in the Senate (5.5.161–3), and of course the whole non-event of the Catilinarian conspiracy itself. We hear much of what the conspirators would do, but it is never done; the horrors of rape, bloodshed, and burning are in the language alone. We see some of the conspirators led off to execution, and the battle in which Catiline is killed is reported, but onstage nothing happens, repeatedly; all is said, and said at great length. Leonard Digges, in a poem prefacing the 1640 edition of Shakespeare’s Poems, sums up the differences in audience reaction to Jonson’s play and Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar:

So have I seen, when Caesar would appear,

And on the stage at half-sword parley were

Brutus and Cassius; O, how the audience

Were ravished, with what wonder they went thence,

When some new day they would not brook a line

Of tedious though well-laboured Catiline.

(Literary Record, Electronic Edition)

And yet within those ‘well-laboured’ lines of Catiline a great deal does happen. In the well-attested rivalry between Jonson and Shakespeare, and coming so soon after Antony and Cleopatra and Coriolanus, Catiline must be seen as a defiant demonstration of how the matter of Rome could (and, by implication, should) be written. If, as readers, we come expecting to engage with the inner lives of characters, as with Brutus in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, or with complex relationships between characters, as in the case of Antony and Cleopatra, we are obviously going to be as disappointed as the audience described in Digges’s poem was, on other grounds. Catiline’s self-explanations are simply those of someone obsessed, like Milton’s Satan, with ‘injur’d merit’; as a ‘character’ he is most interesting, because least single-minded, in the scene where he is recovering from electoral defeat (3.1.149–234). Cicero speaks only as a ‘new man’ who has achieved the highest office, the consulship. Jonson’s characters are not so much individuals with psychological depths as figures illustrating a historical process; and the complexities of their relationships are those of political manoeuvring within the evolving history of Rome. In Sejanus, set in 31 BC, Jonson had focused on the collapse of the idea of the Roman Empire embodying all the virtues of republican Romanitas. With Catiline, set in 63 BC, he turned to explore the erosion of those values in the late Republic, a period of social unrest and political breakdown.

Again there was nothing extraordinary about focusing on that period; so, in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century, did most of the plays on Roman history, many of which survive as titles only. The years from the rise of Sulla and his march on Rome in 88 BC – ‘the first armed conquest of Rome by a Roman’ (Griffin, 1986, 460) – to the fall of Caesar, assassinated in 44 BC for his monarchic ambition, offered both academic and popular dramatists subjects which touched some of the most deep-seated fears of their own age: the horrors of civil wars, rebellions, and conspiracies, the fear of tyranny in absolute rulers. There were a number of plays on the subject of Caesar and Pompey apart from Chapman’s, all of them lost except for the Caesar and Pompey performed at Trinity College, Oxford in 1595, the same year as the Admiral’s Men entertained popular London audiences with a two-part play, also now lost, of the same title (Farmer, 1913; Chapman, 1910, 657). The death of Caesar similarly appealed to every kind of audience. Richard Edes’s Latin tragedy, Caesar Interfectus (of which only the epilogue remains), was performed at Christ Church, Oxford in 1582; Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar may have been the first play at the newly erected Globe in 1599 (and was acted at court in 1612–13); and a group of playwrights collaborated on the now-lost Caesar’s Fall for the Admiral’s Men in 1602. To the thoughtful, there was a sense of fearsome continuity and ineluctable repetition about the characters and events of this period. In Chapman’s Caesar and Pompey we hear of the ‘danger of the yet still smoking fire / Of Catiline’s abhorr’d conspiracy’ (1.2.36–7) and his Pompey is compared to the Catilinarians, whose aim was ‘to make / One tyrant over all the state of Rome’ (1.2.46). In Alexander’s Julius Caesar, 2.2, Cicero holds Sulla, Catiline, and Caesar in a lifetime’s experience –

Did I survive th’impetuous Sulla’s rage

And in a torrent of destruction stood,

Whilst tyrants did make Rome a tragic stage

Through a voluptuous appetite of blood?

(635–8)

– remembering how he once ‘From Catiline’s strange reason did preserve / This town (when free from foes) thralled by her own’ (644–5), and how Cato foretold ‘To what all Caesar’s deeds would turn in th’end, / If that his pride were not in time controlled’ (657–8; ed. Kastner and Charlton, 1921). Jonson’s Cicero also speaks of Catiline’s intentions as repeating but far outdoing ‘the barbarous deeds’ of Marius and Sulla (3.2.26–47). What is extraordinary, however, about Jonson’s Catiline is the way in which the entire play is structured to show that the Catilinarian conspiracy was part of a larger process by which the Republic was destroyed. The formal aspects of Senecan tragedy here become uniquely functional. The Ghost of Sulla opens the play by urging Catiline to ‘Make all past, present, future ills thine own’ (1.53); the Chorus recalls the past, agonizes about the present, and fears the future.

Sulla’s Ghost

The Ghost of Sulla serves many purposes in the play. As a Senecan umbra, rising ‘from the Stygian sound’, he produces at once a shock effect and an effective exposition. The scene is set for a lethargic and blind Rome, and a Catiline with a record of past crimes and sins, and potential for infinitely worse. Like the Ghosts of Thyestes and of Tantalus (aided by a Fury) in Seneca’s Agamemnon and Thyestes, Sulla injects into the play a mythological fear of chaos, universal ‘infection’, and unnatural darkness. This will run as a thematic undertow through the play. Jonson makes sure that Sulla’s sense of causality is also historical. Not only ‘furies’ but also Sulla himself, the Gracchi, Cinna, Marius, and Hannibal are to be models for Catiline. And ultimately this Ghost has also a political function. When Jonson chooses for his umbra a Roman politician instead of the ancestor whose crime has somehow fated the protagonist, as in the two Senecan plays mentioned, then he is in line with modern historians who see the late Republic, in many respects, as ‘the legacy of Sulla’ (Griffin, 1986, 460). Jonson is here following his chief source, Sallust, who regards Catiline as a product and symptom of a general ‘corruption of public morals’ (Bellum Catilinae, ‘The War with Catiline’, 5.8) and insists that a turning point, the final breakdown of Roman ethos, had come with Sulla: ‘after Lucius Sulla had gained control of the state by arms, he brought everything that was good to a bad end; all men began to rob and pillage’ (11.4). Jonson was well aware of the paradoxical nature of the historical Sulla, who, he wrote elsewhere, ‘living extremely dissolute himself, enforced frugality by the laws’ (Discoveries, 722–3), and whose dictatorship (from which he resigned voluntarily) was marked not only by the butchery of those on his proscription lists but also by major legislative reforms. But the Ghost who successfully – as the rest of Act 1 shows – instils his ‘spirit’ into Catiline, ‘All that was mine, and bad’, is uncomplicatedly bad, and his spirit has infected all of Rome. At the end of this act the Chorus expands the issue of Rome’s lost ‘virtue’ (574) even as it also connects the loss, as Sallust does, with the return of Sulla’s booty-laden legions from the eastern province known as Asia: ‘So, Asia, art thou cru’lly even / With us for all the blows thee given, / When we, whose virtue conquered thee, / Thus by the vices ruined be’ (587–90).

The Chorus

Jonson clearly thought hard about the Chorus. His copy of the plays of Seneca, now in the library of Clare College, Cambridge, is the edition by Del Rio (Antwerp, 1539) in which the first part contains Del Rio’s discussion of the theory of tragedy, De Tragoedia (Jonson’s Library, Electronic Edition). Like Jonson’s Sallust folio, this volume has vertical pencil markings in the margin. If these were made by Jonson, their clustering in the section on the nature and function of the Chorus would indicate a concern confirmed by his preface to Sejanus. There he wrote of ‘a proper chorus, whose habit and moods are such, and so difficult, as not any whom I have seen since the ancients – no, not they who have most presently affected laws – have yet come in the way of’. With ‘habit’ Jonson seems to have in mind the Latin noun habitus, in the sense of ‘quality, nature, character’. The Chorus in Catiline shows a careful attention to ‘habit and moods’: the collective voice of Rome as it is affected by the events enacted in the play, its moods reflected in the varied lexis and metres chosen for its expression. Where Shakespeare uses ‘real’ workmen with leather aprons or greasy caps to make plebeians part of the action onstage, it is through his Chorus that Jonson offers a sense of Rome as a whole, rather than just the politicians (and their mistresses) whom we see and hear. There is a marked progression from the first to the fourth Chorus which brings it closer to the Aeschylean than the Senecan model. It begins as a body initially concerned mainly with watching, and becomes increasingly participatory. At the end of Acts 1 and 2, the Chorus remains relatively detached, uttering general and generalizing statements – on how luxurious living, loose morals, and political corruption have made Rome into her own enemy, and on the qualities of a good magistrate, so badly needed now by Rome. In the opening scene of Act 3 the Chorus steps briefly into the action to cheer the ‘Most noble Consul’ (3.1.84), and at the end of this act it is becoming more directly concerned, reflecting the rising tension and fear in Rome. The questions the Chorus asks are no longer merely rhetorical; they progress from external to internal chaos, from fear to self-examination and self-castigation. By the end of Act 4, the Chorus is deeply involved, questioning the evidence of ‘our ears’, ‘our eyes’, asking of ‘what strange pieces are we made’, analyzing ‘Our thoughts of things’. In a poem that stands out from the rest of the text in its pellucid simplicity, the Chorus performs a searing self-examination which, though it uses the case of Cicero versus Catiline as a catalyst, leaps across ages to any time, Roman, Jacobean, or modern, when a blame culture replaces individual responsibility, and when ill-informed popular opinion is always ready to overwhelm ‘honest men / Placed at the helm’ with a ‘sea of some foul mouth or pen’ (4.7.56–8).

Choruses as such were not unfamiliar in the popular theatre. Shakespeare’s use of a Chorus which ‘wafts you o’er the seas’ in Henry V had been derided by Jonson in the prologue to the folio version of Every Man In His Humour, leading to speculation that ‘it was Jonson who made Shakespeare promptly drop the practice’ (Gurr, ed., Henry V, 6). Shakespeare, probably collaborating with George Wilkins, resumed the practice, however, and plenty of wafting, with Ancient Gower in Pericles, at a time when – as Suzanne Gossett points out in her edition of the play (2004, 76) – the use of choruses as presenters enjoyed a certain vogue of popularity. In Barnabe Barnes’s The Devil’s Charter, which the King’s Men staged in (probably) 1606 and performed at court in 1607, the author of the source text is such a choric presenter. The play, about Pope Alexander VI, is based on Geoffrey Fenton’s translation of Francesco Guicciardini’s Storia d’Italia; and Giucciardini is used as Chorus, opening and closing the play, and appearing to comment at the end of each act. The equivalent in Catiline would have been for Sallust to have been the Chorus. To contemplate such a possibility is to become all the more aware how Jonson’s Chorus is a body both watching and sharing in the fate of Rome, past, present, and future.

The figure of Catiline

An obvious structural feature of Catiline is that, as the play moves into and beyond Act 3, Cicero becomes more and more the protagonist, and Catiline less and less so – another indication that Jonson was more concerned with the history of the late Republic than with Catiline as such. After Act 1, the play probably did not fulfil contemporary expectations of what a Catiline figure should offer by way of dramatic capital. London audiences may have seen two plays on the subject of Catiline’s conspiracy before Jonson’s, though both are now lost. Stephen Gosson (1841, 30) refers in The School of Abuse to a play of his, ‘a pig of mine own sow’, which he calls Catiline’s Conspiracies. Alfred Harbage speculates that it might have been played by Leicester’s Men at the Theatre, the first purpose-built London playhouse, some time between 1576 and 1579 (Annals, 1940, 164). In August 1598 Henslowe, the theatre entrepreneur, recorded in his accounts for the Admiral’s Men three separate sums paid to Robert Wilson and Henry Chettle in earnest – as advance payment – of a play which, in his inimitable spelling, he variously sets down as ‘cattelyn’, ‘cattelyne’, and ‘cattelanes consperesey’ (Diary, ed. Foakes, 2002, 97). If it was ever completed and acted, Jonson might well have seen it.

What is certain is that, by 1611, Catiline was a very familiar figure. When in that same year the translators of the King James Bible asked in their preface to the first edition ‘Was Catiline an honest man, or a good patriot?’, they could assume that the full irony of the question would be immediately grasped, even if the logic of the underlying argument is more tortuous – that burning Bible translations, as ‘the Romanistes’ do, is like Catiline seeking to burn Rome (see 4.6.17n). Catiline had long since become a type-name for a profligate conspirator. In the possibly partly Shakespearean play Edward III (1595), a description of how ‘England was wont to harbour malcontents, / Bloodthirsty and seditious Catilines’ continues in lines which could well apply to the whole lot of disaffected followers of Jonson’s Catiline: ‘Spendthrifts, and such that gape for nothing else / But changing and alteration of the state’ (3.1.13–16). Rome translated readily into England, and long ago Thomas Paynell had dedicated his translation of Felicius’s Conspiracy of Lucius Catiline (1541) to Henry VIII, explaining that his express purpose in this work was to show ‘all that be unlearned’ that God would not suffer riotous rebels ‘to prevail against a Christian prince, his very image on earth’. Catiline’s conspiracy, he concludes, is a lesson in obedience to rulers and a warning against ‘this cursed monster, this deadly poison in a commonwealth, Rebellion’ (sigs. A2v–A3). Just how easily Catiline came to mind as a name for political evil may be suggested by the octavo (1595) edition of 3 Henry VI (called The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York, generally thought to be a text put together from actors’ report), where a boastful reference by Richard Gloucester which in the 1623 folio text is to the ‘murderous Machiavel’ is directed instead to ‘aspiring Catiline’.

Interchangeable with ‘Machiavel’, Catiline is the kind of stage villain who appears as the prologue to Marlowe’s The Jew of Malta; and the ‘murderous’ aspirations such a figure embodies would surely have been gruesomely developed in Wilson and Chettle’s Catiline (see 1.1.483n.). For the real Machiavelli, the Catiline conspiracy is morally a much less black-and-white affair; in his Discourses, 3.6, Machiavelli uses Sallust’s account, which he assumes ‘everybody has read’, as a stepping-stone into a pragmatic discussion of the complexities of dealing with a conspiracy, anticipating the moves of the conspirators and, when necessary, dissimulating knowledge of them. Bluntly he points out that, once a conspiracy is formed against a prince, he either gets killed or kills – and in the latter case incurs the suspicion of having ulterior motives and having invented the whole thing. This is the dilemma faced by Cicero and repeatedly brought up by him in his orations, as in Jonson’s play, where Caesar and Crassus utter just this suspicion (3.1.94–107), and where, in a soliloquy turned choric by its rhymes, Cicero knows that he heads

such an envious state

That sooner will accuse the magistrate

Than the delinquent, and will rather grieve

That treason is not acted, than believe.

(3.2.252–5)

Yet in the popular imagination, even in those who had not been to grammar school and studied Cicero’s orations against Catiline, the extreme villainy of Catiline came far more simply contrasted with the heroic wisdom of Cicero which defeated it. Stephen Gosson recounts how ‘the whole mark which [he] shot at’ in his play on Catiline was ‘to show the reward of traitors in Catiline, and the necessary government of learned men in the person of Cicero, which foresees every danger that is likely to happen and forestalls it continually ere it take effect’ (1841, 30). The efficacy of Cicero’s oratory is so taken for granted by Sir Philip Sidney that, when he wishes to illustrate the rhetorical figure of repetition, he simply reminds his readers how ‘Tully, when he was to drive out Catiline, as it were with a thunderbolt of eloquence, often used that figure’ (An Apology for Poetry, ed. Shepherd, 1965, 138).

The Gunpowder Plot

Early seventeenth-century England was preoccupied with the dangers of conspiracy and the blessings of deliverance from them and, as Blair Worden points out (1999, 158), contemporaries of Jonson compared Catiline’s conspiracy with Essex’s rising of 1601. Still more recent English history offered an analogy in the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, the foiling and unravelling of Guy Fawkes’s conspiracy to blow up parliament. In Jonson’s Romish Plot (1967), B. N. De Luna argues that the play is ‘Jonson’s self-justifying parallelograph on the Powder Plot, wrapped up in the classical trappings of Catiline’ (143) – ‘self-justifying’ because, she also argues, Jonson had been privy to the plot through his Catholic connections and had acted as an informer. According to her, Jonson modifies characters and events in his sources to fit the Gunpowder Plot, and his language is full of covert allusions to it. Like Bolton and Gardner (186–8), and as the notes in my commentary will show, I have found that Jonson follows his classical sources so closely, both in the outline of events and in details of language, that it seems impossible to accept De Luna’s argument as a whole – quite apart from the fact that the picture given of Rome in the play would have been disturbingly unflattering to England. But her book is a salutary reminder of how historical parallels can be seen to comment on current events and persons – as indeed happened with Catiline on the Restoration stage (see below). And no doubt one specific reason why Jonson chose to write on Catiline, whatever his personal connection with the Gunpowder Plot, was the climate of fear, not quickly dispersed, which must have grown from the near-massacre of the whole parliamentary body, with the national chaos it would have brought about. In its own day it must have been the equivalent of a post-9/11 play. Yet Rome as presented in Catiline is far more than ‘classical trappings’ to wrap up a play about England.

Catiline and Roman politics

The play throws us straight into a conspiracy aimed at a wholesale destruction of Rome, a massacre and conflagration that would wipe out the ruling oligarchy in the Senate together with the people and the buildings of the city. By the time Catiline has soliloquized, explained to his wife how he manipulates the conspirators, and addressed the conspirators themselves as ‘noblest Romans’, men ‘true’, ‘honest and valiant’, striving for ‘liberty’, ‘virtue’, and ‘freedom’ (1.333, 354, 365, 344, 421), it is only too clear that these traditional republican values are now mere words to dress up envy, greed, and every other form of moral corruption. Nor, as the play proceeds, can we be sure who is truly ‘Roman’; ‘noble’ is a word used indiscriminately by both sides to refer to anyone, good or bad, whom the speaker wants to please. The women in the play – Fulvia and Sempronia – do not just provide light relief. Act 2 begins as a Roman comedy of manners, but by the end it has turned sinister: ‘By public ruin private spirits must rise’ (see 2.361.2n.). Sempronia’s ‘masculine’ wit, her urge to be a ‘great stateswoman’ (2.38 and 45), and Fulvia’s openly declared avarice are, all, like both women’s appetite for sex, darkly comic symptoms of a breakdown of traditional Roman values which the Chorus at the end of Act 1 has deplored. Avarice, ‘that wild and vast expense / That hath enforced Rome’s virtue thence’, has ruined the morals and undermined the political system which formed the strengths of the Republic: ‘Decrees are bought, and laws are sold, / Honours and offices for gold; / The people’s voices, and the free / Tongues in the Senate, bribèd be’ (1.573–82).

Jonson knows, but does not press on us, the bipartisan politics which underlie the relations between figures of the period. In an essentially oligarchic system, the division between optimates (senatorial aristocrats) and populares (politicians who used the powers of the popular assemblies and the office of tribune to challenge senatorial authority) was in any case not so much a matter of organized political parties as of ideological labels (see notes at 1.21; 3.1.85; 4.2.188; 5.4.38; and cf. Shakespeare’s Coriolanus). Catiline’s transparent allegory of ‘two bodies / One lean, weak, rotten, and that hath a head, / The other strong and healthful, but hath none’ (see 4.2.92–5n.) functions in the play as a piece of insane provocation rather than a party political statement. The Rome Jonson creates achieves, in his own words, ‘truth of argument’ as a world of social unrest and political unease. We sense a growing gap between rich and poor – impoverished veterans of Sulla’s army, repeatedly alluded to in the play, forming a large and dangerous disaffected body, feckless and wasteful scions of the aristocracy another – and a savage, unscrupulous competition for high places. Cicero becomes Consul, despite his municipal equestrian background (see 4.2.421n.), because in a tense situation the aristocracy fears the other candidates – and, he is the first to stress, because of his own merits. In Cato’s words, ‘Our need made thee our Consul, and thy virtue’ (3.2.57). But that ‘virtue’ bends to needs, and Cicero buys off his fellow consul Antonius, a Catiline sympathizer, with the province of Macedonia (3.2.234–46). Lethargy rules Rome; ‘sleep’ is a keyword in the play, from the speech of Sulla’s Ghost onwards, and another is ‘security’ in the sense of a culpable absence of anxiety. Cicero, in a rare soliloquy, both analyzes and laments this state of Rome, ‘when thy head / Is drowned in sleep, and all thy body fev’ry’ (3.2.205–6). The Senate, as we see it, is not a strong body. An emblematic scene, 4.1, has senators ‘quaking and trembling’ in an ominous thunderstorm where only Cicero and Cato ‘stand upright and unfeared’ (4.1.32). When in session it is dominated, but for the occasional asides and a fifth-act stand by Caesar, by the ‘new man’ Cicero, cheered on by Cato.

Cicero’s statesmanship foils the conspiracy, and the play may seem to end on a victory for traditional republican values as represented by him and by Cato. Yet there is much in the play to speak against it as a noble victory. Cicero wins because Fulvia, a high-class whore (who is far less prominent in Sallust’s account) betrays the conspiracy out of greedy self-interest; because her lover agrees to espionage and double-dealing; and because of the stupidity of the conspirators left in Rome when Catiline goes into exile. Paradoxically the only glimpse of pietas at the end is given in Cato’s words on the death of Catiline on the battlefield:

A brave bad death.

Had this been honest now, and for his country

As ’twas against it, who had ere fallen greater?

(5.2.269–71)

where any sense of ancient virtue is sharply modified through oxymoron (‘A brave bad death’) and conditionality (‘Had this been honest now’).

Furthermore, where Sallust clears Caesar of any complicity in the conspiracy, Jonson makes it abundantly clear that Caesar and Crassus know of and encourage the conspiracy until it is no longer safe to do so, and that Cicero wins because, for reasons of power politics, he closes his eyes to Caesar’s involvement: ‘Caesar and Crassus, if they be ill men, / Are mighty ones’, he reminds Cato (4.2.471–2). ‘Caesar be safe’, he tells those who, like Cato, would eliminate Caesar (5.5.163); but in such a precarious political milieu no one is safe, and in a play so alert to the continuities of history the word carries a profound irony. In 1611 everyone – from the ‘reader extraordinary’ thoroughly familiar with Roman history, to the groundling whose knowledge simply came from seeing Shakespeare’s (or someone else’s) play on the subject – knew that Caesar would in the end not be ‘safe’ from the conspirators, led by Brutus and Cassius, who killed him on the Ides of March 44 BC. Many would know, too, that Cato would commit suicide in 46 BC when, as a follower of Pompey, he refused to accept a pardon from Caesar. More would know, from history and from Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar (4.3.175–80), that Cicero, after an unsafe life of political ups and downs, would die as a victim of the proscriptions which, in 43 BC (and repeating the slaughter of Sulla’s proscriptions which hangs like a shadow over Catiline), inaugurated the triumvirate regime that sprang from the defeat of Caesar’s assassins. From these events Octavius, Caesar’s great-nephew, would in turn emerge, after his defeat of Antony and Cleopatra at Actium and their suicide in 31 BC, as the first Roman emperor, Augustus. So, when at the end of Jonson’s play Cato hails Cicero as ‘Great parent of thy country’ and Cicero claims to want for reward ‘Only the memory / Of this glad day . . . [to] live / Within your thoughts’ (5.5.191 and 278–80), then you do not have to be a professional classicist to find the sense of closure poised against the knowledge that ‘this glad day’ is only a moment within a longer historical process. That process would relentlessly carry the Republic into the Empire. It would go on to carry the Empire – an Augustan monarchy, presenting itself as a restored republic – into the tyranny of Tiberius and his successors: into the world depicted in Jonson’s Sejanus.

Catiline and Jonson’s politics

Critics of Catiline have disagreed on where Jonson’s sympathies in the tragedy ultimately lay. They tend to agree that the answer lies in his manipulation of source material (a matter examined in the following section of this Introduction). Joseph Allen Bryant, Jr (1954) saw the key in Jonson’s un-Sallustian treatment of Caesar: Jonson expects us to notice that he makes ‘Caesar, as Sallust does not, the primary threat to the Roman Republic’ (272), and to see the Republic itself as the tragic protagonist. In this way Jonson reconciles historical ‘truth of argument’ with the demands of a ‘true poem’ (Sejanus, ‘To the Readers’, 13, 4). But, Bryant admits, ‘such an allusive technique in a play intended for the public theatre’ was bound to fail, and Jonson ‘should have known better’ (273). To Michael J. C. Echeruo (1966), elusiveness rather than allusiveness is the cause of the play’s failure: Jonson has written ‘an anatomy of the political conscience’, a play neither about Catiline nor about conspiracy as such, nor even about good or bad people – he disagrees with Bryant’s view of Caesar as the real villain of the piece, and finds weaknesses in Cicero – but a tough, intellectual analysis of how politics works.

While Echeruo’s article seems to be written without any awareness of Jonson’s use of secondary source material, more recently Bruce Boehrer (1997c) has stressed the fact that Sallust’s version of the conspiracy was being questioned during the Renaissance. Humanist scholars had considerably revised the historical material in Catiline. In his Sallust folio, particularly in Felicius’s Historia coniurationis Catilinariae (see above), Jonson met with the anti-Sallustian and pro-Ciceronian bias of humanist revisionists. But, Boehrer argues, Jonson identifies with neither side in the anti-Sallustian controversy; he brings out the faults in Cicero that Felicius is deaf to and treats both sides ‘with a fair amount of cynicism’ (87) – a typically Jonsonian strategy of both absorbing and detaching himself from his sources (100). Blair Worden (1999) maintains that Jonson is reading Sallust ‘by a Tacitean lamp’ (153), creating in the play a world that is more imperial than republican and that, in the snobbery and moral blindness of the nobility, is made to reflect Jonson’s England. The real social struggle is over Cicero as a novus homo, ‘new man’, who prevails over envy and class feeling. This makes Cicero the hero of the play, with not a little affinity with Jonson himself. Katharine Eisaman Maus, in her excellent Ben Jonson and the Roman Frame of Mind (1984), had also concluded that Jonson’s favourite Latin authors, the ones he translates, adapts, and imitates, are ‘men whose careers roughly resemble his own’ (9). Worden counters, one by one, the criticisms which have been made of Cicero in Catiline: that Justice Overdo in Bartholomew Fair, who repeatedly and absurdly echoes his language, reflects back on him; that he is long-winded, cowardly, vainglorious, and both ineffective and unscrupulous. As for vainglory and self-praise, what about Jonson himself? And so far from being ineffective and unscrupulous, Cicero is a master of realpolitik in his dealings with Catiline, Caesar, and Crassus. So Worden argues, drawing support from Lipsius – an author we know Jonson valued – and his discussion of political means and ends in Six Books of Politics.

That serious scholars can draw, point by point, such opposed conclusions from reading Catiline suggests something about the difficulty of a text which doesn’t offer its meanings readily. It also suggests that the difficulty – whether we call it ambivalence or multivalence – is deliberate on Jonson’s part, and that he is prompting the reader to use that ‘singular faculty of judgement’ which he attributes to his dedicatee.

Sources

Jonson does not advertise his sources for Catiline in marginal notes, as he does for Sejanus, but it is clear that here, as in the earlier Roman play, the classical scholar and dramatist worked as one. From the amount of virtually literal translation of Latin texts in the play it is also clear that he wrote with his major source texts beside him. The present edition is indebted throughout to Herford and Simpson, who, incorporating the work of earlier scholars, provided an extensive apparatus of notes identifying sources of individual passages and phrases, and to W. F. Bolton and J. F. Gardner (1973), who give a convenient ‘serial list of sources’. Where, occasionally, I have been able to add an identification, it is mainly thanks to the anonymous early reader who annotated the text in a copy of the 1616 folio, at one time owned by Robert Browning, now in the Huntington Library (call number 499968). The volume also has annotations ascribing certain roles in Volpone, Epicene, and The Alchemist to particular actors; these can be dated fairly accurately to c. 1616–19, since they name Nathan Field, who joined the King’s Men in 1615 or 1616, and Richard Burbage, who died in 1619. The annotations appear to be in the same hand as those identifying classical sources, in which case they were made by someone who had knowledge of Jonson’s comedies, but not Catiline, in the theatre, even as they also demonstrate how familiar the sources behind the text of Catiline were to an educated contemporary reader. He annotated altogether seventy-nine passages with the corresponding lines in the original Latin, recognizing not only Sallust and Cicero but also Petronius, Juvenal, Ovid, Horace, Seneca, Lucan, and Porcius Latro; and in the case of the last four authors, especially Seneca and Lucan, he made a number of identifications which have escaped Herford and Simpson as well as Bolton and Gardner.

Jonson’s chief sources for the action, and often also the language, of the play are Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae, ‘The War with Catiline’ (also known as Bellum Catilinarium, ‘The Catilinarian War’, or Coniuratio Catilinae, ‘Catiline’s Conspiracy’), a monograph by an ex-politician and partisan of Caesar’s who took to writing history after the murder of Caesar (44 BC); and Cicero’s four orations In Catilinam, ‘Against Catiline’, the first and last of which were delivered to the Senate, the second and third to the people of Rome, all with the aim of justifying his actions as Consul vis-à-vis the conspiracy. The first oration supplies, in often almost verbatim translation, the notoriously lengthy speech by Cicero in 4.2. Jonson also occasionally drew on other Cicero orations: De Lege Agaria (‘On the agrarian law’), Pro Sulla (‘For Sulla’), Pro Murena (‘For Murena’), and Pro Caelio (‘For Caelius’), and on Dio Cassius’s Roman History; and he made use of Plutarch’s Life of Cicero and occasionally of the Lives of Sulla and of Cato Minor.

Jonson’s major Latin sources were conveniently available together in his folio copy of Sallust, now in the library of Clare College, Cambridge: C. Crispi Sallutii Latinorum historicum praestantissimi opera . . . (Basel, 1564). This compendium of Renaissance classical scholarship on the conspiracy opens with a Bellum Catilinae where, page by page, the text itself occupies less space than the running commentary on the text by nine scholars (who in turn cite the classical authorities behind their comments); it is followed by Sallust’s only other surviving complete historical work, Bellum Iugurthinum, ‘The War with Jugurtha’. There follows an amount of more or less apocryphal material ascribed to Sallust or otherwise related to the Bellum Catilinae: a speech by Sallust attacking Cicero and one by Cicero attacking him; an invective against Catiline allegedly by Porcius Latro (a first-century-BC rhetorician) against Catiline; and, naturally, Cicero’s orations against Catiline. Last, the volume contains Felicius Durantius’s Historia coniurationis Catilinariae (first published in 1518), an account of the conspiracy which fills in, from Cicero and others, supposed gaps in Sallust’s narrative, which Felicius – a humanist Ciceronian – thinks does less than justice to Cicero’s achievement.

Ellen M. T. Duffy, who was the first to study in some detail Jonson’s use of Felicius and of the Sallust scholia, rightly concluded that his going to sources at second rather than first hand was not just a matter of convenience but a way of ‘making use of the most authoritative material at his disposal and at the same time linking himself with European scholarship’ (1947, 30). It must, however, also be said that, since the Sallust text is so dominated by its commentary, and since Felicius weaves phrases from both Sallust and Cicero into his own narrative, it is sometimes impossible to tell whether Jonson is working at first or second hand (see, e.g., 4.4.40n., or headnote to 5.1; and cf. Lovascio, 2011b). However, there are passages where only Felicius could be the source, as in Cicero’s meeting with the Allobroges in 4.4, and most of Petreius’s speech to his soldiers in 5.1.

In the margins on certain pages of the Sallust folio there are vertical pencil markings which Herford and Simpson accept as Jonson’s and, somewhat over-optimistically, as giving ‘a vivid glimpse of Jonson’s working method’. David McPherson is sceptical about their provenance since, he points out, the volume ‘lacks the marginal hands and flowers most characteristic of Jonson’ (McPherson, 1974, 84). The markings certainly cluster at some points which bear on Jonson’s text: for example, after many unmarked pages they become plentiful where commentators on the Bellum Catilinae expound Catiline’s wicked deeds, such as ravishing his own daughter and murdering his own son (cols. 129–30; cf. 1.30–6); and references to the drinking of wine mixed with blood (1.481ff.) are marked both in the Sallust commentary and in the Felicius text (col. 467). But on the other hand, although the Chorus at the end of Act 4 is clearly indebted to Felicius, col. 503, this passage is not, as Herford and Simpson mistakenly claim, marked (see 4.7.20–71n.). Altogether I find it inadvisable to read too much into the marks in the volume.

Jonson’s familiarity with classical literature enabled him to draw not only on sources dealing directly with the Catilinarian conspiracy but on Lucan’s uncompleted epic on the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, the Bellum civile (also known as Pharsalia), and on the civil-war poem within Petronius’s Satyricon. He echoes other Silver Latin poets – Juvenal frequently, Martial occasionally – mainly when writing of the extravagant life-style and corrupt morals of a period in Roman history which, of course, antedates that of those poets. Of the Augustan poets who had figured bodily in Poetaster, Horace and Ovid provide the sources of a number of phrases. Last but not least, Seneca in the original Latin, rather than the ‘English Seneca read by candlelight’ famously derided by Thomas Nashe as a storehouse for playwrights, provides a formal dramatic model as well as the occasional rhetorical ones.

Throughout the commentary to the text, sources are given in the notes; and the reader will sometimes find that reading a passage or phrase against its source is the most effective way to an understanding of its meaning – and its art.

The early texts and this edition

Without entry in the Stationers’ Register, Catiline His Conspiracy: Written by Ben Jonson was first published in quarto in 1611 by Walter Burre from the work of an unknown printer. Ample press-corrections observable from extant copies of this quarto attest to Jonson’s characteristic interest in ensuring that the printed text represent his dramatic genius as accurately as possible; if the theatre-going public chose to express its disapproval, Jonson could hope to shore up his future reputation as a classicist by giving to his readers the literary text of a play that meant so much to him as an artist.

The folio version of 1616 was ‘printed by William Stansby’ (as the title-page attests) from a revised copy of the quarto incorporating only a few changes of reading; again, Jonson seems to have registered his view that Catiline was his best tragedy and that it was to be read essentially as he originally wrote it. Pressures of censorship or of current events seem not to have impinged upon this process. A few substantive rewordings of short individual passages or single words – noted in the annotations and collations of this edition and analysed more closely in the Textual Essay (Electronic Edition) – do little to alter the overall achievement of the play, being evidently designed to effect minor improvements in terms of clarity and metrical regularity. Yet Jonson did rework Catiline in certain respects. He reordered the punctuation to bring the play into line with the literary and neoclassical intention of the 1616 folio as a whole. He did not need, however, to regularize the opening stage directions of each scene by massing all the names of characters to appear in the subsequent scene, for he had prepared the 1611 quarto along these rigorously neoclassical lines, as though in recognition of the play’s austerely non-popular character. Similarly, both the 1611 quarto and 1616 folio texts of this play are sparse in their indication of exits and other stage movement, despite the folio’s providing of interpretative marginal stage directions in mid-scene that are sometimes literary in flavour (‘She kisses and flatters him along still’, 2.1.351–3), often rendering the action more vividly, but hardly offering a systematic set of instructions to an acting company. The Choruses at the end of every act in both quarto and folio, in the fashion used in the printing of Seneca’s tragedies and of English Renaissance closet plays such as Elizabeth Cary’s The Tragedy of Miriam, are headed by the title ‘Chorus’ without indication of entry or exit; the Chorus is a disembodied voice addressing the reader. In both quarto and folio we find no scene divisions; the play is studiously divided into five classical acts. The folio text prints after the play a list of actors by whom ‘this tragedy was first acted, in the year 1611 by the King’s Majesty’s Servants’; the quarto does not.

The text of the present edition is based upon that of the 1616 folio, as representing the latest considered decisions of the author. (See Textual Essay in the electronic edition for a detailed analysis of the 1611 quarto and 1616 folio texts.) It prints, however, from the 1611 quarto Jonson’s three dedications (to the Earl of Pembroke, ‘To The Reader in Ordinary’, ‘To the Reader Extraordinary’) and the commendatory poems from his fellow playwrights, and records other Q / F variants in the collations. To assist today’s readers and actors, and to restore the play to its place in the theatre, it provides bracketed indications of entrances and exits (except in the problematical case of the Chorus, where directors may wish to make their own pragmatic decisions). It provides other indications of stage movement (‘coming forward’) or persons addressed (‘To the conspirators’). It amplifies the folio’s marginal stage directions with others of a similar nature called for in the text (‘He kisses them’ . . . ‘Kissing her again’). It indicates offstage noises. No new scene markings are needed in the first two acts, but new scenes are marked at 3.2 through to 3.5, where the stage is momentarily bare, and again from 4.2 to 4.7 and 5.2 to 5.5, so that here the line numberings depart from those of Herford and Simpson. Punctuation, spelling, capitalization, etc. are modernized in line with the policies of the Cambridge edition as a whole.

 

TO THE GREAT EXAMPLE OF HONOUR AND VIRTUE, THE MOST NOBLE  WILLIAM, EARL OF PEMBROKE,  LORD CHAMBERLAIN, ETC.

My Lord,

In so thick and dark an ignorance as now almost covers the age, I crave leave to

stand near your light, and by that to be read.  Posterity may pay  your benefit the

honour and thanks when it shall know that you dare, in these  jig-given times,

to countenance a  legitimate poem. I must call it so, against all  noise of opinion, 5

from whose  crude and  airy reports I appeal to that great and singular faculty of

 judgement in your Lordship, able to  vindicate truth from error. It is the first of

this  race that ever I dedicated to any person, and had I not thought it the best,

it should have been taught a less ambition. Now it approacheth your  censure

cheerfully and with the same assurance that  innocency would appear before a 10

 magistrate.

Your  Lordship’s most faithful  honourer,

Ben Jonson

 To The Reader in Ordinary

 The muses forbid that I should restrain your  meddling whom I see already busy

with the  title and  tricking over the leaves: it is your own. I  departed with my right

when I let it first abroad. And now,   so secure an interpreter I am of my chance that

neither  praise nor dispraise from you can affect me. Though you commend the

two first acts,  with the people, because they are the worst, and dislike the oration 5

of  Cicero,  in regard you read some pieces of it at school and understand them not

yet, I shall find the way to forgive you. Be anything you will be, at your own  charge.

Would I had deserved but half so well of it in translation as  that ought to deserve

of you in judgement, if you have any. I know you will pretend (whosoever you are)

to have  that, and more. But all pretences are not just claims.  The commendation 10

of good things may fall within a many, their approbation but in a few; for the

most commend out of  affection,  self-tickling, an  easiness, or imitation; but men

judge only out of knowledge. That is the  trying faculty. And to those works that

will bear a judge  nothing is more dangerous than a foolish praise. You will say I

shall not have yours therefore, but rather the contrary, all vexation of censure. If 15

I were not above such molestations now, I had great cause to think unworthily

of my studies, or they had so of me. But I leave you to your exercise. Begin.

 To the Reader Extraordinary

You I would understand to be the better man,  though places in court go otherwise.

To you I submit myself and work. Farewell.

Ben Jonson

   To My Friend, Master Ben Jonson Upon His Catiline

If thou hadst  itched after the wild applause

Of common people, and hadst made thy laws

In writing such as  catched at present voice,

  I should commend the thing, but not thy choice.

But thou hast  squared thy rules by what is good, 5

And art three ages yet  from understood.

And (I dare say) in it there lies much wit

Lost, till thy readers can grow up to it.

Which they can ne’er outgrow, to find it ill,

But must fall back again, or like it still. 10

Francis Beaumont

   To His Worthy Friend, Master Ben Jonson

 He that dares wrong this play, it should appear,

Dares utter more than other men dare hear

That have their wits about ’em; yet such men,

Dear friend, must see your book, and read, and then,

Out of their learnèd ignorance, cry ill, 5

And lay you by, calling for mad  Pasquil,

Or  Greene’s dear Groatsworth, or  Tom Coryate,

The  new Lexicon,  with the errant pate,

And pick away from all these several  ends,

And dirty ones, to make their  as wise friends 10

Believe they are translators. Of this, pity,

 There is a great plague hanging o’er the city,

Unless she purge her judgment presently.

But O thou happy man that must not die

As these things  shall – leaving no more behind 15

But a thin memory, like a passing wind,

That blows and is forgotten ere they are  cold –

Thy labours shall outlive thee and, like gold

Stamped for  continuance, shall be current  where

There is a sun, a people, or a year. 20

John Fletcher

  To His Worthy Beloved Friend, Master Ben Jonson

Had the great thoughts of Catiline been good,

The memory of his name, stream of his blood,

His  plots passed into acts (which would have turned

His infamy to fame, though Rome had burned)

Had not begot him equal grace with men 5

As this, that he is writ by such a pen

Whose inspirations, if great Rome had had,

Her good  things had been bettered, and her bad

Undone, the first for joy, the last for fear

That  such a muse should spread them to our ear 10

But woe to us then, for thy  laureate brow

If Rome enjoyed had, we had  wanted now.

But in this age,  where jigs and dances move,

How few there are that this pure work approve!

Yet (better than I rail at) thou canst scorn 15

Censures that die ere they be throughly born.

Each subject thou, still thee each subject  raises,

 And  whosoe’er thy book himself dispraises.

Nat Field

   The Persons of the Play

    SULLA’S GHOST
  CATILINE   CICERO
 LENTULUS  ANTONIUS
 CETHEGUS  CATO
 CURIUS  CATULUS 5
 AUTRONIUS  CRASSUS
 VARGUNTEIUS  CAESAR
 LONGINUS    QUINTUS CICERO
 LAECA      SILANUS
 FULVIUS  FLACCUS 10
 BESTIA  POMTINIUS
 GABINIUS  SANGA
 STATILIUS SENATORS
 CEPARIUS ALLOBROGES
 CORNELIUS  PETREIUS 15
 VOLTURCIUS  SOLDIERS
 AURELIA  PORTER
 FULVIA  LICTORS
 SEMPRONIA SERVANTS
 GALLA PAGES 20
 [GUARDS EXECUTIONERS]
 CHORUS

  THE SCENE: ROME

 CATILINE HIS CONSPIRACY

1.1  [Enter] SULLA’S GHOST.

SULLA’S GHOST

 Dost thou not feel me, Rome? Not yet? Is night

So heavy on thee, and my weight so light?

Can  Sulla’s Ghost arise within thy walls,

Less threat’ning than an earthquake the  quick falls

Of thee and thine? Shake not the frighted heads 5

Of thy  steep towers? Or shrink to  their first beds?

Or, as their  ruin the large Tiber fills,

Make that swell up and drown  thy seven proud hills?

What sleep is this doth seize thee, so like death,

And is not it? Wake, feel  her in my  breath. 10

Behold, I come, sent from  the Stygian sound,

As a dire vapour that had cleft the ground

T’engender with the night and  blast the day,

Or like a pestilence that should  display

Infection through the world – which,  thus, I do. 15

  Discovers CATILINE in his study.

 Pluto be at thy  counsels; and into

Thy darker bosom enter Sulla’s spirit.

All that was mine, and bad, thy breast inherit.

Alas, how weak is that, for Catiline!

Did I but say – vain voice! – all that was mine? 20

All that the  Gracchi, Cinna, Marius would;

What now, had I a body again, I could,

Coming from hell; what fiends would wish should be,

And  Hannibal could not have wished to see,

Think thou, and  practise. Let the long-hid seeds 25

Of treason in thee now shoot forth in deeds

Ranker  than horror, and thy former  facts

 Not fall in mention but to urge new acts.

 Conscience of them provoke thee on to more.

  Be still thy incests, murders, rapes before 30

Thy sense: thy  forcing first  a vestal nun;

 Thy  parricide, late, on thine own  only son,

After his mother, to make empty way

For thy last wicked nuptials; worse than they

That   blaze, that act of thy incestuous life, 35

Which got thee  at once a daughter and a wife.

I  leave the slaughters that thou didst for me,

Of senators, for which I hid for thee

 Thy murder of thy brother, being so bribed,

And writ him in the list of my proscribed 40

After thy fact, to save thy little shame.

Thy incest with thy sister I not name.

These are too  light. Fate will have thee pursue

Deeds after which no  mischief can be new:

The ruin of thy country. Thou wert built 45

For such a work, and born for no less guilt.

What though  defeated once  thou’st been, and  known,

 Tempt it again. That is thy act, or none.

 What all the several ills that visit earth,

 Brought forth by night with a sinister birth, 50

Plagues, famine, fire, could not  reach unto,

The sword, nor  surfeits, let thy fury do.

Make all past, present, future ill thine own,

And  conquer all example in thy one.

 Nor let thy thought find any vacant time 55

To hate an old, but still a fresher crime

Drown the remembrance. Let not mischief cease

But, while it is in punishing, increase.

Conscience and  care die in thee, and be free

Not heaven itself from thy  impiety. 60

Let night grow blacker with thy plots, and day,

At showing but thy head forth, start away

From  this half-sphere, and leave Rome’s  blinded walls

T’embrace lusts, hatreds, slaughters, funerals,

And not recover sight till their own flames 65

Do light them to their ruins. All the names

Of thy confederates, too, be no less great

In hell than here,  that when we would  repeat

Our strengths in muster, we may name you all,

 And furies upon you, for furies, call, 70

Whilst what you do  may strike them into fears,

Or make them grieve and wish your mischief theirs.  [Exit.]

CATILINE

[Coming forward] It is  decreed. Nor shall thy fate, O Rome,

Resist my vow. Though hills were set on hills

And seas met seas to guard thee, I  would through; 75

Ay, plough up rocks, steep as the Alps, in dust

And  lave the Tyrrhene waters into clouds,

But I would reach thy head, thy head, proud city.

 The ills that I have done cannot be safe

But by attempting greater; and I feel 80

A spirit within me chides my sluggish hands

And says they have been innocent too long.

Was I a man bred great as Rome herself?

One formed for all her honours, all her glories,

Equal to all her titles? That could stand 85

 Close up with Atlas, and sustain her name

As strong as he doth heaven? And was I,

Of all her brood, marked out for the  repulse

By her no  voice, when I stood candidate

To be commander in the  Pontic War? 90

I will hereafter call her  stepdame, ever.

If she can  lose her nature, I can lose

My  piety, and in her stony entrails

Dig me a seat where I will live again

The labour of her womb, and be a burden 95

Weightier than all the prodigies and monsters

That she hath  teemed with  since she first knew Mars.

 [Enter] AURELIA.

Who’s there?

AURELIA

’Tis I.

CATILINE

Aurelia?

AURELIA

Yes.

  CATILINE

Appear,

And break like day, my beauty, to this  circle.

Upbraid thy  Phoebus that he is so long 100

In  mounting to that point which should give thee

Thy proper splendour. Wherefore frowns my sweet?

Have I too long been absent from these lips,

This cheek, these eyes?

 He kisseth them.

What is my trespass? Speak.

AURELIA

It seems you know, that can accuse yourself. 105

CATILINE

I will redeem it.

AURELIA

 Still you say so. When?

CATILINE

When  Orestilla, by her bearing well

These my retirements and stol’n times for thought,

Shall give their effects leave to call her queen

Of all the world, in place of humbled Rome. 110

AURELIA

You court me now.

CATILINE

As I would always, love,

By this  ambrosiac kiss, and [Kissing her again. ] this of nectar,

 Wouldst thou but hear as gladly as I speak.

Could my Aurelia think I meant her less

 When, wooing her, I first removed a wife 115

And then a son, to make my bed and house

Spacious and fit t’embrace her? These were deeds

Not t’have begun with but to end with more

And greater.    He that, building, stays at one

Floor, or the second, hath erected none. 120

’Twas how to raise thee I was meditating:

To make some act of mine answer thy love,

That love that, when my state was now quite sunk,

Came with thy wealth and  weighed it up again,

And made  my emergent fortune once more look 125

Above the  main, which now shall  hit the stars

And stick my Orestilla there, amongst ’em,

If any tempest can but make the billow,

And any billow can but lift her greatness.

But I must pray my love she will  put on 130

Like habits with myself. I have to do

With many men and many natures.  Some

That must be  blown and soothed, as Lentulus,

Whom I have  heaved with  magnifying his blood

And a vain dream, out of  the Sibyl’s books, 135

That  a third man of that great family

Whereof he is descended, the Cornelii,

Should be a king in Rome – which I have hired

The flattering augurs to interpret him,

Cinna and Sulla dead. Then, bold Cethegus, 140

Whose valour I have turned into his poison

And praised so into daring as he would

 Go on upon the gods, kiss lightning, wrest

 The engine from the Cyclops, and  give fire

 At face of a  full cloud, and  stand his ire 145

When I would bid him move. Others there are

Whom  envy to the state  draws and puts on

For  contumelies received; and such are sure ones,

 As Curius and the forenamed Lentulus,

Both which have been degraded in the Senate, 150

And must have their disgraces still  new-rubbed

To make ’em smart, and labour of revenge.

Others, whom mere ambition fires, and  dole

Of provinces abroad which they have    feigned

To their  crude hopes, and I as amply promised; 155

These: Laeca, Vargunteius,  Bestia, Autronius.

Some whom their wants oppress, as th’  idle captains

Of Sulla’s troops; and divers Roman knights,

 The profuse wasters of their patrimonies,

So threatened with  their debts as they will now 160

 Run any desperate fortune for a change.

These for a time we must   relieve, Aurelia,

And make our house  their    safeguard;  like, for those

That fear the law, or stand within her  gripe,

For any act past or to come. Such will 165

  From their own crimes be factious, as from ours.

Some more there be, slight  airlings, will be won

 With dogs, and horses, or perhaps a whore –

Which must be had. And if they  venture lives

For us, Aurelia, we must hazard honours 170

A little. Get thee  store and change of  women,

As I have boys; and give ’em time and place

And  all connivance. Be thyself, too,  courtly,

And entertain, and feast,  sit up, and revel;

Call all the great, the fair, and spirited dames 175

Of Rome about thee, and begin a fashion

Of  freedom and community. Some will thank thee,

Though the sour Senate frown, whose  heads must ache

In fear and  feeling too. We must not  spare

 Or cost or modesty. It can but show 180

Like one of Juno’s or of Jove’s disguises

In either thee or me; and will as soon,

When things succeed, be thrown by or let fall

As is a veil put off, a  visor changed,

Or  the scene shifted in our  theatres – 185

( A noise without.)

Who’s that? It is the voice of Lentulus.

AURELIA

Or of Cethegus.

CATILINE

In, my fair Aurelia,

And think upon these  arts. They must not see

How far you are trusted with these  privacies,

Though  on their shoulders, necks, and heads you rise. 190

    [Exit Aurelia.]

 [Enter] LENTULUS [and] CETHEGUS.

LENTULUS

It is, methinks, a morning full of fate!

It riseth slowly,  as her    sullen  car

Had all the weights of sleep and death hung at it.

She is not  rosy-fingered, but swoll’n black.

Her face is like a water turned to blood, 195

And her sick head is bound about with clouds,

 As if she threatened night ere noon of day.

It does not look as it would have a    ‘hail’

Or ‘health’ wished in it, as on other morns.

CETHEGUS

Why, all the fitter, Lentulus: our coming 200

Is not for salutation; we have business.

CATILINE

Said nobly, brave Cethegus. Where’s Autronius?

CETHEGUS

Is he not come?

CATILINE

Not here.

CETHEGUS

Nor Vargunteius?

CATILINE

Neither.

CETHEGUS

 A fire in their beds and bosoms,

That so will serve their sloth rather than  virtue! 205

They are no Romans, and at such high need

As now.

LENTULUS

Both they, Longinus, Laeca, Curius,

Fulvius, Gabinius, gave me word last night,

By Lucius Bestia, they would all be here,

And early.

CETHEGUS

 Yes?  As you, had I not called you. 210

Come, we  all sleep and are mere  dormice, flies

A little less than dead; more dullness hangs

On us than on the morn.  We’re spirit-bound

In  ribs of ice; our whole bloods are one stone;

And honour cannot thaw us, nor our wants, 215

Though they burn hot as fevers  to our states.

CATILINE

I  muse they would be tardy, at an hour

Of so great purpose.

CETHEGUS

If the gods had called

Them to a purpose, they would just have come

With the same tortoise speed, that are thus slow 220

To such an action, which the gods will envy,

As asking no less means than all  their powers

Conjoined t’effect. I would have seen Rome burnt

By this time, and her ashes in an urn,

The kingdom of the Senate rent asunder, 225

And the  degenerate talking gown run frighted

Out of the air of Italy.

CATILINE

Spirit of men!

Thou heart of our great enterprise! How much

I love these  voices in thee!

CETHEGUS

 Oh, the days

Of  Sulla’s sway, when the free sword took leave 230

To act all that it would!

CATILINE

And was  familiar

With entrails as our augurs!

CETHEGUS

Sons killed fathers,

Brothers their brothers.

CATILINE

And had  price and praise.

All hate had licence given it,  all rage  reins.

CETHEGUS

Slaughter bestrid the streets, and stretched himself 235

To seem more huge, whilst to his stainèd thighs

The gore he drew flowed up, and carried down

Whole heaps of limbs and bodies through  his arch.

No age was spared, no sex.

CATILINE

Nay, no  degree.

CETHEGUS

Not infants in the  porch of life were free. 240

The sick, the old, that could but hope a day

Longer  by nature’s bounty, not let stay.

Virgins and widows, matrons, pregnant wives,

All died.

CATILINE

’Twas crime enough that  they had lives.

To strike but only those that could do hurt 245

Was dull, and poor.  Some fell to make the number,

As some the prey.

CETHEGUS

 The rugged Charon fainted,

And asked a navy, rather than a boat,

To ferry over the  sad world that came.

 The maws and dens of beasts could not receive 250

The bodies that those souls were frighted from;

And e’en the graves were filled with men yet living,

Whose flight and fear had mixed them with the dead.

CATILINE

And this shall be again, and more, and more,

Now  Lentulus, the third Cornelius, 255

Is to  stand up in Rome.

LENTULUS

Nay, urge not  that

Is so uncertain.

CATILINE

How?

LENTULUS

I mean,  not cleared.

And therefore not to be reflected on.

CATILINE

The Sibyl’s  leaves uncertain? Or the comments

Of our grave, deep, divining men not clear? 260

LENTULUS

All prophecies, you know,  suffer the torture.

CATILINE

But this already hath confessed  without,

And so been weighed, examined, and  compared

As ’twere malicious ignorance in him

Would  faint in the belief.

LENTULUS

Do you believe it? 265

CATILINE

Do I love Lentulus? Or pray to see it?

LENTULUS

The augurs all are constant I am meant.

CATILINE

They had  lost their science else.

LENTULUS

 They count from Cinna.

CATILINE

And Sulla next, and so make you the third;

All that can say the sun is ris’n must think it. 270

LENTULUS

Men mark me more of late, as I come forth.

CATILINE

Why, what can they do less? Cinna and Sulla

Are  set, and gone; and we must turn our eyes

On him that is, and shines. Noble Cethegus,

But view him with me, here! He looks already 275

As if he shook a sceptre o’er the Senate,

And the awed  purple dropped their rods and axes!

The  statues melt again; and  household gods

In groans confess the travail of the city;

The very walls sweat blood before the change; 280

And stones start out to  ruin, ere it comes.

CETHEGUS

But he, and we, and all are idle still.

LENTULUS

I am your  creature,  Sergius; and whate’er

The great Cornelian name shall  win to be,

It is not augury, nor the Sibyl’s books, 285

But Catiline that makes it.

CATILINE

I am  shadow

To honoured Lentulus and Cethegus here,

Who are the heirs of Mars.

CETHEGUS

By Mars himself,

Catiline is more my parent, for whose virtue

Earth cannot make a shadow great enough, 290

Though envy should come too.

[ Others are heard approaching.]

Oh, there  they are.

Now we shall talk more, though we yet do nothing.

[Enter]  to them AUTRONIUS, VARGUNTEIUS, LONGINUS, CURIUS, LAECA, BESTIA, FULVIUS, GABINIUS,  [and Servants].

AUTRONIUS

Hail, Lucius Catiline.

VARGUNTEIUS

Hail, noble Sergius.

LONGINUS

Hail,  Publius Lentulus.

CURIUS

Hail, the third  Cornelius.

LAECA

Caius Cethegus, hail.

CETHEGUS

Hail, sloth and words, 295

Instead of men and spirits.

CATILINE

Nay, dear Caius –

CETHEGUS

Are your eyes yet  unseeled? Dare they look day

In the dull face?

CATILINE

He’s zealous for  the affair;

And blames your tardy coming, gentlemen.

CETHEGUS

Unless we had sold ourselves to sleep and ease, 300

And would be our slaves’ slaves –

CATILINE

Pray you forbear.

CETHEGUS

The north is not so stark and cold –

CATILINE

Cethegus –

BESTIA

We shall redeem all, if your fire will let us.

CATILINE

You are too full of lightning, noble Caius.

 [To a Servant] Boy, see all doors be shut, that none approach us 305

On this part of the house.  [To another] Go you, and bid

The priest he kill the slave I  marked last night,

And bring me of his blood, when I shall call him.

Till then, wait all without.  [Exeunt Servants.]

VARGUNTEIUS

How is’t, Autronius?

AUTRONIUS

Longinus?

LONGINUS

Curius?

CURIUS

Laeca?

VARGUNTEIUS

Feel you nothing? 310

LONGINUS

A strange unwonted horror doth invade me;

I know not what it is.

   A darkness comes over the place.

LAECA

The day goes back,

Or else my senses.

CURIUS

As at  Atreus’ feast!

FULVIUS

Darkness grows more and more!

LENTULUS

The  vestal flame,

I think, be out.

 A groan of many people is heard under ground.

GABINIUS

What groan was that?

CETHEGUS

 Our fant’sies. 315

Strike fire out of ourselves and force a day.

  Another   [groan].

AUTRONIUS

Again it sounds!

BESTIA

 As all the city gave it!

CETHEGUS

We fear what ourselves   feign.

  A fiery light appears.

VARGUNTEIUS

What light is this?

CURIUS

Look  forth!

LENTULUS

It still grows greater.

LAECA

From whence comes it?

LONGINUS

A bloody arm it is, that holds a  pine 320

Lighted above the Capitol. And now

It waves unto us!

CATILINE

Brave and ominous!

Our enterprise is  sealed.

CETHEGUS

In spite of darkness

That would  discountenance it. Look no more;

We lose time, and ourselves. To what we came for 325

Speak, Lucius! We attend you.

CATILINE

  Noblest Romans,

If you were less, or that your faith and virtue

Did not  hold good that title with your blood,

I should not now unprofitably spend

Myself in words or  catch at empty hopes, 330

 By airy ways, for solid certainties.

But since in many, and the greatest, dangers

I still have known you no less true than valiant,

And that I  taste in you the same  affections

To  will or nill, to think things good or bad, 335

Alike with me – which  argues your firm friendship –

I dare the boldlier with you  set on foot,

Or lead, unto this great and goodliest action.

What I have thought of it afore,  you all

Have heard apart. I then expressed my zeal 340

Unto the glory. Now the need inflames me,

When I  forethink the hard conditions

Our states must undergo,  except in time

We do redeem ourselves to liberty

And break the iron yoke forged for our necks. 345

For, what less can we call it, when we see

The commonwealth  engrossed so by a few,

The giants of the state, that do by turns

Enjoy her and defile her? All the earth,

 Her kings and tetrarchs, are their tributaries; 350

People and nations pay them  hourly stipends;

The riches of the world flows to their coffers,

And not to Rome’s. While, but those few, the rest,

However great we are, honest and valiant,

Are herded with  the vulgar, and so kept 355

As we were only  bred to consume corn,

Or wear out wool, to drink the city’s water,

 Ungraced, without authority or  mark,

Trembling beneath their  rods, to whom, if all

Were well in Rome, we should come forth bright axes. 360

All  places, honours, offices are theirs,

Or where they will confer ’em! They leave us

The  dangers, the repulses, judgements, wants,

 Which how long will you bear, most valiant spirits?

Were we not better to fall, once, with  virtue 365

Than draw a wretched and dishonoured breath,

To  lose with shame, when these men’s pride will laugh?

I  call the faith of gods and men to question:

The power is in our hands, our bodies able,

Our minds as strong; o’th’contrary in them 370

All things  grown agèd, with their wealth and years.

There wants but only to begin the business;

The  issue is certain.

CETHEGUS LONGINUS

On, let us go on.

CURIUS BESTIA

Go on, brave Sergius.

CATILINE

It doth strike my soul –

And who can  scape the stroke, that hath a soul 375

Or but the smallest  air of man within him? –

To see them swell with treasure, which they pour

Out i’their riots, eating, drinking, building,

Ay, i’the sea, planing of hills with valleys

And raising valleys above hills, whilst we 380

Have not to give our bodies necessaries.

They ha’ their  change of houses, manors, lordships,

We scarce a fire or poor household  Lar!

They buy rare  Attic statues, Tyrian hangings,

Ephesian pictures, and Corinthian plate, 385

Attalic garments, and now  new-found gems,

Since Pompey went for Asia; which they purchase

At price of provinces. The river  Phasis

Cannot afford ’em fowl, nor Lucrine lake

Oysters  enough; Circei, too, is searched 390

To please the witty gluttony of a meal!

Their ancient habitations they neglect

And set up new; then,  if the echo like not

In such a room, they pluck down those, build newer,

Alter them too; and by all frantic ways 395

 Vex their wild wealth, as they molest the people

From whom they force it. Yet, they cannot tame

Or  overcome their riches: not by making

Baths, orchards, fish-pools, letting in of seas

Here, and then there forcing ’em out again 400

With mountainous heaps, for which the earth hath lost

Most of her  ribs as entrails, being now

Wounded no less for marble than for gold.

We all this while, like calm, benumbed spectators,

Sit till our  seats do crack, and do not hear 405

 The thund’ring ruins, whilst at home our wants,

Abroad our debts, do  urge us, our states daily

Bending to bad, our hopes to worse; and what

Is left but to be crushed?  Wake, wake, brave friends,

And meet the liberty you oft have wished for! 410

Behold: renown, riches, and glory court you.

Fortune holds out these to you as rewards.

Methinks, though I were dumb, th’affair itself,

The opportunity, your needs, and dangers,

With the  brave spoil the war brings, should invite you. 415

 Use me your general or soldier: neither

My mind nor body shall be  wanting to you.

And, being consul, I not doubt t’effect

All that you wish,  if trust not flatter me,

And  you’d not rather still be slaves than free. 420

CETHEGUS

Free, free!

LONGINUS

’Tis freedom!

CURIUS

Freedom we all stand for!

CATILINE

Why, these are noble voices! Nothing  wants, then,

But that we take a solemn  sacrament

To strengthen our design.

CETHEGUS

And so to act it.

  Deferring hurts, where powers are  so prepared. 425

AUTRONIUS

Yet,  ere we enter into open act –

With  favour – ’twere no loss, if’t might be enquired

What the condition of these arms would be?

VARGUNTEIUS

Ay, and the means to carry us through?

CATILINE

How, friends!

Think you that I would bid you grasp the wind? 430

Or call you to  th’embracing of a cloud?

 Put your known  valures on so dear a business

And have no other  second than the danger,

Nor other   garland than the loss? Become

Your own  assurances. And, for the means, 435

Consider, first, the  stark security

The commonwealth is in now; the whole Senate

Sleepy and dreaming no such violent  blow;

Their forces all abroad, of which the greatest,

That might annoy us most, is farthest off, 440

In Asia under Pompey, those  nearhand

Commanded by our friends: one  army in Spain,

By   Gnaeus Piso, th’other in Mauritania,

By  Nucerinus, both which I have firm

And fast unto our plot. Myself, then, standing 445

 Now to be consul, with my  hoped colleague

 Caius Antonius, one no less  engaged

 By his wants than we, and whom  I have power to melt

And cast in any mould. Beside,  some others

That will not yet be named, both sure and great ones, 450

Who, when the time comes, shall declare themselves

Strong for our party; so that no resistance

 In nature can be thought. For our reward, then:

First, all our debts are paid; dangers of law,

Actions, decrees, judgements against us quitted; 455

The rich men,  as in Sulla’s times, proscribed,

And  publication made of all their goods.

That house is yours; that land is his; those waters,

Orchards, and walks a third’s;  he has that honour,

And he that office. Such a province falls 460

To Vargunteius, this  to Autronius, that

To bold Cethegus, Rome to Lentulus.

You share the world, her magistracies, priesthoods,

Wealth, and felicity amongst you, friends,

 And Catiline your servant. Would you, Curius, 465

Revenge the contumely stuck upon you

In being removèd from the Senate? Now,

Now is your time. Would Publius Lentulus

Strike for the like disgrace? Now is his time.

Would  stout Longinus walk the streets of Rome, 470

 Facing the  Praetor? Now has he a time

To spurn, and tread the  fasces into dirt

Made of the usurers’ and the  lictors’ brains.

Is there a beauty here in Rome you love?

An enemy you would kill? What head’s not  yours? 475

Whose wife, which  boy, whose daughter, of what  race,

That th’husband or glad parents shall not bring you,

And boasting of the office? Only spare

Yourselves, and you have all the earth beside,

A field to exercise your longings in. 480

I see you  raised and read your  forward minds

 High  in your faces. [He calls to Servants. ] Bring the wine and blood

You have prepared there.

[  Enter SERVANTS and PAGES with wine and bowls.]

LONGINUS

How?

CATILINE

   I’ve killed a slave,

And of his blood caused to be mixed with wine.

 Fill every man his bowl. There cannot be 485

A fitter drink to make this  sanction in.

Here I begin the  sacrament to all.

 O for a clap of thunder now, as loud

As to be heard throughout the universe,

To tell the world the fact and to applaud it. 490

Be firm, my hand, not shed a drop, but pour

Fierceness into me with it, and  fell thirst

Of more and more, till Rome be left as bloodless

As ever her fears made her, or the sword.

And, when I leave to wish this to thee,  stepdame, 495

Or stop to effect it, with my powers fainting,

So may my blood be drawn, and so drunk up

As is this slave’s.

LONGINUS

And so be mine.

LENTULUS

And mine.

AUTRONIUS

And mine.

VARGUNTEIUS

And mine.

 They drink.

CETHEGUS

   Swell me my bowl yet fuller.

Here I do drink  this as I would do Cato’s, 500

Or  the new fellow Cicero’s, with that vow

Which Catiline hath given.

CURIUS

So do I.

LAECA

And I.

BESTIA

And I.

FULVIUS

And I.

GABINIUS

And all of us.

[They drink again.]

CATILINE

Why, now’s the business safe and each man  strengthened.

    He spies one of his boys not answer.

 Sirrah,  what ail you?

PAGE

Nothing.

BESTIA

Somewhat modest. 505

[The Page kneels before Catiline.]

CATILINE

Slave, I will strike your soul out with my foot,

Let me but find you again with such a face,

You whelp –

BESTIA

Nay, Lucius.

CATILINE

[To the Page ] Are you coying it,

When I command you to be  free and general To all?

BESTIA

[Aside to Catiline ] You’ll be observed.

CATILINE

[To the Page] Arise, and show 510

By any least aversion i’your look

To him that    bourds you next, and your throat  opens.

[To the conspirators] Noble confederates, thus far is perfect.

Only your  suffrages I will expect

At the assembly for the choosing consuls, 515

And all the  voices you can make by friends

To my election. Then let me work out

Your fortunes and mine own. Meanwhile, all rest

Sealed up and silent,  as when rigid frosts

Have bound up brooks and rivers, forced wild beasts 520

Unto their caves, and birds into the woods,

 Clowns to their houses, and the country sleeps;

That, when the sudden thaw comes, we may break

Upon them like a deluge, bearing down

Half Rome before us, and invade the rest 525

With cries and noise able to  wake the urns

Of those are dead, and make their ashes fear.

 The horrors that do strike the world should come

Loud and unlooked for. Till they strike, be dumb.

CETHEGUS

 Oraculous Sergius!

LENTULUS

God-like Catiline! 530 [Exeunt all.]

CHORUS

CHORUS

  Can nothing great and at the height

Remain so long, but its own weight

Will ruin it? Or is’t blind  Chance

That still desires new states t’advance

And quit the old? Else, why must Rome 535

Be by itself now overcome?

Has she not foes enough of those

Whom she hath made such, and  enclose

Her round about? Or are they none,

 Except she first become  her own? 540

O wretchedness of greatest states,

To be  obnoxious to these fates,

That cannot keep what they do gain,

 And what they raise so ill sustain.

Rome now is mistress of the whole 545

World, sea, and land, to either pole;

And even that fortune will destroy

The power that made it. She doth joy

So much in plenty, wealth, and ease,

As now th’excess is her disease. 550

 She builds in gold, and to the stars,

As if she threatened heav’n with wars,

And seeks for hell in quarries deep,

Giving the fiends that there do keep,

A hope of day. Her women wear 555

The spoils of nations, in an ear,

 Changed for  the treasure of a shell,

And in their  loose attires do swell

More light than sails, when all winds play.

Yet are the men more  loose than they, 560

More  kempt, and bathed, and rubbed, and trimmed,

More sleeked, more soft, and slacker limbed,

As prostitute: so much that  kind

May seek itself there and not find.

They eat on beds of silk and gold, 565

At  ivory tables or wood sold

Dearer than it, and,  leaving plate,

Do drink in stone of higher rate.

They hunt all grounds and  draw all seas,

Fowl every brook and bush, to please 570

Their wanton tastes, and  in request

Have new and rare things, not the best.

Hence comes that wild and vast expense

That hath  enforced Rome’s virtue thence,

Which simple poverty first made. 575

And now ambition doth invade

Her state with  eating avarice,

 Riot, and every other vice.

 Decrees are bought, and laws are sold,

Honours, and offices for gold; 580

The people’s voices, and the free

Tongues in the Senate, bribèd be.

Such ruin of her  manners Rome

Doth suffer now  as she’s become,

 Without the gods it soon  gainsay, 585

Both her own  spoiler and own prey.

  So,  Asia, art thou cru’lly even

With us for all the blows thee given,

When we, whose virtue conquered thee,

Thus by thy vices ruined be. 590

2.1       [Enter] FULVIA, GALLA, [and] SERVANT.

FULVIA

   Those rooms do smell extremely. Bring my  glass

And table hither, Galla.

GALLA

Madam.

[Galla brings forward a table and mirror.]

FULVIA

Look

Within, i’my blue cabinet, for the pearl

 I had sent me last, and bring it.

GALLA

That from  Clodius?

FULVIA

From Caius Caesar.  You’re for Clodius still. 5

Or Curius.  [Exit Galla.]

[To Servant]   Sirrah, if Quintus Curius come,

I am not in fit mood; I  keep my chamber.

Give  warning so, without. [Exit Servant.]

 [Enter GALLA, with the pearl.]

GALLA

Is this it, madam?

FULVIA

Yes, help to hang it in mine ear.

GALLA

Believe me,

It is a rich one, madam.

FULVIA

I hope so. 10

It should not be worn there else.  Make an end,

And bind my hair up.

GALLA

As ’twas yesterday?

FULVIA

No, nor the t’other day. When knew you me

Appear two days together in one  dressing?

GALLA

Will you ha’t i’the  globe or spire?

FULVIA

How thou wilt. 15

Any way, so thou wilt do it,  good impertinence.

Thy company, if I slept not very well

A-nights, would make me an errant fool, with questions.

GALLA

Alas, madam –

FULVIA

Nay, gentle  half o’the dialogue, cease.

GALLA

I do it, indeed, but for your exercise, 20

As your physician bids me.

FULVIA

How? Does he bid you

To anger me for exercise?

GALLA

Not to anger you,

But stir your blood a little. There’s difference

Between lukewarm and boiling, madam.

FULVIA

Jove!

She means to cook me, I think! Pray you, ha’ done. 25

GALLA

I mean to  dress you, madam.

[Galla proceeds to do Fulvia’s hair.]

FULVIA

O my Juno,

Be friend to me! Off’ring at wit, too? Why, Galla,

Where hast thou been?

GALLA

Why, madam?

FULVIA

What hast thou done

With thy poor innocent self?

GALLA

Wherefore, sweet madam?

FULVIA

Thus to come forth, so suddenly, a  wit-worm? 30

GALLA

It pleases you to  flout one. I did dream

Of lady Sempronia –

FULVIA

Oh, the wonder is out.

That did infect thee? Well, and how?

GALLA

Methought

She did discourse the best –

FULVIA

That ever thou heard’st?

GALLA

Yes.

FULVIA

I’thy sleep? Of what was her discourse? 35

GALLA

O’the Republic, madam, and the state,

And how she was in debt, and where she meant

To raise fresh sums. She’s a great  stateswoman.

FULVIA

Thou  dream’st all this?

GALLA

No, but you know  she is, madam,

 And both a mistress of the Latin tongue 40

And of the Greek.

FULVIA

Ay, but I never dreamt it, Galla,

As thou hast done, and therefore you must pardon me.

GALLA

Indeed, you mock me, madam.

FULVIA

Indeed, no.

Forth with your learnèd lady: she has a wit, too?

GALLA

A  very masculine one.

FULVIA

A she-critic, Galla? 45

And can compose in verse, and make quick jests,

Modest or otherwise?

GALLA

Yes, madam.

FULVIA

She can sing, too?

And play on instruments?

GALLA

Of all kinds, they say.

FULVIA

And doth dance rarely?

GALLA

Excellent. So well

 As a bald senator made a jest and said 50

’Twas better than an  honest woman need.

FULVIA

Tut, she may bear that.  Few wise women’s honesties

Will do their courtship hurt.

GALLA

She’s  liberal, too, madam.

FULVIA

  What: of her money or her honour, pray thee?

GALLA

Of both; you know not which she doth spare least. 55

FULVIA

A comely commendation.

GALLA

Troth, ’tis pity

She is  in years.

FULVIA

Why, Galla?

GALLA

 For it is.

FULVIA

Oh, is that all? I thought  thou hadst had a reason.

GALLA

Why, so I have. She has been a fine lady,

And yet she dresses herself – except you, madam – 60

One o’the best in Rome, and  paints, and hides

Her  decays very well.

FULVIA

They say it is

Rather a  visor than a face she wears.

GALLA

They  wrong her verily, madam: she does sleek

With  crumbs of bread and milk, and lies a’nights 65

In as neat gloves – but  she is fain of late

To  seek more than she is sought to ( the fame is)

And so spends that way.

FULVIA

Thou know’st all. But, Galla,

 What say you to Catiline’s lady,  Orestilla?

There is  the gallant!

GALLA

 She does well. She has 70

Very good suits, and very rich; but then

She cannot put ’em on. She knows not how

To wear a garment. You shall have her  all

Jewels and gold sometimes, so that her self

Appears the least part of  herself.  No, in troth, 75

As I live, madam, you  put ’em all down

With your  mere strength of  judgement, and do draw, too,

The world of Rome to follow you. You attire

Yourself so diversely, and with that spirit,

 Still to the noblest humours!  They could make 80

Love to your dress, although your face were away, they say.

FULVIA

And body, too, and  ha’ the better match on’t?

Say they not so, too, Galla?

 [Enter SERVANT.]

Now, what news

 Travails your count’nance with?

SERVANT

If’t please you, madam,

The lady Sempronia  is lighted at the gate – 85

GALLA

 Castor, my dream, my dream!

SERVANT

– and comes to see you.

GALLA

For Venus’ sake, good madam, see her.  [Exit Servant.]

FULVIA

 Peace!

The fool is  wild, I think.

GALLA

And hear her talk,

Sweet madam, of state matters and the Senate.

 [Enter SEMPRONIA.]

SEMPRONIA

Fulvia, good  wench, how dost thou?

FULVIA

Well, Sempronia. 90

Whither are you thus early  addressed?

SEMPRONIA

To see

Aurelia Orestilla. She sent for me.

I came to call thee with me; wilt thou go?

FULVIA

I cannot now, in troth; I have some letters

To write and send away.

SEMPRONIA

Alas, I pity thee.

I ha’ been writing all this night – and am

So very weary – unto all the  tribes

And  centuries for their  voices, to help Catiline

In his election. We shall make him consul,

I hope, amongst us. Crassus,  I, and Caesar 100

Will  carry it for him.

FULVIA

Does he stand for’t?

SEMPRONIA

He’s the chief candidate.

FULVIA

Who stands beside?

[To Galla]   Give me some wine, and  powder for my teeth.

SEMPRONIA

Here’s a good pearl, in troth.

FULVIA

A pretty one.

SEMPRONIA

A very  orient one. There are  competitors: 105

 Caius Antonius, Publius Galba, Lucius

Cassius Longinus, Quintus Cornificius,

Caius Licinius, and  that talker Cicero.

But Catiline and Antonius will be chosen.

For four  o’the other, Licinius, Longinus, 110

Galba, and Cornificius, will give way,

And Cicero they will not choose.

FULVIA

No? Why?

SEMPRONIA

It will be  crossed by the nobility.

GALLA

(Aside)  How she does understand  the common business!

SEMPRONIA

Nor were it fit. He is but a  new fellow, 115

An  inmate here in Rome,  as Catiline calls him;

And the Patricians should do very ill

To let the consulship be so defiled

 As’t would be, if he obtained it. A mere upstart

That has no pedigree,  no house, no coat, 120

No ensigns of a family!

FULVIA

 He has virtue.

SEMPRONIA

Hang  virtue! Where there is no  blood, ’tis vice,

And in him sauciness. Why should he presume

To be more learnèd or more eloquent

Than the nobility? Or boast any quality 125

Worthy a nobleman, himself not noble?

FULVIA

 ’Twas virtue only, at first, made all men noble.

SEMPRONIA

I  yield you it might at first, in Rome’s poor age,

 When both her kings and consuls held the plough,

Or gardened well. But now we ha’ no need 130

To dig or  lose our sweat for’t. We have wealth,

Fortune, and ease, and  then their stock to spend on

Of name for virtue, which will bear us out

’Gainst all  newcomers – and can never fail us,

While the  succession stays. And we must glorify 135

A  mushroom, one  of yesterday, a fine speaker,

’Cause he has  sucked at Athens? And advance him

To our own loss? No, Fulvia. There are they

Can speak Greek, too, if need were. Caesar and I

Have  sat upon him; so hath Crassus, too, 140

And others. We have all  decreed his rest

For rising farther.

GALLA

Excellent rare lady!

FULVIA

Sempronia, you are beholden to my woman here.

She does admire you.

SEMPRONIA

O good Galla, how dost thou?

GALLA

The better for your learnèd ladyship. 145

SEMPRONIA

Is this grey powder a good  dentifrice?

FULVIA

You see I use it.

SEMPRONIA

I have one is whiter.

FULVIA

It may be so.

SEMPRONIA

Yet this smells well.

GALLA

And cleanses

Very well, madam, and  resists the crudities.

SEMPRONIA

Fulvia, I pray thee, who comes to thee now? 150

Which of our great patricians?

FULVIA

Faith, I keep

No catalogue of ’em. Sometimes I have one,

Sometimes another, as the  toy  takes their bloods.

SEMPRONIA

Thou hast them all. Faith, when was Quintus Curius,

Thy special  servant, here?

FULVIA

My special servant? 155

SEMPRONIA

Yes, thy idolater, I call him.

FULVIA

He may be yours,

If you do like him.

SEMPRONIA

How?

FULVIA

He comes not here;

I have forbid him hence.

SEMPRONIA

Venus forbid!

FULVIA

Why?

SEMPRONIA

Your so constant lover.

FULVIA

So much the rather.

I would have  change. So would you, too, I am sure. 160

And now you may have him.

SEMPRONIA

He’s  fresh yet, Fulvia:

Beware how you do tempt me.

FULVIA

Faith, for me

 He is somewhat  too fresh, indeed. The  salt is gone

That gave him season. His good gifts are done.

He does not yield the crop that he was wont. 165

And, for  the act, I can have  secret fellows

With  backs worth ten of him,  and shall please me,

 Now that the land is fled, a myriad better.

SEMPRONIA

And  those one may command.

FULVIA

’Tis true. These  lordings,

Your  noble fauns, they are so imperious, saucy, 170

Rude, and as  boist’rous as  centaurs,  leaping

A lady at first sight.

SEMPRONIA

And must be  borne

Both with and out, they think.

FULVIA

Tut, I’ll  observe

None of ’em all, nor humour ’em  a jot

Longer than they come laden in the hand 175

And say: here’s t’one for th’tother.

SEMPRONIA

Does Caesar give well?

FULVIA

They shall all give and pay well that come here,

If they will have   it – and that jewels, pearl,

Plate, or  round sums to buy these.  I am not taken

With a  cob-swan, or a  high-mounting bull, 180

As foolish Leda and Europa were,

But the bright gold, with Danae. For such price,

I would endure a rough, harsh Jupiter,

Or ten such  thund’ring  gamesters, and refrain

To laugh at ’em till they are gone,  with my much suff’ring. 185

SEMPRONIA

Th’art a most happy wench, that thus canst make

Use of thy youth and freshness  in the season,

And hast it to make use of.

FULVIA

(Aside)  Which is the happiness.

SEMPRONIA

I  am now fain to give to them, and keep

Music and a continual table to invite  ’em – 190

FULVIA

(Aside)   Yes, and they study your kitchen more than you.

SEMPRONIA

  eat myself out with usury, and my lord, too,

And all my  officers and friends beside,

To procure moneys for the  needful charge

I must be at, to have ’em; and yet, scarce 195

Can I  achieve ’em so.

FULVIA

Why, that’s because

You  affect young faces only, and smooth chins,

Sempronia. If you’d love beards and bristles,

One with another, as others do, or wrinkles –

 [Knocking within.]

Who’s that? Look, Galla.

GALLA

[Goes to look] ’Tis the  party, madam. 200

FULVIA

What party? Has he no name?

GALLA

’Tis Quintus Curius.

FULVIA

Did I not bid ’em say I  kept my chamber?

GALLA

Why, so they do.

SEMPRONIA

I’ll leave you, Fulvia.

FULVIA

Nay, good Sempronia, stay.

SEMPRONIA

In faith, I will not.

FULVIA

By Juno, I would not see him.

SEMPRONIA

I’ll not hinder you. 205

GALLA

You know he will not be kept out, madam.

SEMPRONIA

No,

Nor shall not, careful Galla,  by my means.

FULVIA

As I do live, Sempronia –

SEMPRONIA

What needs this?

FULVIA

[To Galla] Go, say I am asleep, and ill at ease.

SEMPRONIA

By  Castor, no; I’ll tell him you are awake, 210

And very well. Stay, Galla. Farewell, Fulvia;

I know my manners.  Why do you labour thus

With action against purpose? [Calls out] Quintus Curius,

She is, i’faith, here, and  in disposition.  [Exit.]

FULVIA

Spite with your courtesy! How shall I be tortured! 215

[ Enter] CURIUS.

CURIUS

Where are you, fair one, that conceal yourself,

And keep your beauty within locks and bars here,

Like a fool’s treasure?

FULVIA

True, she was a fool,

When first she showed it to a thief.

CURIUS

How, pretty  sullenness?

So harsh, and short?

FULVIA

The fool’s  artillery, sir. 220

CURIUS

Then take my  gown off, for th’ encounter.

 [He begins to take his gown off.]

FULVIA

Stay, sir,

I am not in the mood.

CURIUS

I’ll put you into’t.

FULVIA

Best put yourself i’your  case again, and keep

Your  furious appetite warm,  against you have place for’t.

CURIUS

What! Do you  coy it?

FULVIA

No, sir.  I am not  proud. 225

CURIUS

I would you were. You think this state becomes you?

By Hercules, it does not. [He shows her the mirror.]

 Look i’your glass now,

And see how  scurvily that countenance shows;

You would be loath to own it.

FULVIA

I shall not change it.

CURIUS

Faith, but you must, and  slack this bended brow, 230

And  shoot less scorn. There is a Fortune coming

Towards you, dainty, that will take thee thus,

[Trying to embrace her]

And set thee aloft, to tread upon the head

Of  her own statue here in Rome.

FULVIA

I wonder

Who let this promiser in! [To Galla] Did you, good diligence? 235

Give him his bribe again. Or if you had none,

Pray you demand him why he is so  vent’rous

To press thus to my chamber, being forbidden

Both by myself and servants?

CURIUS

How! This’s handsome!

And somewhat a new  strain!

FULVIA

’Tis not  strained, sir. 240

’Tis very natural.

CURIUS

I have known it otherwise

Between the parties, though.

FULVIA

For your  foreknowledge,

Thank that which made it. It will not be so

Hereafter, I assure you.

CURIUS

No, my mistress?

FULVIA

No, though you bring the same  materials.

CURIUS

Hear me, 245

You overact when you should underdo.

A little  call yourself again, and think.

If you do this to  practise on  me, or find

At what forced distance you can hold your  servant,

  That it be an artificial trick, to inflame 250

And fire me more, fearing my love may need it –

As heretofore you ha’ done – why, proceed.

FULVIA

As  I ha’ done heretofore?

CURIUS

Yes, when you’d feign

Your husband’s jealousy, your servants’  watches,

Speak softly, and run often to the door 255

Or to the window, form strange fears that were not;

As if the pleasure were less acceptable

That were  secure.

FULVIA

You are an impudent fellow.

CURIUS

And, when you might better have done it at the gate,

To take me in at the casement.

FULVIA

I take you in? 260

CURIUS

Yes, you, my lady. And then, being abed with you,

To have your well-taught  waiter here [Pointing to Galla] come running

And  cry her lord! and hide me without cause,

Crushed in a chest, or thrust up in a chimney.

When he, tame crow, was  winking at his farm; 265

Or, had he been here and present, would have kept

Both eyes and beak   sealed up for six  sesterces.

FULVIA

You have a slanderous, beastly, unwashed tongue

I’your rude mouth, and  savouring yourself,

Unmannered lord.

CURIUS

How now!

FULVIA

It is your title, sir, 270

Who,  since you ha’ lost your own good name, and know not

What to  lose more, care not whose honour you wound

Or   fame you poison with it. You should go

And  vent yourself i’the region where you live:

Among the  suburb-brothels, bawds, and  brokers, 275

Whither your broken fortunes have  designed you.

CURIUS

Nay, then I must stop your fury, I see, and pluck

The  tragic visor off. Come,  lady Cypris,

 Know your own virtues, quickly. I’ll not be

Put to the wooing of you thus, afresh 280

At every turn, for all the  Venus in you.

Yield and be pliant, or by  Pollux –

 He  offers to force her [with his dagger,] and she draws her knife.

How now?

Will  Lais turn a  Lucrece?

FULVIA

No, but by  Castor,

Hold off your ravisher’s hands! I pierce your heart else.

I’ll not be put to kill myself, as she did,

For you, sweet Tarquin.

[Curius begins to retreat.]

What? Do you  fall off?

Nay, it becomes you graciously.  Put not up.

You’ll sooner draw your weapon on me, I think it,

 Than on the Senate, who have cast you forth

Disgracefully, to be the  common tale 290

Of the whole city – base,  infamous man!

For, were you other, you would there   employ

Your desperate dagger!

CURIUS

[Putting up his dagger] Fulvia, you do know

The  strengths you have upon me. Do not use

Your power too like a  tyrant; I can  bear 295

Almost until you break me.

FULVIA

I do know, sir;

So does the Senate, too, know you can bear.

CURIUS

By all  the gods, the Senate will smart deep

For your upbraidings. I should be right sorry

To have the means so to be  venged on you – 300

At least the will – as I shall shortly on them.

But, go you on still. Fare you well, dear lady;

You could not still be  fair unless you were proud.

You will repent these moods, and ere’t be long, too.

I shall ha’ you  come about again.

FULVIA

Do you think so? 305

CURIUS

Yes, and I know so.

FULVIA

By what augury?

CURIUS

By the fair  entrails of the matrons’ chests,

Gold, pearl, and jewels here in Rome, which Fulvia

Will then, but late, say that she might have shared,

And, grieving, miss.

FULVIA

Tut, all your  promised mountains 310

And seas, I am  so stalely acquainted with –

CURIUS

But when you see the universal flood

Run by your coffers; that my lords, the senators,

Are sold for slaves, their wives for  bondwomen,

Their houses and fine gardens given away, 315

And all their goods  under the spear at  outcry,

And you have none of this, but are still Fulvia,

Or perhaps less, while you are thinking of it:

You will  advise then, coyness, with your cushion

And  look o’your fingers, say how you were  wished, 320

 And so he left you.  [Exit.]

FULVIA

Call him again, Galla. [Exit Galla. ]

This is not usual;  something hangs on this

That I must win out of him.

  [Enter CURIUS. ]

CURIUS

How now, melt you?

FULVIA

Come, you will laugh now at my  easiness?

But ’tis no miracle:  doves, they say, will bill 325

After their pecking and their murmuring.

CURIUS

Yes,

And then ’tis  kindly. I would have my love

Angry sometimes, to sweeten off the rest

Of her behaviour.

FULVIA

You do see, I study

How I may please you, then. But you think, Curius, 330

’Tis  covetise hath wrought me. If you love me,

Change that unkind  conceit.

CURIUS

By my loved soul,

I love thee like to it; and ’tis  my study,

More than mine own revenge, to make thee happy.

FULVIA

And ’tis that just revenge doth make me happy 335

To hear you  prosecute – and which, indeed,

Hath won me to you, more than all the hope

Of what can else be promised. I love valour

 Better than any lady loves her face

Or dressing – than myself does. Let me  grow 340

Still where I do embrace. But what good means

Ha’ you t’effect it? Shall I know your project?

CURIUS

Thou shalt, if thou’lt be gracious.

FULVIA

As I can be.

CURIUS

And wilt thou kiss me then?

FULVIA

 As close as shells

Of cockles meet.

CURIUS

And print ’em deep?

FULVIA

Quite through 345

Our  subtle lips.

CURIUS

And often?

FULVIA

I will sow ’em,

Faster than you can reap. What is your plot?

CURIUS

Why, now my  Fulvia looks like her bright name,

And is herself!

FULVIA

Nay, answer me: your plot?

I pray thee tell me, Quintus.

CURIUS

Ay, these sounds 350

Become a mistress.

 She kisses and flatters him along still.

Here is harmony!

When you are harsh, I see, the way to bend you

Is not with violence, but  service.  Cruel,

A lady is a fire; gentle, a light.

FULVIA

Will you not tell me what I ask you?

CURIUS

All 355

That I can think, sweet love, or my breast holds,

I’ll pour into thee.

FULVIA

What is your design then?

CURIUS

I’ll tell thee: Catiline shall now be consul.

But you will hear more, shortly.

FULVIA

Nay, dear love –

CURIUS

I’ll speak it in thine arms; let us go in. 360

 Rome will be sacked; her wealth will be our prize.

By public ruin private spirits must rise.  [Exeunt.]

CHORUS

CHORUS

 Great father Mars, and greater Jove,

By whose high  auspice Rome hath stood

So long, and first was built in blood 365

Of your great  nephew, that then  strove

Not with his brother but your rites:

Be present to her now, as then,

And let not proud and factious men

Against your wills oppose their mights. 370

Our consuls now are to be made:

Oh, put it in the public voice

To make a free and worthy choice,

Excluding such as would  invade

The commonwealth. Let whom we name 375

Have wisdom, foresight, fortitude,

Be more with faith than  face endued,

 And study conscience above fame.

Such as not seek to  get the start

In state by power,  parts, or bribes, 380

Ambition’s bawds, but move the tribes

By virtue, modesty, desert.

Such as to justice will adhere,

Whatever great one it offend,

And from  th’embracèd truth not bend 385

For envy, hatred, gifts, or fear.

That by their deeds will make it known

Whose dignity they do sustain,

And life, state, glory, all they gain

Count the Republic’s, not their own. 390

Such the old  Bruti,  Decii were,

The  Cipi,  Curtii, who did give

Themselves for Rome and would not live

As men good only for  a year.

Such were the great  Camilli, too, 395

The  Fabii,  Scipios, that still thought

No work at price enough was bought

That for their country they could do.

And  to her honour so did knit

As all their acts were understood 400

The sinews of the public good,

And they themselves one soul with it.

These men were truly  magistrates;

These neither practised force nor  forms,

Nor did they leave the helm in storms; 405

 And such they are make happy states.

3.1     [Enter] CICERO, CATO, CATULUS, ANTONIUS, CRASSUS, CAESAR,  CHORUS, [and] LICTORS.

CICERO

  Great honours are great burdens; but on whom

 They are cast with  envy, he doth bear two loads.

His cares must still be double to his joys

In any dignity where, if he err,

He finds no pardon and, for doing well, 5

A most small praise, and that wrung out by force.

I speak this, Romans, knowing what the weight

Of the high  charge  you have trusted to me is.

Not that thereby I  would with art  decline

The good or greatness of your benefit, 10

For I ascribe it  to your singular grace

And vow to owe it to no  title else,

Except the gods, that  Cicero is your consul.

 I have no urns, no dusty monuments,

No broken images of ancestors 15

Wanting an ear or nose, no forgèd tables

Of long descents, to boast false honours from

Or be my  undertakers to your trust;

But a new man – as I am styled in Rome –

Whom you have dignified and, more,  in whom 20

You’ve cut a way, and left it ope for  virtue

Hereafter, to that  place which our great men

Held shut up, with all  ramparts, for themselves.

Nor have but few of them in time been made

Your consuls so;  new men, before me, none. 25

 At my first suit,  in my just year, preferred

To all competitors, and some the noblest –

CRASSUS

[Aside to Caesar] Now the  vein swells.

CAESAR

[To Crassus]  Up glory!

CICERO

– and to have

 Your loud consents from your own uttered voices,

Not  silent books, nor from the meaner tribes 30

But, first and last, the universal concourse:

This is my joy, my gladness. But my care,

My industry, and vigilance now must work,

That still your    counsels of me be  approved

Both by yourselves and those to whom you have 35

 With grudge preferred me. Two things I must labour:

That neither they upbraid nor you  repent you.

For every lapse of mine will now be called

Your error, if I make such. But my hope is

So to bear through, and out, the consulship 40

As spite shall  ne’er wound you, though it may me.

And for myself I have prepared this strength

To  do so well as, if there happen ill

Unto me, it shall make the gods to blush,

And be their crime, not mine, that I am  envied. 45

CAESAR

[Aside ] O confidence, more new than is the man!

CICERO

 I know well in what terms I do receive

The commonwealth, how vexèd, how perplexed,

In which there’s not that mischief or ill fate

That good men fear not, wicked men expect not. 50

I know, beside, some turbulent  practices

Already on foot, and rumours of  more dangers –

CRASSUS

[Aside ]   Or you will make them, if there be none.

CICERO

Last,

I know ’twas this which made the  envy and pride

Of the great Roman blood  bate and give way 55

To my election.

CATO

Marcus Tullius, true;

Our need made thee our consul, and thy virtue.

CAESAR

[Aside to Cato ]  Cato, you will undo him with your praise.

CATO

[Aside to Caesar ] Caesar will hurt himself with his own envy.

CHORUS

The voice of Cato is the voice of Rome. 60

CATO

 The voice of Rome is the  consent of heaven!

And that hath placed thee, Cicero, at the helm,

Where thou must render now thyself a man

And master of thy art.  Each petty hand

 Can steer a ship becalmed; but he that will 65

 Govern and  carry her to her ends must know

His tides, his currents, how to shift his sails,

What she will bear in foul, what in fair weathers,

Where her  springs are, her leaks, and how to stop ’em,

What sands, what  shelves, what rocks do threaten her, 70

The forces and the natures of all winds,

Gusts, storms, and tempests; when her keel ploughs hell

And deck knocks heaven, then to manage her

 Becomes the name and office of a pilot.

CICERO

Which I’ll perform, with all the diligence 75

And fortitude I have,  not for my year

But for my life – except my life be less,

And that my year conclude it; if it must,

 Your will, loved gods. This heart shall yet employ

A day, an hour is left me so for Rome 80

As it shall  spring a life out of my death

To shine for ever glorious in my  facts:

   The vicious count their years, virtuous their acts.

CHORUS

Most noble Consul! Let us  wait him home.

 [Exeunt Cato, Cicero, Lictors, and Chorus.]

CAESAR

Most  popular consul he is grown, methinks! 85

CRASSUS

How the  rout cling to him!

CAESAR

And Cato leads ’em!

CRASSUS

You, his colleague, Antonius, are not  looked on.

ANTONIUS

Not I, nor do I care.

CAESAR

 He enjoys rest

And ease the while. Let th’other’s spirit toil

And  wake it out that was  inspired for turmoil. 90

CATULUS

If all reports be true, yet, Caius Caesar,

The time hath need of such a watch and spirit.

CAESAR

Reports? Do you believe ’em, Catulus?

Why, he does make and breed ’em for the people,

T’endear his service to ’em. Do you not  taste 95

An  art that is so common?  Popular men,

They must create strange monsters and then quell ’em,

To make their  arts seem something.  Would you have

Such an Herculean actor in the scene,

And not his Hydra?  They must sweat no less 100

To fit their properties than t’express their parts.

CRASSUS

  Treasons and guilty men are made in states

Too oft to dignify the magistrates.

CATULUS

Those states be wretched that are forced to buy

Their rulers’ fame with their own infamy. 105

CRASSUS

We therefore should  provide that ours do not.

CAESAR

That will Antonius make his care.

ANTONIUS

I shall.

CAESAR

And  watch the watcher.

 [Enter, approaching slowly,] CATILINE, LONGINUS, [and] LENTULUS.

CATULUS

Here comes Catiline.

How does he  brook his late repulse?

CAESAR

I know not.

But  hardly, sure.

CATULUS

 Longinus, too, did stand? 110

CAESAR

At first. But he gave way unto his friend.

CATULUS

 Who’s that come? Lentulus?

CAESAR

Yes.  He is again

Taken into the Senate.

ANTONIUS

And made praetor.

CATULUS

I know’t. He had my  suffrage,  next the Consuls’.

CAESAR

True, you were there,  Prince of the Senate, then. 115

 [Catiline, Longinus, and Lentulus join the others.]

CATILINE

Hail, noblest Romans! [To Antonius] The most worthy Consul,

I  gratulate your honour.

ANTONIUS

I could wish

It had been  happier by your fellowship,

Most noble Sergius, had it pleased the people.

CATILINE

It  did not please the gods,  who instruct the people, 120

And their unquestioned pleasures must be served.

They know what’s fitter for us than ourselves,

And ’twere impiety to think against them.

CATULUS

You bear it rightly,  Lucius; and it glads me

To find your thoughts so  even.

CATILINE

I shall still 125

Study to make them such to Rome and heaven.

(Aside to Caesar)    I would withdraw with you a little, Julius.

CAESAR

(Aside to Catiline) I’ll come home to you. Crassus would not ha’ you

To speak to him ’fore Quintus Catulus.

CATILINE

(To Caesar) I  apprehend you. [To all] No, when they shall judge 130

Honours  convenient for me, I shall have ’em

 With a full hand, I know it. In meantime,

They are no less part of the commonwealth

That do obey than those that do command.

CATULUS

Oh, let me kiss your forehead, Lucius. 135

How are you wronged!

CATILINE

By whom?

CATULUS

Public report,

That gives you out to  stomach your repulse,

And brook it deadly.

CATILINE

Sir, she  brooks not me.

Believe me rather, and  yourself now of me;

 It is a kind of slander to trust rumour. 140

CATULUS

I know it. And I could be angry with it.

CATILINE

So may not I.  Where it concerns himself,

Who’s angry at a slander makes it true.

CATULUS

Most noble Sergius! This your  temper melts me.

CRASSUS

[To Catulus] Will you  do office to the Consul, Quintus? 145

CAESAR

 Which Cato and the rout have done the other?

CATULUS

I wait when he will go. [To Catiline] Be still yourself.

He wants no  state or honours that hath  virtue.

 [Exeunt Catulus, Antonius, Caesar, Crassus, and Lictors.]

CATILINE

[Aside] Did I appear so tame as this man thinks me?

Looked I so poor, so dead? So like that nothing 150

Which he calls virtuous? O my breast, break quickly,

And show my friends my  in-parts, lest they think

I have betrayed ’em.

LONGINUS

  Where’s Gabinius?

LENTULUS

Gone.

LONGINUS

And Vargunteius?

LENTULUS

Slipped away, all shrunk

Now that  he missed the consulship.

CATILINE

[To himself] I am 155

The scorn of  bondmen, who are next to beasts.

 What can I worse pronounce myself that’s fitter?

 The owl of Rome whom boys and girls will  hoot!

 That, were I set up for  that wooden god

That keeps our gardens, could not fright the crows 160

Or the least bird from  muting on my head.

 [Longinus and Lentulus speak privately to each other, not listening to Catiline.]

LONGINUS

 ’Tis strange how he should miss it.

LENTULUS

Is’t not stranger

The upstart Cicero should carry it so,

By all consents, from men so much his masters?

LONGINUS

’Tis true.

CATILINE

[To himself] To what a shadow am I melted! 165

LONGINUS

 Antonius won it but by some few voices.

CATILINE

[To himself] Struck through, like air, and feel it not. My wounds

Close faster than they’re made.

LENTULUS

 The whole design

And enterprise is lost by’t. All hands quit it

Upon  his fail.

CATILINE

[To himself] I grow mad at my patience. 170

It is a  visor that hath poisoned me.

Would it had burnt me up and I died inward,

My heart turned to ashes.

 [Enter] CETHEGUS. [He joins Catiline privately.]

  LONGINUS

Here’s Cethegus yet.

CATILINE

Repulse upon repulse! An  inmate consul!

That I could reach the  axle where the pins are 175

Which bolt this frame, that I might pull ’em out

And pluck all into chaos, with myself!

CETHEGUS

 What, are we wishing now?

CATILINE

Yes, my Cethegus.

 Who would not fall with all the world about him?

CETHEGUS

Not I, that would stand on it when it falls 180

And force new nature out, to make another.

These wishings taste of  woman, not of Roman.

Let us  seek other arms.

CATILINE

What should we do?

CETHEGUS

Do, and not wish: something that wishes  take not,

So sudden as the gods should not  prevent 185

Nor scarce have time to fear.

CATILINE

O noble Caius!

CETHEGUS

It  likes me better that you are not consul.

 I would not go through open doors, but break ’em;

 Swim to  my ends through blood; or build a bridge

Of carcasses:  make on upon the heads 190

Of men struck down like  piles, to reach the lives

Of  those remain and stand.  Then is’t a prey,

When danger stops and ruin makes the way.

CATILINE

How thou dost  utter me, brave soul, that may not

At all times show such as I am, but  bend 195

Unto occasion.

 [Catiline and Cethegus join Lentulus and Longinus.]

Lentulus, this man,

 If all our fire were out, would fetch down new

Out of the hand of Jove, and rivet him

To Caucasus, should he but frown, and let

His own  gaunt eagle fly at him, to  tire. 200

 [Enter] CATO.

LENTULUS

Peace, here comes Cato.

CATILINE

Let him come and hear.

I will no more dissemble.  Quit us all.

I and my loved Cethegus here alone

 Will undertake this giants’ war, and carry it.

LENTULUS

What needs this,

LONGINUS

 Lucius? Sergius, be more wary. 205

CATILINE

Now, Marcus Cato, our new Consul’s spy,

What is your sour austerity sent t’explore?

CATO

Nothing in thee, licentious Catiline.

 Halters and racks cannot express from thee

More than thy deeds. ’Tis only judgement waits thee. 210

CATILINE

Whose? Cato’s? Shall he judge me?

CATO

No, the gods,

  Who ever follow those they go not with;

And Senate, who with fire must purge sick Rome

Of  noisome citizens, whereof  thou art one.

Be gone, or else  let me. ’Tis  bane to draw 215

The same air with thee.

CETHEGUS

Strike him!

[He draws his sword.]

LENTULUS

Hold, good Caius!

CETHEGUS

Fear’st thou not, Cato?

CATO

Rash Cethegus, no.

’Twere wrong with Rome, when Catiline and thou

 Do threat, if Cato feared.

CATILINE

The fire you speak of:

If any flame of it approach my fortunes, 220

I’ll quench it, not with water but with ruin.

CATO

You hear this, Romans.  [Exit.]

CATILINE

[Calling after him] Bear it to the Consul.

CETHEGUS

I would have  sent away his soul before him.

You are too  heavy, Lentulus, and remiss.

 It is for you we labour, and the kingdom 225

Promised you by the Sibyls.

CATILINE

Which  his praetorship,

And some small flattery of the Senate more,

Will make him to forget.

LENTULUS

You wrong me, Lucius.

LONGINUS

He will not need these  spurs.

CETHEGUS

The action needs ’em.

  These things, when they proceed not, they go backward. 230

LENTULUS

Let us consult then.

CETHEGUS

Let us first take  arms.

They that deny us just things now, will give

All that we ask, if once they see our swords.

CATILINE

Our objects must be sought with wounds, not words.  [Exeunt.]

3.2    [Enter] CICERO [and] FULVIA.

CICERO

 Is there a heaven, and gods, and can it be

They should  so slowly hear, so slowly see?

Hath Jove no thunder, or is Jove become

 Stupid as thou art, O near-wretched Rome,

When both thy Senate and thy gods do sleep 5

 And neither thine nor their own states do keep?

What will awake thee, heaven? What can excite

Thine anger, if this practice be too  light?

His former   drifts partake of former times,

But this last plot was only Catiline’s. 10

Oh, that it were his last! But he before

Hath safely done so much he’ll still dare more.

Ambition, like a torrent, ne’er looks back,

And is a  swelling and the last   affection

A high mind can put off, being both a rebel 15

Unto the soul and reason; and  enforceth

All laws, all conscience, treads upon religion,

And offereth violence to nature’s self.

 But here is that transcends it! A black purpose

To  confound nature, and to ruin that 20

 Which never age nor mankind can repair.

Sit down, good lady. [Fulvia sits.] Cicero is lost

In this your  fable: for to think it true

 Tempteth my reason. It so far exceeds

All  insolent fictions of the tragic scene. 25

The commonwealth, yet panting underneath

 The  stripes and wounds of a late civil war,

Gasping for life, and scarce restored to hope:

To seek t’oppress her with new cruelty

And utterly  extinguish her long name 30

With so prodigious and unheard-of fierceness!

What  sink of monsters, wretches of lost minds,

Mad after change and desp’rate in their states,

Wearied and  galled with their  necessities –

For  all this I allow them – durst have thought it? 35

Would not the barbarous deeds have been believed

Of  Marius and Sulla by our children,

 Without this fact had rise forth greater for them?

 All that they did was piety to this.

They yet but murdered kinsfolk, brothers, parents, 40

Ravished the virgins and perhaps some matrons.

They left the city standing, and the temples:

The gods and  majesty of Rome were safe yet.

 These purpose to fire it, to despoil them –

Beyond the other evils – and lay waste 45

 The far-triumphèd world, for,  unto whom

Rome is too little, what can be enough?

FULVIA

’Tis true, my lord, I had the same  discourse.

CICERO

And then to take  a horrid sacrament

In human blood, for execution 50

Of this their dire design,  which might be called

The height of wickedness but that that was higher

For which they did it!

FULVIA

I assure your lordship,

The extreme horror of it almost turned me

To air, when first I heard it;  I was all 55

A vapour when ’twas told me, and I longed

To vent it anywhere; ’twas such a secret,

I thought it would have burnt me up.

CICERO

Good Fulvia,

Fear not your act, and less repent you of it.

FULVIA

I do not, my good lord. I know to whom 60

I have uttered it.

CICERO

You have discharged it safely.

Should Rome, for whom you have done the happy service,

Turn most  ingrate,  yet were your virtue paid

In conscience of the fact: so much good deeds

Reward themselves.

FULVIA

My lord, I did it not 65

To any other aim but for itself.

To no ambition.

CICERO

You have learned the difference

 Of doing office to the public weal

And private friendship, and have shown it, lady.

Be still yourself. I have sent for Quintus Curius; 70

And, for your virtuous sake, if I can win him

Yet to the commonwealth, he shall be safe, too.

FULVIA

I’ll undertake, my lord, he  shall be won.

CICERO

Pray you, join with me then, and help to  work him.

 [Enter a] LICTOR.

How now? Is he come?

LICTOR

 He is here, my lord.

CICERO

Go  presently, 75

Pray my colleague Antonius I may speak with him

About some present business of the state.

And, as you go, call on my brother Quintus

And pray him, with the Tribunes, to come to me.

Bid Curius enter. Fulvia, you will aid me?  [Exit Lictor.]

FULVIA

It  is my duty.

[ Enter] CURIUS.

CICERO

O my noble lord!

I have to chide you, i’faith. Give me your hand.

Nay, be not troubled; ’t shall be gently, Curius.

You look upon this lady? What, do you guess

My business yet? Come, if you frown, I thunder; 85

Therefore put on your better looks and thoughts.

There’s naught but fair and good intended to you,

And I would make  those your  complexion.

 Would you, of whom the Senate had that hope,

As on my knowledge it was in their purpose 90

Next sitting to restore you, as they ha’ done

The stupid and ungrateful Lentulus –

Excuse me that I name you thus together,

For yet you are not such – would you, I say,

A person both of blood and honour,  stocked 95

In a long race of virtuous ancestors,

Embark yourself for such a hellish action

With  parricides and traitors, men turned furies

Out of the waste and ruin of their fortunes –

 For ’tis despair that is the mother of madness – 100

Such as want – that which all conspirators,

But they, have first – mere  colour for their mischief?

Oh, I must blush with you. Come, you shall not labour

To extenuate your guilt, but quit it  clean.

 Bad men excuse their faults, good men will  leave ’em. 105

He acts  the third crime that defends the first.

Here is a lady that hath got the start

In piety of us all, and for whose virtue

I could almost turn lover again, but that

 Terentia would be jealous. What an honour 110

Hath she achieved to herself! What voices,

Titles, and loud applauses will pursue her

Through every street; what windows will be filled,

To  shoot eyes at her; what envy and grief in matrons,

 They are not she; when this her act shall seem 115

 Worthier a chariot than if Pompey came

With Asia chained! All this is while she lives.

 But dead, her very name will be a statue,

Not wrought for time but rooted in the minds

Of all posterity, when brass and marble, 120

Ay, and the Capitol itself, is dust!

FULVIA

Your Honour thinks too highly of me.

CICERO

No,

I cannot think enough. And I would have

Him emulate you. ’Tis no shame to follow

The better precedent. She shows you, Curius, 125

What claim your country lays to you, and what duty

You owe to it. Be not afraid to break

With murderers and traitors for the saving

A life so near and necessary to you

As is your country’s. Think but on  her right: 130

 No child can  be too natural to his parent.

She is our common mother and doth  challenge

The  prime part of us; do not stop, but give it:

  He that is void of fear may soon be just,

And no  religion binds men to be traitors. 135

FULVIA

My lord, he understands it and will follow

Your saving counsel. But his shame yet stays him.

I know that he is  coming.

CURIUS

[To Fulvia] Do you know it?

[Curius and Fulvia speak apart.]

FULVIA

Yes, let me speak with you.

CURIUS

Oh, you are –

FULVIA

What am I?

CURIUS

Speak not so loud.

FULVIA

I am what you should be. 140

Come, do you think I’d  walk in any plot

Where madam Sempronia should  take place of me,

And Fulvia come i’the rear, or   o’the by?

That I would be her second in a business,

Though it might  vantage me all the sun sees? 145

It was a  silly fant’sy of yours.  Apply

Yourself to me, and the Consul, and be wise.

Follow the fortune I ha’ put you into:

You may be something this way, and with safety.

CICERO

[Joining them] Nay, I must tolerate no whisperings, lady. 150

FULVIA

Sir, you may hear. I tell him, in the way

Wherein he was, how hazardous his course was.

CICERO

How hazardous? How certain to all ruin.

Did he, or do yet any of  them, imagine

The gods would  sleep to such a  Stygian practice 155

Against the commonwealth  which they have founded

With so much labour, and like care have kept

Now near seven hundred years?  It is a madness,

Wherewith heaven blinds ’em when it would confound ’em,

That they should think it. Come, my Curius, 160

I see your nature’s right; you shall no more

Be mentioned with them: I will call you mine

And  trouble this good shame no  farther.  Stand

Firm for your country, and become a man

Honoured and loved. It were a noble life 165

To be found dead embracing her. Know you

What thanks, what titles, what rewards the Senate

Will heap upon you, certain, for your service?

Let not a desperate action more engage you

Than safety should, and wicked friendship force 170

What honesty and virtue cannot  work.

FULVIA

He tells you right, sweet friend. ’Tis  saving counsel.

CURIUS

Most noble Consul, I am yours and hers –

I mean my country’s.  You have formed me new,

Inspiring me with what I should be truly. 175

And I entreat my faith may not seem cheaper

For springing out of penitence.

CICERO

Good Curius,

It shall be  dearer rather, and because

I’d make it such, hear how I trust you more.

Keep still your former  face, and mix again 180

With these lost spirits.  Run all their mazes with ’em,

For such are treasons. Find their windings out,

And subtle turnings, watch their snaky ways

Through  brakes and hedges, into woods of darkness,

Where they are  fain to creep upon their breasts 185

In paths ne’er trod by men, but wolves and panthers.

Learn, beside Catiline, Lentulus, and those

Whose names I have, what new ones they draw in;

Who else are  likely; what  those great ones are

They do not name; what ways they mean to take; 190

And whither their hopes point: to war or ruin

By some  surprise. Explore all their intents,

And what you find may profit the Republic

Acquaint me with it, either by yourself

Or this your virtuous friend,  on whom I lay 195

The care of  urging you. I’ll see that Rome

Shall prove a thankful and a bounteous mother.

Be secret as the night.

CURIUS

And constant, sir.

CICERO

I do not doubt it, though  the time cut off

All vows.   The dignity of truth is lost 200

With much protesting. [He calls.] Who is there?

  [Enter a servant.]

This way,

Lest you be seen and met. And when you come,

Be this your token, to this fellow.

  He whispers with [Curius].

 [To Servant] Light ’em.

 [Exeunt Servant, Curius, and Fulvia.]

 O Rome, in what a sickness art thou fall’n!

How dangerous and deadly, when thy head 205

Is drowned in sleep, and all thy body fev’ry!

No noise, no pulling, no vexation wakes thee,

Thy lethargy is such; or, if by chance

Thou heav’st thy eyelids up, thou dost forget,

Sooner than thou wert told, thy  proper danger. 210

I did unreverendly to  blame the gods

Who  wake for thee, though thou snore to thyself.

Is it not strange thou shouldst be so diseased

And so secure? But, more, that the first symptoms

Of such a malady should not rise out 215

From any worthy member, but  a base

And common strumpet, worthless to be named

A hair or part of thee? Think, think hereafter

What thy needs were, when thou must use such means;

And  lay it to thy breast how much the gods 220

Upbraid thy foul neglect of them by making

So vile a thing the author of thy safety.

They could have wrought by nobler ways: have struck

Thy foes with forkèd lightning or  rammed thunder;

 Thrown hills upon ’em  in the act; have sent 225

Death, like a  damp, to all their families;

Or caused their consciences to burst ’em. But,

When they will show thee what thou art and make

A scornful difference ’twixt their power and thee,

They help thee by such aids as  geese and harlots. 230

 [Enter] LICTOR.

How now? What answer? Is he come?

LICTOR

Your brother

Will straight be here, and your colleague Antonius

Said, coldly, he would follow me. [Exit.]

CICERO

Ay, that

Troubles me somewhat and is worth my fear.

He is a man ’gainst whom I must provide 235

That, as he’ll do no good, he do no harm.

 He, though he be not of the plot, will like it

And wish it should proceed; for unto men

Pressed with their wants all change is ever welcome.

 I must with offices and patience win him; 240

Make him by art that which he is not born:

A friend unto the public; and bestow

The province on him which is by the Senate

Decreed to me. That benefit will bind him.

’Tis well if some men will do well for  price: 245

  So few are virtuous when the reward’s away.

Nor must I be unmindful of my  private,

For which I have called my brother and the tribunes,

My kinsfolk, and my  clients to be near me.

 He that stands up ’gainst traitors and their ends 250

Shall need a double guard of law and friends;

Especially in such an envious state

That sooner will accuse the magistrate

Than the delinquent, and will rather grieve

The treason is not acted, than believe. [Exit.]

3.3   [ Enter] CAESAR [and] CATILINE.

CAESAR

The night  grows on, and you  are for your meeting;

I’ll therefore end in  few. Be resolute

 And  put your enterprise in act. The more

 Actions of  depth and danger are considered,

The less assuredly they are performed. 5

And thence it happ’neth that the  bravest plots,

Not executed straight, have been discovered.

  Say you are constant, or another, a third,

Or more, there may be yet one wretched spirit

With whom the fear of punishment shall work 10

’Bove all the thoughts of honour and revenge.

You are not now to think what’s best to do,

As in beginnings, but what must be done,

Being thus  entered, and  slip no advantage

That may secure you. Let ’em call it mischief; 15

  When it is past and prospered, ’twill be virtue.

   They’re petty crimes are punished, great rewarded.

Nor must you think of peril, since  attempts

Begun with danger still do end with glory.

And when need   spurs, despair will be called wisdom. 20

Less ought the  care of men or fame to fright you,

 For  they that win do seldom receive shame

Of victory, howe’er it be achieved,

And vengeance, least. For who, besieged with wants,

Would stop at death, or anything beyond it? 25

Come, there was never any great thing yet

 Aspired but by violence, or fraud;

And he that  sticks, for folly of a conscience,

To reach it –

CATILINE

Is a good religious fool.

CAESAR

A superstitious slave, and will die beast. 30

Good night. You know what Crassus thinks, and I,

By this: prepare you wings, as large as sails,

To cut through air and leave no  print behind you.

 A serpent, ere he comes to be a dragon,

Does eat a bat, and so must you a  consul 35

That watches. What you do, do quickly,  Sergius.

You shall not  stir for me.  [Going.]

CATILINE

 Excuse me.

[Calling to servants without] Lights there!

CAESAR

By no means.

CATILINE

[To servants] Stay then.

[To Caesar] All good thoughts to Caesar!

And like to Crassus.

CAESAR

Mind but your friends’ counsels.  [Exit.]

CATILINE

Or I will  bear no mind.

  [Enter] AURELIA.

How now, Aurelia? 40

Are your confederates come? The ladies?

AURELIA

Yes.

CATILINE

And is Sempronia there?

AURELIA

She is.

CATILINE

That’s well.

She has a  sulphurous spirit and will take

Light at a spark.  Break with them, gentle love,

 About the drawing as many of their husbands 45

Into the plot as can. If not, to rid ’em:

That’ll be the easier practice unto some

Who have been tired with ’em long. Solicit

Their aids for money, and their servants’ help

In firing of the city at the time 50

Shall be  designed. Promise ’em states, and empires,

And men for lovers, made of better  clay

Than ever the old potter Titan knew.

 [Enter] LAECA.

Who’s that? Oh, Porcius Laeca! Are they met?

LAECA

They  are all here.

CATILINE

[To Aurelia] Love, you have your instructions. 55

 I’ll trust you with the stuff you have to work on.

You’ll  form it.  [Exit Aurelia.]

[To Laeca] Porcius, fetch the  silver eagle

I  ga’ you in charge. And pray ’em they will enter.  [Exit Laeca.]

  [Enter] CETHEGUS, CURIUS, LENTULUS, VARGUNTEIUS, LONGINUS, GABINIUS, CEPARIUS, AUTRONIUS, [and CORNELIUS].

O friends, your faces glad me. This will be

Our last, I hope, of consultation. 60

CETHEGUS

 So it  had need.

CURIUS

We  lose  occasion daily.

CATILINE

Ay, and our means, whereof one wounds me most,

That was the fairest.  Piso is dead, in Spain.

CETHEGUS

As we are, here.

LONGINUS

And, as it is thought, by envy

Of Pompey’s followers.

LENTULUS

 He too’s coming back 65

Now, out of Asia.

CATILINE

Therefore, what  we intend

We must be swift in. Take your seats, and hear.

 I have already sent Septimius

Into the Picene territories, and Julius

To raise  force for us in Apulia; 70

Manlius at Faesulae is by this time  up,

With the old needy troops that followed Sulla;

And all do but  expect when we will give

The blow at home.

 [Enter LAECA with eagle.]

 Behold this silver eagle:

 ’Twas Marius’ standard in the Cimbrian war, 75

 Fatal to Rome, and, as our augurs tell me,

Shall still be so; for which one  ominous cause

 I have kept it safe and done it sacred rites

As to a godhead, in a chapel built

 Of purpose to it.  Pledge then all your hands 80

To follow it, with vows of death and ruin

 Struck silently and home.

[They make their vows, silently.]

 So waters speak

When they run deepest.  Now’s the time, this year

The twenti’th from the firing of the Capitol,

As fatal, too, to Rome, by all predictions; 85

And in which honoured Lentulus must rise

A king, if he pursue it.

CURIUS

If he do not,

He is not worthy the great destiny.

LENTULUS

It is too great for me, but what the gods

And their great loves decree me I must not 90

Seem  careless of.

CATILINE

No, nor we envious.

We have enough beside: all  Gallia, Belgia,

Greece, Spain, and Africa.

CURIUS

Ay, and Asia, too,

Now Pompey is returning.

CATILINE

Noblest Romans,

 Methinks our looks are not so quick and high 95

As they were wont.

CURIUS

 No? Whose is not?

CATILINE

We have

No anger in our eyes, no storm, no lightning;

Our hate is spent and fumed away in vapour,

Before our hands  be at work. I can accuse

Not any one but all of slackness.

CETHEGUS

Yes, 100

And be yourself such, while you do it.

CATILINE

Ha?

’Tis sharply answered, Caius.

CETHEGUS

Truly, truly.

LENTULUS

Come, let us each one know his part to do,

And then be accused. Leave these untimely quarrels.

CURIUS

I  would there were more Romes than one to ruin. 105

CETHEGUS

More Romes? More worlds.

CURIUS

Nay then, more gods, and natures,

If they took part.

LENTULUS

When shall the time be, first?

CATILINE

I think the  Saturnals.

CETHEGUS

’Twill be  too long.

CATILINE

They are not far off; ’tis  not a month.

CETHEGUS

A week, a day, an hour is too far off; 110

Now were the fittest time.

CATILINE

We ha’ not  laid

 All things so safe and ready.

CETHEGUS

While  we’re laying,

We shall all lie, and grow to earth.  Would I

Were nothing in it, if not now. These things,

They should be done ere thought.

CATILINE

Nay, now your reason 115

Forsakes you, Caius. Think but what  commodity

That time will  minister: the city’s custom

 Of being then in mirth and feast.

LENTULUS

Loosed whole

In pleasure and security –

AUTRONIUS

Each house

 Resolved in freedom –

CURIUS

Every slave a master – 120

LONGINUS

And they too no mean aids –

CURIUS

Made from their hope

Of liberty –

LENTULUS

Or hate unto their lords.

VARGUNTEIUS

’Tis sure there cannot be a time found out

More apt and natural.

LENTULUS

Nay, good Cethegus,

Why do your passions now disturb our hopes? 125

CETHEGUS

Why do your hopes delude your certainties?

CATILINE

You must  lend him his way.  Think for the order

And process of it.

LONGINUS

Yes.

LENTULUS

I like not fire:

’Twill too much waste my city.

CATILINE

Were it embers,

There will be wealth enough raked out of them 130

To  spring a new. It must be fire, or nothing.

LONGINUS

What else should fright or terrify ’em?

VARGUNTEIUS

True.

In that confusion must be the chief slaughter.

CURIUS

Then we shall kill ’em  bravest.

CEPARIUS

And in heaps.

AUTRONIUS

Strew sacrifices.

CURIUS

Make the earth an altar. 135

LONGINUS

And Rome the fire.

LAECA

’Twill be a noble night.

VARGUNTEIUS

And worth all Sulla’s days.

CURIUS

When husbands, wives,

Grandsires and nephews, servants and their lords,

Virgins and priests, the infant and the nurse,

Go all to hell together,  in a fleet. 140

CATILINE

 I would have you, Longinus and Statilius,

To take the charge o’the firing, which must be

At a sign given with a trumpet, done

In twelve chief places of the city at once.

The flax and sulphur are already laid 145

In at Cethegus’ house. So are the weapons.

Gabinius, you with other force shall stop

The pipes and conduits, and kill those that come

For water.

CURIUS

What shall I do?

CATILINE

All will have

Employment, fear not;  ply the execution. 150

CURIUS

For that, trust me and Cethegus.

CATILINE

I will be

At hand, with the army, to meet those that scape.

And, Lentulus,  begirt you  Pompey’s house,

To seize his sons alive, for they are they

Must make our peace with him. All else cut off, 155

 As Tarquin did the poppy heads or mowers

A field of thistles, or else  up, as ploughs

Do barren lands; and strike together  flints

And clods, th’ ungrateful Senate and the people,

Till no rage gone before or coming after 160

May  weigh with yours, though  Horror leapt herself

Into the scale; but, in your violent acts,

The fall of torrents and the noise of tempests,

The boiling of  Charybdis, the sea’s wildness,

The eating force of flames, and wings of winds, 165

Be all outwrought by your transcendent furies.

It had been done ere this, had I been consul;

 We had had no stop, no  let.

LENTULUS

How find you Antonius?

CATILINE

  Th’other has won  him: lost. That Cicero

Was born to be my  opposition, 170

And stands in all our ways.

CURIUS

 Remove him first.

CETHEGUS

May that yet be done sooner?

CATILINE

Would it were done.

   CORNELIUS, VARGUNTEIUS

I’ll do’t.

CETHEGUS

It is  my province; none usurp it!

LENTULUS

What are your means?

CETHEGUS

Inquire not.  He shall die.

‘Shall’ was too slowly said.  He’s dying. That 175

Is yet too slow. He’s dead.

CATILINE

Brave,  only Roman,

Whose soul might be the  world’s soul, were that dying,

Refuse not yet the aids of these your friends.

LENTULUS

Here’s Vargunteius  holds good quarter with him.

CATILINE

And under the pretext of  clientele 180

And  visitation with the morning  ‘hail’

Will be admitted.

CETHEGUS

What is that to me?

VARGUNTEIUS

Yes, we may kill him in his bed, and safely.

CETHEGUS

Safe is your way, then; take it. Mine’s mine own.  [Exit.]

CATILINE

Follow him, Vargunteius, and persuade 185

The morning is the fittest time.

LONGINUS

The night

Will turn all into  tumult.

LENTULUS

And perhaps

 Miss of him, too.

CATILINE

Entreat and conjure him

In all our names –

LENTULUS

By all our vows and friendships.  [Exit Vargunteius.]

 [Enter] SEMPRONIA, AURELIA, [and] FULVIA to them.

SEMPRONIA

What, is our  council broke up first?

AURELIA

You say 190

Women are greatest talkers.

  [Aurelia whispers with Catiline, while Fulvia takes Curius aside.]

SEMPRONIA

We ha’ done,

And are now fit for  action.

LONGINUS

Which is passion.

There’s your best activity, lady.

SEMPRONIA

How

Knows  Your wise Fatness that?

LONGINUS

Your mother’s daughter

Did teach me, madam.

CATILINE

  Come, Sempronia, leave him; 195

He is a giber. And our present business

Is of more serious  consequence. Aurelia

Tells me  you’ve done most masculinely within,

And played the orator.

SEMPRONIA

But we must hasten

To our design as well, and execute, 200

Not  hang still, in  the fever of an accident.

CATILINE

You say well, lady.

SEMPRONIA

I do like our plot

Exceeding well, ’tis sure; and we shall leave

Little to fortune in it.

CATILINE

Your banquet  stays.

Aurelia, take her in. [Looking around] Where’s Fulvia? 205

SEMPRONIA

[Seeing Fulvia with Curius]

Oh, the two lovers are coupling.

CURIUS

In good faith,

She’s very ill, with sitting up.

SEMPRONIA

You’d have her

 Laugh and lie down.

FULVIA

No, faith, Sempronia,

I am not well. I’ll take my leave; it draws

Toward the morning. Curius shall stay with you. 210

[To Aurelia] Madam, I pray you pardon me; my health

I must  respect.

AURELIA

Farewell, good Fulvia.

CURIUS

(Whispers to Fulvia) Make   haste and bid him get his guards about him.

For Vargunteius and Cornelius

Have underta’en it, should Cethegus miss; 215

Their reason: that they think his open rashness

Will  suffer easier discovery

Than their attempt, so veiled under friendship.

[Aloud] I’ll bring you to your coach. [Whispering] Tell him beside

Of Caesar’s coming forth here.

CATILINE

My sweet madam, 220

Will you be gone?

FULVIA

I am, my lord, in truth,

In some indisposition.

CATILINE

I do wish

You had all your health, sweet lady. Lentulus,

You’ll do her service.

LENTULUS

To her coach, and  duty.

  [Exeunt all but Catiline.]

CATILINE

What  ministers men must  for practice use! 225

The rash, th’ambitious, needy, desperate,

Foolish, and wretched, ev’n the dregs of mankind,

 To whores and women! Still, it must be so.

Each have their proper place, and in their  rooms

They are the best. Grooms fittest kindle fires, 230

Slaves carry burdens, butchers are for slaughters,

Apothecaries, butlers, cooks for poisons,

As these for me: dull, stupid Lentulus,

My  stale with whom I stalk; the rash Cethegus,

My executioner; and fat Longinus, 235

Statilius, Curius, Ceparius,  Cimber,

My labourers,  pioneers, and incendiaries;

With these, domestic traitors, bosom thieves

Whom custom hath called wives, the readiest helps

To   betray heady husbands, rob the  easy, 240

And lend the moneys  on returns of lust.

Shall Catiline not do now, with these aids,

 So sought, so sorted, something shall be called

Their labour but his profit? And make Caesar

Repent his  vent’ring counsels to a spirit 245

So much his  lord in mischief? When all these

Shall, like the  brethren sprung of dragons’ teeth,

Ruin each other, and he fall amongst ’em

With Crassus, Pompey, or who else appears

 But like or near a great one? May my brain 250

 Resolve to water and my blood turn phlegm,

My hands drop off, unworthy of my sword,

And that b’inspired of itself to rip

My breast for my lost entrails, when I leave

A soul that will not serve. And  who will are 255

The same with slaves; such  clay I  dare not fear.

The cruelty I mean to act I wish

Should be called mine and  tarry in my name,

Whilst  after-ages do toil out themselves

In  thinking for the like but do it less. 260

And were the power of all the fiends let loose,

With Fate to boot, it should be still  example:

 When what the Gaul or Moor could not effect,

Nor  emulous Carthage with their  length of spite,

Shall be the work of one, and that my, night.  [Exit.]

3.4    [Enter] CICERO, FULVIA [and SERVANT].

CICERO

I thank your vigilance. [To Servant] Where’s my brother, Quintus?

Call all my servants up.  [Exit Servant.]

Tell noble Curius

And say it to yourself: you are my  savers;

But that’s too little for you: you are Rome’s.

What could I then hope less?

[ Enter] QUINTUS.

O brother, now 5

The   engineers I told you of are working;

The machine ’gins to move. Where are your weapons?

Arm all my household presently. And charge

The porter he let no man in till day.

QUINTUS

 Not clients and your friends?

CICERO

They wear those names 10

That come to murder me. Yet send for Cato

And Quintus Catulus, those I dare trust,

And Flaccus and Pomtinius, the  praetors,

By the back way.

QUINTUS

Take care, good brother Marcus,

 Your fears be not formed greater than they should, 15

And make your friends grieve, while your enemies laugh.

CICERO

’Tis brother’s counsel, and worth thanks. But do

As I entreat you. I  provide,  not fear.  [Exit Quintus.]

 Was Caesar there, say you?

FULVIA

Curius says he met him

Coming from thence.

CICERO

Oh, so. And had you a council 20

Of ladies, too? Who was your speaker, madam?

FULVIA

She that would be, had there been forty more:

Sempronia, who had both her Greek and  figures,

And  ever and anon would ask us if

The witty Consul could have  mended that, 25

Or orator Cicero could have said it better?

CICERO

She’s my  gentle enemy. Would Cethegus

Had no more danger in him! But my guards

Are you, great powers, and th’ unbated strengths

Of a firm conscience, which shall arm each step 30

Ta’en for the state and teach me slack no pace

For fear of malice.

[ Enter QUINTUS.]

How now, brother?

QUINTUS

Cato

And Quintus Catulus were coming to you,

And Crassus with ’em. I have let ’em in

By th’garden.

CICERO

 What would Crassus have?

QUINTUS

I hear 35

Some whispering ’bout the gate and making doubt

Whether it be not yet too early, or no.

But I do think they are your friends and clients,

Are fearful to disturb you.

CICERO

You will change

 To another thought anon. Ha’ you giv’n the porter 40

The charge I willed you?

QUINTUS

Yes.

CICERO

Withdraw and hearken.  [Exeunt.]

3.5       [  Enter] VARGUNTEIUS, CORNELIUS, [and some armed men].

VARGUNTEIUS

The door’s not open yet.

CORNELIUS

You were best to knock.

VARGUNTEIUS

Let them stand close then and, when we are in,

Rush after us.

CORNELIUS

But where’s Cethegus?

VARGUNTEIUS

 He

Has left it, since he might not do’t his way.

[Vargenteius knocks.]

PORTER

[Within] Who’s there?

VARGUNTEIUS

A friend, or  more.

PORTER

I may not let 5

Any man in till day.

VARGUNTEIUS

No? Why?

CORNELIUS

Thy reason?

PORTER

I am commanded so.

VARGUNTEIUS

By whom?

CORNELIUS

[To the conspirators] I hope

We are not discovered.

VARGUNTEIUS

Yes, by  revelation. –

Pray thee, good slave, who has commanded thee?

PORTER

He that may best, the Consul.

[ Enter above] CICERO, CATO, CATULUS, CRASSUS, [and  QUINTUS].

VARGUNTEIUS

We are his friends. 10

PORTER

 All’s one.

CORNELIUS

Best give your name.

VARGUNTEIUS

Dost thou hear, fellow,

I have some  instant business with the Consul.

My name is Vargunteius.

 Cicero speaks to them from above.

CICERO

True,  he knows it,

And for what friendly office you are sent.

Cornelius, too, is there?

VARGUNTEIUS

[To Cornelius ] We are betrayed! 15

CICERO

And desperate  Cethegus, is he not?

VARGUNTEIUS

[To Cornelius] Speak you; he knows my voice.

CICERO

What say you to’t?

CORNELIUS

You  are deceived, sir.

CICERO

No, ’tis you are so,

Poor, misled men. Your states are yet worth pity,

If you would hear, and change your savage minds. 20

 Leave to be mad, forsake your purposes

 Of treason, rapine, murder, fire, and horror.

The commonwealth hath eyes that wake as sharply

Over  her life as yours do for her ruin.

 Be not deceived to think her lenity 25

Will be perpetual or, if men be wanting

The gods will be, to  such a calling cause.

Consider your  attempts and, while there’s time,

Repent you of ’em.  It doth make me tremble

There should those spirits yet breathe that, when they cannot 30

Live honestly, would rather perish basely.

CATO

 You talk too much to ’em, Marcus.  They are lost.

Go forth and apprehend ’em.

CATULUS

If you  prove

This practice, what should  let the commonwealth

To take due vengeance?

VARGUNTEIUS

[To the conspirators] Let us shift away. 35

The darkness hath concealed us yet; we’ll say

Some have  abused our names.

CORNELIUS

Deny it all.

 [Exeunt Vargunteius, Cornelius, and their men.]

CATO

Quintus, what guards ha’ you? Call the Tribunes’ aid,

And raise the city. Consul, you are too mild:

 The foulness of some facts takes thence all mercy. 40

Report it to the Senate.

 It thunders and lightens violently on the sudden.

Hear: the gods

Grow angry with your patience.  ’Tis their care,

And must be yours, that guilty men escape not.

As crimes do grow, justice should rouse itself.  [Exeunt.]

CHORUS

CHORUS

 What is it, Heavens, you prepare 45

With so much swiftness and so sudden  rising?

There are no  sons of earth that dare

Again rebellion, or the gods surprising?

The world doth shake and nature fears,

Yet is the tumult and the horror greater 50

Within our minds than in our ears,

So much Rome’s faults, now grown her fate, do  threat her.

 The priests and people run about,

Each  order, age, and sex  amazed at other,

And at the  ports all thronging out, 55

As if their safety were to quit  their mother;

Yet find they the same dangers there

From which they make such haste to be preserved.

For guilty states do ever bear

The  plagues about them which they have deserved. 60

And till those plagues do get above

The mountain of our faults and there do sit,

We see ’em not. Thus still we love

 Th’evil we do until we  suffer it.

But, most, ambition,  that near vice 65

To virtue, hath the fate of Rome provoked,

 And made that now Rome’s  self’s no price

To free her from the death wherewith she’s yoked,

That restless ill that still doth build

Upon success and  ends not in aspiring 70

But there begins. And ne’er is  filled

While ought remains that seems but worth desiring,

Wherein the thought, unlike the eye,

To which things far seem smaller than they are,

Deems all contentment placed on high, 75

And thinks there’s nothing great but what is far.

Oh, that in time Rome did not  cast

Her errors up, this fortune to  prevent,

T’have seen her crimes ere they were past,

And felt her faults before her punishment. 80

4.1         [Enter Ambassadors of the] ALLOBROGES.

    [Thunder and lightning.]  Divers SENATORS pass by, quaking and trembling.

FIRST ALLOBROX

 Can these men fear, who are not only ours

But the world’s masters? Then I see the gods

 Upbraid our suff’rings, or would humble  them,

By sending these  affrights while we are here,

That we might laugh at their ridiculous fear 5

Whose names we trembled at beyond the Alps.

 Of all that pass I do not see a face

Worthy a man that dares look up and  stand

One thunder out; but downward all,  like beasts,

Running away from every flash is made. 10

 The falling world could not deserve such baseness.

Are we employed here by our miseries,

Like  superstitious fools, or rather slaves,

To  plain our griefs, wrongs, and oppressions

To  a mere clothèd Senate whom our folly 15

Hath made, and still intends to keep, our  tyrants?

It is our base petitionary breath

That  blows ’em to this greatness, which this  prick

[Drawing his sword]

Would soon let out, if we were  bold and wretched.

 When they have taken all we have, our goods, 20

Crop, lands, and houses, they will leave us  this:

A weapon and an arm will still be found,

Though naked left, and lower than the ground.

  [Enter] CATO, CATULUS, [and] CICERO.

CATO

Do,  urge thine anger still, good heaven and just!

Tell guilty men what powers are above them! 25

In such a  confidence of wickedness

’Twas time they should know something fit to fear.

CATULUS

I never saw a morn more full of horror.

CATO

To Catiline, and his. But to  just men,

Though heaven should speak with all his wrath at once, 30

That with his breath the hinges of the world

Did crack, we should stand upright and unfeared.

CICERO

Why, so we do, good Cato. Who be these?

CATULUS

Ambassadors from the Allobroges,

I take ’em, by their  habits.

FIRST ALLOBROX

 Ay, these men 35

Seem of another race. Let’s  sue to these;

There’s hope of justice, with their fortitude.

[The Allobroges approach the Senators.]

CICERO

Friends of the Senate and of Rome, today

We pray you to  forbear us. On the morrow

What suit you have, let us by  Fabius Sanga, 40

Whose patronage your state doth use, but know it

And,  on the Consul’s word, you shall receive

 Dispatch or else an answer worth your patience.

FIRST ALLOBROX

We could not hope for more, most worthy Consul.

 [Exeunt Cato, Catulus, and Cicero.]

This magistrate hath struck an awe into me 45

And by his sweetness won a  more regard

Unto his  place than all the  boist’rous  moods

That ignorant greatness  practiseth to fill

The large,  unfit authority it wears.

How easy is a noble spirit  discerned 50

From harsh and  sulphurous matter that flies out

In  contumelies, makes a noise, and stinks!

May we find  good and great men that know how

To stoop to wants and meet necessities,

And will not turn from any  equal suits. 55

   Such men, they do not succour more the cause

They undertake with favour and success

Than, by it, their own judgements they do raise

In turning just men’s needs into their praise.  [Exeunt.]

4.2     THE SENATE

  [Enter LICTORS, a PRAETOR, CICERO, ANTONIUS, CATO, CATULUS,
CAESAR, CRASSUS, and other SENATORS.]

PRAETOR

   Room for the consuls!  Fathers, take your places.

Here, in  the house of Jupiter the Stayer,

By edict from the Consul, Marcus Tullius,

You are met, a  frequent Senate. Hear him speak.

CICERO

     What may be happy and auspicious still 5

To Rome and hers. Honoured and  conscript fathers,

If I were silent, and  that all the dangers

Threatening the state and you were yet so hid

In night or darkness, thicker in their breasts

That are the black contrivers, so that no 10

Beam of light could  pierce ’em, yet  the voice

Of heav’n this morning hath spoke loud enough

T’  instruct you with a feeling of the horror,

And wake you from a sleep as  stark as death.

 I have of late spoke often in this Senate 15

Touching this argument,  but still have  wanted

Either your ears or faith:  so incredible

Their plots have seemed, or I so vain to  make

These things for mine own glory and false greatness,

As hath been  given out. But be it so. 20

When they break forth, and shall declare themselves

By their too foul effects, then, then the  envy

Of my just cares will find another name.

For me, I am but one; and this poor life,

So lately aimed at,  not an hour  yet since, 25

They cannot with more eagerness pursue

Than I with gladness would lay down and  lose

To buy Rome’s peace, if that would purchase it.

 But when I see they’d make it but the step

To more and greater, unto yours, Rome’s, all, 30

I would with  those preserve it, or  then fall.

 [Caesar and Crassus talk apart.]

CAESAR

Ay, ay,  let you alone, cunning   artificer!

See how his   gorget  peers above his gown,

To tell the people in what danger he was.

It was absurdly done of Vargunteius 35

To name himself before he was  got in.

CRASSUS

It matters not,  so they deny it all

And can but  carry the lie constantly.

Will Catiline be here?

CAESAR

 I’ve sent for him.

CRASSUS

And ha’ you bid him to be confident? 40

CAESAR

To that his own necessity will prompt him.

CRASSUS

Seem to believe nothing at all that Cicero

Relates us.

CAESAR

It will  mad him.

CRASSUS

Oh, and help

The other party.

 [Enter QUINTUS CICERO, and confers with Cicero.]

Who is that? His brother?

What new  intelligence has he brought him now? 45

CAESAR

Some cautions from  his wife how to behave  him.

CICERO

[To Quintus]Place some of  them without, and some bring in.

Thank their kind loves. [To the Senate] It is a comfort yet  [Exit Quintus.]

That all  depart not from their country’s cause.

 [Enter QUINTUS, who] brings in the TRIBUNES and GUARDS.

CAESAR

[Aside to Antonius] How now, what means this muster, Consul Antonius? 50

ANTONIUS

I do not know; ask my colleague, he’ll tell you.

There is some reason in state that I must yield to,

And I have promised him – indeed  he has bought it,

With giving me the province.

CICERO

I profess

It grieves me, fathers, that I am compelled 55

To draw these arms and aids for your defence,

And, more, against a citizen of Rome,

Born here amongst you, a patrician,

A man, I must confess, of no  mean house

Nor no small virtue, if he had employed 60

Those excellent gifts of fortune and of nature

Unto the good, not ruin, of the state.

 But being bred in’s father’s needy fortunes,

 Brought up in’s sister’s prostitution,

Confirmed in civil slaughter,  ent’ring first 65

The commonwealth with murder of the gentry,

Since, both by  study and  custom, conversant

With all licentiousness: what could be hoped

In such a  field of riot, but a course

Extreme pernicious? Though, I must protest, 70

 I found his mischiefs sooner with mine eyes

Than with my thought, and with these hands of mine

Before they touched at my suspicion.

CAESAR

What are his mischiefs, Consul? You declaim

Against his  manners and corrupt your own. 75

 No wise man should for hate of guilty men

Lose his own innocence.

CICERO

The noble Caesar

Speaks godlike truth. But when he hears I can

 Convince him by his manners of his mischiefs,

He might be silent, and not cast away 80

His  sentences in vain where they scarce  look

Toward his subject.

  [Enter CATILINE.]

CATO

Here he comes himself.

  Catiline sits down, and Cato rises from him.

If he be worthy any good man’s voice,

That good man sit down by him; Cato will not.

CATULUS

[Rising] If Cato leave him, I’ll not  keep aside. 85

 [Other Senators also move away from Catiline.]

CATILINE

What  face is this the Senate here puts on

Against me, fathers? Give my  modesty

Leave to demand the cause of so much  strangeness.

CAESAR

It is reported here you are the head

To a  strange faction, Lucius.

CICERO

Ay, and will 90

Be proved against him.

CATILINE

[Rising from his seat] Let it be. Why, Consul,

If in the commonwealth there be two bodies,

One lean, weak, rotten, and that hath a head,

The other strong and healthful, but hath none,

If I do give it one, do I offend? 95

Restore yourselves unto your temper, fathers,

And without perturbation hear me speak.

Remember who I am, and of what  place,

What petty fellow this is that opposes:

 One that hath exercised his eloquence 100

Still to the bane of the nobility,

A boasting, insolent tongue-man.

CATO

Peace,  lewd traitor,

Or wash thy mouth. He is an honest man

And loves his country: would thou didst so, too.

CATILINE

Cato, you are too zealous for him.

CATO

No, 105

Thou art too impudent.

CATULUS

Catiline, be silent.

CATILINE

Nay, then I easily fear my just defence

Will come too late, to so much prejudice.

CAESAR

 (Aside)  Will he sit down?

CATILINE

Yet, let the world forsake me,

My innocence must not.

CATO

Thou innocent? 110

So are the  furies.

CICERO

Yes, and Ate, too.

Dost thou not blush, pernicious Catiline?

 Or hath the paleness of thy guilt drunk up

Thy blood and drawn thy veins as dry of that

As is thy heart of truth, thy breast of virtue? 115

  Whither at length wilt thou abuse our patience?

Still shall thy fury mock us? To what  licence

Dares thy unbridled boldness run itself?

Do all the nightly guards kept on  the palace,

The city’s watches, with the people’s fears, 120

The  concourse of all good men, this so strong

And fortified seat, here, of the Senate,

The present looks upon thee,  strike thee nothing?

Dost thou not feel thy  counsels all laid open,

And see thy wild conspiracy  bound in 125

With each man’s knowledge? Which of all this order

Canst thou think ignorant – if they’ll but utter

Their  conscience  to the right – of what thou didst

Last night, what on the former, where thou wert,

Whom thou didst call together, what your plots were? 130

 O age and manners! This the Consul sees,

The Senate understands, yet this man lives!

Lives, ay, and comes here into  council with us,

 Partakes the public cares, and with his eye

Marks and points out each man of us to slaughter. 135

 And we good men do satisfy the state,

If we can shun but this man’s sword and madness.

There was that virtue once in Rome when good men

Would with more sharp  coercion have restrained

A wicked citizen than the deadliest foe. 140

We have that law still, Catiline, for thee:

An act as  grave as sharp.  The state’s not wanting,

Nor the authority of this Senate;  we,

We that are consuls, only fail ourselves.

 This twenty days the edge of  that decree 145

We have let dull and rust, kept it shut up,

As in a sheath, which drawn should take thy head.

Yet still thou liv’st, and liv’st not to lay by

Thy wicked  confidence, but to confirm it.

I could  desire, fathers, to be found 150

Still merciful, to  seem, in these  main perils

Grasping the state, a man remiss and slack;

But then I should condemn myself of sloth

And treachery. Their camp’s in Italy,

Pitched in the  jaws here of  Etruria, 155

Their numbers daily increasing and their general

Within our walls, nay in our council, plotting

Hourly some fatal mischief to the public.

If, Catiline, I should command thee now

Here to be taken, killed, I  make just doubt 160

Whether all good men would not think it done

Rather too late than any man too cruel.

CATO

Except he  were of the same  meal and batch.

CICERO

But that which ought to have been done long since

I will, and for good reason, yet forbear. 165

Then will I take thee, when no man is found

So lost, so wicked, nay so like thyself,

 But shall profess ’tis done of need, and right.

 While there is one that dares defend thee, live;

Thou shalt have leave, but so as now thou liv’st: 170

Watched  at a hand, besiegèd, and  oppressed

From working  least commotion to the state.

I have those eyes and ears  shall still keep guard

And  spial on thee, as they have ever done,

And thou not feel it. What then canst thou hope? 175

If neither night can with her darkness hide

Thy wicked meetings, nor a private house

Can in her walls contain the guilty whispers

Of thy conspiracy; if all  break out,

All be discovered, change thy mind at last, 180

And  lose thy thoughts of ruin, flame, and slaughter.

Remember how I told here to the Senate

That such a day thy  lictor, Caius Manlius,

Would be in arms. Was I deceivèd, Catiline,

 Or in the fact, or in the time, the hour? 185

 I told, too, in this Senate that thy purpose

Was on the  fifth, the Kalends of November,

T’have slaughtered this whole  order,  which my caution

Made many leave the city. Canst thou here

Deny  but this thy black design was hindered 190

That very day by me, thyself closed in

Within my  strengths, so that thou couldst not move

Against a public   rede? When thou wert heard

To say, upon the parting of the rest,

Thou wouldst content thee with the murder of us 195

That did remain? Hadst thou not hope, beside,

By a surprise by night to take  Praeneste?

 Where, when thou cam’st, didst thou not find the place

 Made good against thee with my aids, my watches?

My garrisons fortified it. Thou dost nothing, Sergius, 200

Thou canst endeavour nothing, nay, not think,

But I both see and hear it, and am  with thee,

By, and before, about, and in thee, too.

Call but to mind thy last night’s business. Come,

I’ll use no  circumstance: at  Laeca’s house, 205

The  shop and  mint of your conspiracy,

 Among your sword-men, where so many associates

Both of thy mischief and thy madness met.

Dar’st thou deny this? Wherefore art thou silent?

Speak, and this shall  convince thee: here they are, 210

I see ’em, in this Senate, that were with thee.

O you immortal gods, in what  clime are we?

What region do we live in? In what air?

What commonwealth or state is this we have?

Here, here, amongst us, our own number, fathers, 215

In this most holy council of the world,

They are that seek the  spoil of me, of you,

Of ours, of all. What I can name’s too narrow:

 Follow the sun, and find not their ambition.

These I behold, being consul; nay, I ask 220

Their counsels of the state,  as from good patriots.

 Whom it were fit the axe should hew in pieces

I not so much as wound yet with my voice.

Thou wast last night with Laeca, Catiline.

Your shares of Italy you there divided, 225

Appointed who and whither each should go;

What men should stay behind in Rome were chosen,

Your  offices set down, the parts marked out,

And places of the city, for the fire;

Thyself,  thou affirmed’st, wast ready to depart, 230

Only a little  let there was that stayed thee:

That I yet lived. Upon the word stepped forth

 Three of thy crew to rid thee of that care;

Two undertook this morning, before day,

To kill me in my bed. All this I knew, 235

 Your convent scarce dismissed; armed all my servants,

Called both my brother and friends, shut out your  clients

You sent to visit me, whose names I told

To some there,  of good place, before they came.

CATO

Yes, I and Quintus Catulus can affirm it. 240

CAESAR

[Aside] He’s lost and gone.  His spirits have forsook him.

CICERO

If this be so, why, Catiline, dost thou stay?

Go where thou mean’st. The  ports are open. Forth!

The camp abroad wants thee, their chief, too long.

Lead with thee all thy troops out. Purge the city. 245

Draw dry that noisome and pernicious  sink

Which, left behind thee, would infect the world.

Thou wilt free me of all my fears at once,

To see  a wall between us. Dost thou  stop

To do that now, commanded, which before 250

Of thine own choice  thou’rt prone to? Go! The Consul

Bids thee, an enemy, to depart the city.

 ‘Whither?’, thou’lt ask, ‘to exile?’ I not bid

Thee that. But  ask my counsel: I persuade it.

What is there here in Rome that can delight thee, 255

Where not a soul  without thine own foul  knot

But fears and hates thee? What domestic  note

Of private filthiness but is burnt in

Into thy life? What  close and secret shame

But is grown one with thy known infamy? 260

What lust was ever absent from thine eyes?

What  lewd fact from thy hands? What wickedness

From thy whole body? Where’s that youth, drawn in

 Within thy nets or catched up with thy baits,

 Before whose rage thou hast not borne a sword, 265

And to whose lusts thou hast  not held a torch?

 Thy latter nuptials I let pass in silence,

Where sins incredible on sins were heaped,

Which I not name,  lest in a civil state

So monstrous facts should either appear to be 270

Or not to be revenged. Thy  fortunes, too,

I glance not at, which  hang but till  next Ides.

I come to that which is more known, more public:

The life and safety of us all, by thee

Threatened and sought.  Stood’st thou not in the field 275

When Lepidus and Tullus were our consuls,

Upon the day of choice, armed and with forces

To take their lives, and our chief citizens’,

When not thy fear nor conscience changed thy mind,

But  the mere fortune of the commonwealth 280

Withstood thy active malice? Speak but right.

How often hast thou made attempt on me?

How many of thy assaults have I  declined

With shifting but my body, as we’d say,

Wrested thy dagger from thy hand, how oft? 285

How often hath it fall’n or slipped by chance?

Yet  can thy side not want it,  which  how vowed,

Or with what rites ’tis sacred of thee, I know not,

That still thou mak’st it a necessity

To  fix it in the body of a consul. 290

But let me  lose this way and speak to thee

Not as one moved with hatred, which I ought,

But pity, of which none is  owing thee.

CATO

No  more than unto  Tantalus or Tityus.

CICERO

Thou cam’st  erewhile into this Senate. Who 295

 Of such a frequency, so many friends

And kindred thou hast here, saluted thee?

Were not the seats made bare upon thy entrance?

  Riss not the  consular men and left their places,

So soon as thou sat’st down, and fled thy side 300

Like to a plague or ruin, knowing how oft

They had been by thee marked out for the  shambles?

How dost thou bear this? Surely, if my slaves

At home feared me with half th’affright and horror

That here thy fellow citizens do thee, 305

I should soon quit my house and think it  need, too.

Yet thou dar’st tarry here? Go forth at last,

Condemn thyself to flight and solitude.

Discharge the commonwealth of her deep fear.

Go: into banishment,  if thou wait’st the word. 310

 Why do’st thou look? They all consent unto it.

 Dost thou expect th’authority of their voices,

Whose silent wills condemn thee? While they sit,

They approve it; while they  suffer it, they decree it;

And while  they are silent to it, they proclaim it. 315

 Prove thou there honest, I’ll endure the envy.

But there’s no thought thou should’st be ever he

Whom either shame should call from filthiness,

Terror from danger, or  discourse from fury.

Go, I entreat thee – yet why do I so, 320

When I already know they are sent afore

That tarry for thee in arms and do expect thee

On   th’Aurelian Way? I know the day

 Set down ’twixt thee and Manlius,  unto whom

The silver eagle, too, is sent before, 325

Which I do hope shall prove to thee as baneful

As thou conceiv’st it to the commonwealth.

But may this wise and sacred Senate say:

 ‘What mean’st thou, Marcus Tullius? If thou know’st

That Catiline be  looked for to be chief 330

Of an  intestine war; that  he’s the author

Of such a wickedness,  the caller-out

Of  men of mark in mischief to an action

Of so much horror,  prince of such a treason;

Why dost thou send him forth? Why let him scape? 335

This is to give him liberty and power.

Rather thou shouldst lay hold upon him, send him

To deserved death and a just  punishment.’

To these so holy voices, thus I answer:

If I did think it timely, conscript fathers, 340

To punish him with death, I would not give

The  fencer use of one short hour to breathe.

But when there are in  this grave order some

Who with  soft censures still do nurse his hopes,

Some that, with not believing, have confirmed 345

His designs more, and whose authority

The weaker, as the worst men too, have followed,

I would now send him where they all should see,

Clear as the light,  his heart shine; where no man

Could be so wickedly or  fondly stupid, 350

But should cry out he saw, touched, felt, and grasped it.

Then, when he hath run out himself,  led forth

His desp’rate party with him,  blown together

Aids of all kinds, both shipwrecked minds and fortunes,

Not only the grown evil that now is sprung 355

And sprouted forth would be plucked up and weeded,

But the stock, root, and seed of all the mischiefs

Choking the commonwealth.  Where, should we take

Of such a swarm of traitors only him,

Our cares and fears might seem a while relieved, 360

But the main peril would bide still enclosed

Deep in the veins and bowels of the state.

As human bodies labouring with fevers,

While they  are tossed with heat, if they do take

Cold water, seem for that short space much eased, 365

But afterward are ten times more afflicted.

Wherefore, I say, let all this wicked crew

Depart, divide themselves from good men, gather

Their forces to one head. As I said oft,

Let ’em be severed from us with a  wall; 370

Let ’em leave off attempts upon the Consul

In his own house,  to circle in the Praetor,

To girt the court with weapons, to prepare

Fire and  balls, swords, torches, sulphur, brands.

In short, let it be writ in each man’s forehead 375

What thoughts he bears the public. I here promise,

Fathers conscript, to you and to myself

That diligence in us consuls, for  my honoured

Colleague abroad and for myself at home;

So great authority in you, so much 380

Virtue in these, the  gentlemen of Rome,

 Whom I could scarce restrain today in zeal

From seeking out the  parricide to slaughter;

So much consent in all good men and minds

As, on the going out of this one Catiline, 385

All shall be clear, made plain,  oppressed, revenged.

And with  this omen, go, pernicious plague,

Out of the city, to the wished destruction

Of thee and those that, to the ruin of her,

Have ta’en  that bloody and black sacrament. 390

 Thou Jupiter, whom we do call the Stayer

Both of this city and this empire, wilt,

 With the same auspice thou didst raise it first,

Drive from thy altars and all other temples

And buildings of this city, from our walls, 395

Lives, states, and fortunes of our citizens

This fiend, this fury, with his  complices.

And all  th’ offence of good men – these known traitors

Unto their country, thieves of Italy,

Joined in so damned a league of mischief – thou 400

Wilt with perpetual plagues, alive and dead,

Punish for Rome and save her innocent head.

CATILINE

If an oration or  high language, fathers,

Could make me guilty, here is one hath done it.

 He’s strove to emulate this morning’s thunder 405

With his prodigious rhetoric. But I hope

This Senate is more  grave than to give credit

Rashly to all he vomits ’gainst a man

Of your own  order, a patrician,

And one whose ancestors have more deserved 410

Of Rome than this man’s eloquence could utter,

 Turned the best way, as still it is the worst.

CATO

His eloquence hath more deserved today,

Speaking thy ill, than all thy ancestors

Did in their good. And that the state will find 415

Which he has saved.

CATILINE

How, he? Were I that enemy

That he would make me, I’d not wish the state

More wretched than to need  his preservation.

What do you make him, Cato, such a  Hercules?

An  Atlas? A poor petty  inmate!

CATO

Traitor! 420

CATILINE

He save the state? A  burgess’ son of Arpinum?

The gods would rather twenty Romes should perish

Than have that contumely stuck upon ’em

That he should share with them in the preserving

A shed, or sign-post.

CATO

Peace, thou  prodigy! 425

CATILINE

 They would be  forced themselves again, and lost

In  the first rude and indigested heap,

Ere such a wretched name as Cicero

Should sound with theirs.

CATULUS

Away, thou impudent  head!

CATILINE

Do you all back him? Are you silent, too? 430

Well, I will leave you, fathers; I will go.

But –

 (He turns suddenly on Cicero.)

my fine dainty speaker–

CICERO

What now, fury?

Wilt thou assault me here?

CHORUS

   Help, aid the Consul!

CATILINE

See, fathers, laugh you not? Who threatened him?

 In vain thou dost conceive, ambitious orator, 435

Hope of so brave a death as by this hand.

CATO

 Out of the court with the pernicious traitor!

CATILINE

[To Cicero] There is no title that this flattering Senate,

Nor honour the base multitude can give thee,

Shall make thee worthy Catiline’s anger.

CATO

 Stop, 440

Stop that  portentous mouth!

CATILINE

Or when  it shall,

I’ll  look thee dead.

CATO

Will none restrain the monster?

CATULUS

Parricide!

QUINTUS

Butcher, traitor, leave the Senate!

CATILINE

 I am gone to banishment, to please you, fathers.

Thrust headlong forth.

CATO

Still dost thou murmur, monster? 445

CATILINE

 Since I am thus  put out, and made a –

CICERO

What?

CATULUS

Not guiltier than thou art.

CATILINE

I will not burn

Without my funeral  pile.

CATO

What says the fiend?

CATILINE

I will have  matter, timber.

CATO

Sing out,  screech-owl.

CATILINE

It shall be in –

CATULUS

Speak thy  imperfect thoughts. 450

CATILINE

  the common fire, rather than mine own.

For fall I will with all, ere fall alone.  [Exit.]

CRASSUS

[Aside to Caesar]  He’s lost, there’s no hope of him.

CAESAR

Unless

He presently take arms, and give a blow

Before the Consul’s forces can be levied. 455

CICERO

What is your pleasure, fathers, shall be done?

CATULUS

 See that the commonwealth receive no loss.

CATO

Commit the care thereof unto the consuls.

CRASSUS

 ’Tis time.

CAESAR

And need.

CICERO

Thanks to this frequent Senate.

 But what decree they unto Curius 460

And Fulvia?

CATULUS

What the Consul shall think meet.

CICERO

 They must receive reward, though’t be not known,

Lest when a state needs  ministers, they ha’ none.

 [ The Senators start to leave; Cato and Cicero stay behind, talking privately.]

CATO

Yet, Marcus Tullius, do not I believe

But Crassus and this Caesar here  ring hollow. 465

CICERO

And would  appear so, if that we durst  prove ’em.

CATO

Why dare we not? What honest act is that

The Roman Senate should not dare, and do?

CICERO

  Not an unprofitable, dangerous act,

To stir too many serpents up at once. 470

Caesar and Crassus, if they be ill men,

Are mighty ones; and we must so provide

That, while we take one head from this foul  Hydra,

There spring not twenty more.

CATO

I  ’prove your counsel.

CICERO

They shall be watched and looked to. Till they do 475

Declare themselves, I will not put’em out

By any question. There they stand. I’ll make

Myself no enemies, nor the state no traitors.  [Exeunt.]

4.3    [Enter] CATILINE, LENTULUS, CETHEGUS, CURIUS, GABINIUS, LONGINUS, [and] STATILIUS.

CATILINE

False to ourselves? All our designs  discovered

To this  state-cat?

CETHEGUS

Ay, had I had my way,

 He had mewed in flames at home, not I’the Senate.

 I had singed his furs by this time.

CATILINE

Well, there’s now

No time  of calling back, or standing still. 5

Friends, be yourselves; keep the same Roman hearts

And ready minds  you had  yesternight. Prepare

To execute what we resolved. And let not

Labour or danger or discovery fright you.

I’ll to the army; you, the while,  mature 10

Things here at home. Draw to you any aids

That you think fit, of men of all conditions

Or any fortunes that may help a war.

I’ll  bleed a life or win an empire for you.

Within these few days look to see my  ensigns 15

Here at the walls; be you but firm within.

Meantime, to  draw an envy on the Consul

And give a less suspicion of our course,

Let it be given out here in the city

That I am gone, an innocent man, to exile 20

Into  Massilia, willing to  give way

To fortune and the times, being unable

To  stand so great a faction without troubling

The commonwealth, whose peace I rather seek

Than all the glory of  contention 25

Or  the support of mine own innocence.

Farewell, the noble Lentulus, Longinus,

Curius, the rest – and thou,  my better genius,

The brave Cethegus. When we meet again,

We’ll sacrifice to liberty.

CETHEGUS

And revenge. 30

That we may praise our hands once.

LENTULUS

O you Fates,

 Give Fortune now her eyes, to see with whom

She goes along, that she may ne’er forsake him!

CURIUS

He needs not her, nor  them. Go but on, Sergius.

 A valiant man is his own fate and fortune. 35

LONGINUS

The fate and fortune of us all go with him!

GABINIUS STATILIUS

And ever guard him!

CATILINE

 I am all your creature.  [Exit.]

LENTULUS

Now, friends, ’tis left with us.  I have already

Dealt, by  Umbrenus, with the Allobroges

Here  resiant in Rome, whose state I hear 40

Is discontent with the  great usuries

They are oppressed with, and have made complaints

Diverse unto the Senate, but all vain.

These men I have thought – both for their own oppressions

As also that, by nature,  they are a people 45

Warlike and fierce,  still watching after change

And now  in present hatred with our state –

The fittest and the easiest to be drawn

To our  society, and to aid the war.

 The rather for their  seat – being next bord’rers 50

On Italy – and that  they abound with  horse,

 Of which one want our camp doth only labour.

And I have found ’em  coming. They will meet

Soon at  Sempronia’s house, where I would pray you

All to be present, to  confirm ’em more. 55

The sight of such spirits hurt not, nor the  store.

GABINIUS

I will not fail.

STATILIUS

Nor I.

CURIUS

Nor I.

CETHEGUS

 Would I

Had somewhat by myself, apart, to do.

 I ha’ no  genius to these many councils.

Let me kill all the Senate for my share: 60

I’ll do it at next sitting.

LENTULUS

Worthy Caius,

Your presence will add much.

CETHEGUS

I shall  mar more.  [Exeunt.]

4.4       [Enter] CICERO [and] SANGA.

CICERO

The state’s beholden to you, Fabius  Sanga,

For this great care. And those Allobroges

Are more than wretched, if  they lend a list’ning

To such persuasion.

SANGA

They, most worthy Consul,

As men employed here from a grievèd state, 5

Groaning beneath a multitude of wrongs,

And being told there was small hope of ease

To be expected to their evils from hence,

Were willing at the first to give an ear

To anything that  sounded liberty. 10

But since, on better thoughts and my urged reasons,

 They are come about and won to the true side.

 The Fortune of the commonwealth hath conquered.

CICERO

What is that same Umbrenus,  was the  agent?

SANGA

One that hath had  negotiation 15

In Gallia oft, and known unto their state.

CICERO

Are  th’ambassadors come with you?

SANGA

Yes.

CICERO

Well, bring ’em in; if they be  firm and honest,

Never had men the means so to  deserve

Of Rome as they.   [Exit Sanga.]

 A happy, wished occasion, 20

And thrust into my hands, for the  discovery

And  manifest conviction of these traitors.

 Be thanked, O Jupiter!

 [Enter SANGA with the ambassadors of the] ALLOBROGES.

My worthy lords,

 Confederates of the Senate, you are welcome.

I understand by Quintus Fabius Sanga, 25

Your  careful patron here, you have been lately

Solicited against the commonwealth

By one Umbrenus – take a seat, I pray you –

[They sit.]

From Publius Lentulus, to be associates

In their intended war. I could  advise 30

That men whose fortunes are yet flourishing,

And are Rome’s friends, would not without a cause

Become her enemies and mix themselves

And their estates with the lost hopes of Catiline

Or Lentulus, whose mere despair doth arm ’em. 35

That were to  hazard certainties for air,

And undergo all danger for a  voice.

Believe me, friends:  loud tumults are not  laid

With half the easiness that they are  raised.

 All may begin a war, but few can end it. 40

 The Senate have decreed that my colleague

Shall lead their army against Catiline,

 And have declared both him and Manlius traitors.

Metellus Celer hath already given

Part of their troops defeat. Honours are promised 45

To all will quit ’em, and rewards proposed

Even to slaves that can  detect their courses.

Here in the city I have, by the praetors

And tribunes, placed my guards and watches so

That not a foot can tread, a breath can whisper, 50

But I have knowledge. And be sure the Senate

And people of Rome, of their accustomed greatness,

Will sharply and severely  vindicate

Not only any fact but any  practice

Or purpose ’gainst the state. Therefore, my lords, 55

Consult of your own ways, and think which  hand

Is best to take. You, now, are present suitors

For some redress of wrongs: I’ll undertake

Not only that shall be assured you, but

What grace or privilege else Senate or people 60

Can cast upon you, worthy such a service

As you have now the way and means to do ’em,

 If but your wills consent with my designs.

FIRST ALLOBROX

      We covet nothing more, most worthy Consul.

And howsoe’er we have been tempted lately 65

To a  defection, that not makes us guilty.

 We are not yet so wretched in our fortunes,

Nor in our wills so lost, as to abandon

A friendship, prodigally, of that price

As is the Senate and the people of Rome’s, 70

For hopes that do   precipitate themselves.

CICERO

You then are wise, and honest. Do but  this then:

 When shall you speak with Lentulus and the rest?

FIRST ALLOBROX

We are to meet anon, at Brutus’ house.

CICERO

Who?  Decius Brutus? He is not in Rome. 75

SANGA

Oh, but his wife  Sempronia –

CICERO

You  instruct me;

She is  a chief. Well, fail you not to meet ’em,

And to express the best  affection

You can  put on to all that they intend.

Like it, applaud it,  give the commonwealth 80

And Senate lost to ’em. Promise any aids

By arms or counsel. What they can desire

I would have you  prevent. Only, say this:

 You’ve had  dispatch, in private, by the Consul

Of your affairs; and,  for the many fears 85

The state’s now in, you are willed by him this evening

To depart Rome, which you by all sought means

Will do,  of reason to decline suspicion.

Now, for the more authority of the business

 They’ve trusted to you, and to give it credit 90

With your own state at home, you would desire

Their letters to your Senate and your people,

Which shown you durst  engage both life and honour,

The rest should every way answer their hopes.

 Those had,  pretend sudden departure, you, 95

And as you give me notice at what port

You will go out, I’ll ha’ you intercepted

And all the letters taken with you, so

As you shall be redeemed in all opinions,

And they convicted of their manifest treason. 100

 Ill deeds are well turned back upon their authors;

And ’gainst an injurer the revenge is just.

This must be done now.

FIRST ALLOBROX

Cheerfully and firmly.

 We’re they would rather haste to undertake it

Than stay to say so.

CICERO

With that  confidence, go; 105

Make yourselves happy while you make Rome so.

By Sanga let me have notice from you.

FIRST ALLOBROX

Yes.  [Exeunt.]

4.5     [  Enter] SEMPRONIA [and] LENTULUS.

SEMPRONIA

When come these creatures, the ambassadors?

I would fain see ’em. Are they any scholars?

LENTULUS

I think not, madam.

SEMPRONIA

Ha’ they no Greek?

LENTULUS

No, surely.

SEMPRONIA

Fie, what do I here, waiting on ’em then,

If they be nothing but mere statesmen?

LENTULUS

Yes, 5

Your Ladyship shall observe their  gravity

And their reservedness,  their many cautions,

 Fitting their persons.

SEMPRONIA

I do wonder much

That states and commonwealths employ not women

To be ambassadors sometimes! We should 10

Do as good public service and could make

As honourable spies – for so  Thucydides

Calls all ambassadors.

[ Enter] CETHEGUS.

Are they come, Cethegus?

CETHEGUS

Do you ask me? Am I your  scout, or bawd?

LENTULUS

Oh, Caius, it is no such business.

CETHEGUS

No? 15

What does a woman at it, then?

SEMPRONIA

Good sir,

There are of us can be as  exquisite traitors

As e’er a male-conspirator of you all.

CETHEGUS

Ay, at  smock-treason, matron, I believe you,

And if I were your husband. But when I 20

Trust to your  cobweb-bosoms any  other,

Let me there die a fly and feast you, spider.

LENTULUS

You are too sour and harsh, Cethegus.

CETHEGUS

You

Are kind and courtly. I’d be torn in pieces

With  wild Hippolytus, nay  prove the death 25

Every limb over,  ere I’d trust a woman

With wind, could I retain it.

SEMPRONIA

Sir, they’ll be trusted

With as good secrets yet as you have any,

And carry ’em, too, as close and as concealed

As you shall,  for your heart.

CETHEGUS

I’ll not contend with you 30

Either in  tongue or carriage, good  Calypso.

[ Enter] LONGINUS.

LONGINUS

Th’ambassadors are come.

CETHEGUS

Thanks to thee,  Mercury,

That so hast rescued me.

[ Enter] GABINIUS, STATILIUS, VOLTURCIUS, [and the] ALLOBROGES.

LENTULUS

How now, Volturcius?

VOLTURCIUS

They do desire some speech with you, in private.

LENTULUS

Oh, ’tis about the  prophecy, belike, 35

And promise of the Sibyl’s.

GABINIUS

 It may be.

[Lentulus talks apart with the Allobroges.]

SEMPRONIA

Shun they to treat with me, too?

GABINIUS

No, good lady,

You may  partake; I have told ’em who you are.

SEMPRONIA

I should be loath to be left out,  and here too.

CETHEGUS

Can these or such be any aids to us? 40

Look they as they were built to shake the world,

Or be  a moment to our enterprise?

A thousand such as they are could not make

One atom of our souls. They should be men

Worth heaven’s fear, that looking up but thus 45

Would make Jove stand upon his guard and draw

Himself within his thunder which, amazed,

He should discharge in vain, and they unhurt.

Or,  if they were, like  Capaneus at Thebes

They should hang dead upon the highest spires, 50

And ask the second  bolt to be thrown down.

Why, Lentulus, talk you so long? This time

Had been enough t’have scattered all the stars,

T’have quenched the sun and moon and made  the world

Despair of day or any light but ours. 55

LENTULUS

[To the Allobroges ] How do you like this spirit? In such men

Mankind doth live. They are such souls as these

That move the world.

SEMPRONIA

 Ay, though he  bear me hard,

I yet must do him  right. He is a spirit

Of the right Martian breed.

FIRST ALLOBROX

 He is a Mars! 60

Would we had time to live here and  admire him.

LENTULUS

Well, I do see you would  prevent the Consul.

And I commend your care: it was but reason

To ask our letters, and we had prepared them.

Go in, and we will take an oath and seal ’em. 65

You shall have letters, too, to Catiline,

To visit him  i’the way, and to confirm

The  association.  This our friend, Volturcius,

Shall go along with you. Tell our great general

That we are ready here; that  Lucius Bestia, 70

The tribune, is provided of a speech

To lay the envy of the war on Cicero;

That all but long for his approach and person.

And then you are made  freemen, as ourselves.  [Exeunt.]

4.6   [ Enter] CICERO, FLACCUS, [and] POMTINIUS.

CICERO

 I cannot fear the war but to succeed well,

Both  for the honour of the cause and worth

 Of him that doth command. For  my colleague,

Being so ill  affected with the gout,

Will not be able to be there in person; 5

And then Petreius, his lieutenant, must

Of need take charge o’the army – who is much

The better soldier, having been a  tribune,

Prefect, lieutenant, praetor in the war

These thirty years, so conversant i’the army 10

As he knows all the soldiers by their names.

FLACCUS

They’ll fight, then, bravely with him.

POMTINIUS

Ay, and he

Will lead ’em on as bravely.

CICERO

 They have a foe

Will  ask their braveries, whose  necessities

Will arm him like a fury. But however, 15

I’ll trust it to the  manage and the fortune

Of good Petreius, who’s a  worthy patriot.

Metellus Celer with three legions, too,

Will stop  their course for Gallia.

 [Enter] SANGA.

How now, Fabius?

SANGA

The  train hath taken. You must instantly 20

Dispose your guards upon the   Mulvian Bridge;

For by that way they mean to come.

CICERO

Then thither,

Pomtinius and Flaccus, I must pray you

To lead that force you have, and seize them all.

Let not a person scape. Th’ambassadors 25

Will yield themselves. If there be any  tumult,

I’ll send you aid.  [Exeunt Flaccus and Pomtinius.]

I in meantime will call

Lentulus to me, Gabinius, and Cethegus,

Statilius, Ceparius, and all these

By several messengers, who no doubt will come 30

Without  sense or suspicion.  Prodigal men

Feel not their own stock wasting. When I have ’em,

I’ll place those guards upon ’em  that they start  not.

SANGA

But what’ll you do with Sempronia?

CICERO

  A  state’s anger

Should not take  knowledge either of fools or women. 35

I do not know whether my joy or  care

Ought to be greater: that I have discovered

So foul a treason, or must  undergo

The envy of so many great men’s fate.

But happen what there can, I will be just. 40

My fortune may forsake me, not my virtue:

That shall go with me, and before me, still,

And glad me, doing well, though I  hear ill.  [Exeunt.]

4.7     [  Enter FLACCUS, POMTINIUS, and GUARDS, meeting the ] ALLOBROGES, [and] VOLTURCIUS.

FLACCUS

Stand! Who goes there?

FIRST ALLOBROX

  We are th’Allobroges,

And friends of Rome.

POMTINIUS

If you be so, then yield

Yourselves unto the Praetors who, in name

Of the whole Senate and the people of Rome,

Yet till you clear yourselves, charge you of practice 5

Against the state.

VOLTURCIUS

Die, friends, and be not taken!

 [He fights with the Guards.]

FLACCUS

What voice is that? Down with ’em all!

ALLOBROGES

We yield.

POMTINIUS

What’s he  stands out? Kill him there!

VOLTURCIUS

Hold, hold, hold!

I yield upon conditions.

FLACCUS

We give none

To traitors. Strike him down!

VOLTURCIUS

My name is Volturcius; 10

I know Pomtinius.

POMTINIUS

But he knows not you,

While you stand out upon these traitorous terms.

VOLTURCIUS

I’ll yield  upon the safety of my life.

POMTINIUS

If it be forfeited, we cannot save it.

VOLTURCIUS

Promise to do your best.  I’m not so guilty 15

As many others I can name – and will,

If you will grant me  favour.

POMTINIUS

All we can

Is to deliver you to the Consul. [To Guards] Take him,

 And thank the gods that thus have savèd Rome.  [Exeunt.]

CHORUS

CHORUS

 Now do our ears, before our eyes, 20

 Like men in mists,

Discover who’d the state  surprise,

And who  resists?

And, as these clouds do yield to light,

Now do we see 25

Our thoughts of things, how they did fight

Which seemed t’agree?

Of what strange pieces are we made

Who nothing know

But, as new  airs our ears invade, 30

Still  censure so?

That now do hope and now do fear

And now envy,

And then do hate and then love dear,

But know not why; 35

Or if we do, it is so late

As our  best mood,

Though true, is then thought out of date

And empty of good.

How have we changed and come about 40

In every  doom,

Since wicked Catiline went out

And quitted Rome?

  One while we thought him innocent,

And then w’accused 45

The Consul  for his malice spent

And power abused.

Since that we hear  he is in arms

We think not so,

Yet  charge the Consul with our harms 50

That let him go.

So in our censure of the state

We still do  wander,

And make  the careful magistrate

The  mark of slander. 55

What age is this, where honest men

Placed at the helm

A sea of some foul mouth or pen

Shall overwhelm,

 And call their diligence deceit, 60

Their virtue, vice,

Their watchfulness, but lying in wait,

And blood  the price?

Oh, let us pluck this evil seed

Out of our spirits, 65

And give to every noble deed

The name it merits,

Lest we seem fall’n, if this endures,

Into  those times

To love disease and   brook the cures 70

Worse than the crimes.

5.1      [Enter] PETREIUS [and Soldiers].

PETREIUS

It is my fortune and my glory, soldiers,

This day to lead you on, the worthy  Consul

 Kept from the honour of it by disease.

And I am proud to have so brave a cause

To exercise your arms in.  We not now 5

Fight for how long, how broad, how great, and large

Th’extent and bounds o’th’people of Rome shall be,

But to retain what our great ancestors,

With all their labours, counsels, arts, and actions,

For us were  purchasing so many years. 10

 The quarrel is not now of fame, of tribute,

Or of wrongs done unto confederates,

For which the army of the people of Rome

Was wont to move, but for your own republic,

For the  raised temples of th’immortal gods, 15

For all your fortunes, altars, and your  fires,

For the dear souls of your loved wives and children,

Your parents’ tombs, your rites, laws, liberty,

And, briefly, for the safety of the world

Against such men as only by their crimes 20

Are known,  thrust out by riot, want, or rashness.

One sort, Sulla’s old troops, left here in Faesulae,

Who, suddenly  made rich in those dire times,

Are since, by their unbounded vast  expense,

Grown needy and poor and have but left  t’expect 25

From Catiline new bills and new proscriptions.

These men, they say, are valiant; yet I think ’em

Not worth your  pause. For either their old virtue

Is in their sloth and pleasures lost or, if

It tarry with ’em,  so ill match to yours 30

As they are short in number or in cause.

 The second sort are of those –  city-beasts

Rather than citizens –  who, whilst they reach

After our fortunes, have let fly their own.

These,  whelmed in wine, swelled up with meats, and weakened 35

With hourly whoredoms, never left the side

Of Catiline in Rome, nor here are loosed

From his embraces: such as, trust me, never

In riding or in using well their arms,

 Watching, or other military labour 40

Did  exercise their youth, but learned to love,

Drink, dance, and sing, make feasts, and be fine  gamesters.

 And these will wish more hurt  to you than they bring you.

The rest are a mixed kind, all sorts of furies,

Adulterers, dicers,  fencers, outlaws, thieves, 45

The  murderers of their parents,  all the sink

And plague of Italy met in one torrent

To take today from us the punishment

Due to their mischiefs for so many years.

And who, in such a cause and ’gainst such fiends, 50

Would not now wish himself all arm and  weapon

 To cut such poisons from the earth and let

Their blood out, to be drawn away in clouds

And poured on some  inhabitable place,

Where the hot sun and slime breeds naught but monsters? 55

 Chiefly, when this sure joy shall crown our side:

That the least man that falls  upon our party

This day – as some must give their happy names

To fate and that eternal memory

Of the best death  writ with it for their country – 60

Shall walk at pleasure in the tents of rest

And see far off, beneath him, all their host

Tormented after life, and Catiline there

Walking, a wretched and less ghost than he.

I’ll urge no more; move forward with your  eagles, 65

And trust the Senate’s and Rome’s cause to heaven.

SOLDIERS

 To thee, great father Mars, and greater Jove!   [Exeunt. ]

5.2     [  Enter] CAESAR [and] CRASSUS.

CAESAR

I ever  looked for this of Lentulus,

When Catiline was gone.

CRASSUS

I  gave ’em lost

Many days since.

CAESAR

 But wherefore did you bear

Their letter to the Consul that they sent you

To warn you from the city?

CRASSUS

Did I know 5

Whether  he made it? It might come from him

For aught I could assure me; if they meant

I should be safe,  among so many, they might

Have come, as well as writ.

CAESAR

There is no loss

In being secure.  I have of late, too,  plied him 10

 Thick with intelligences, but  they’ve been

Of things he knew before.

CRASSUS

A little serves

To keep a man upright on these  state-bridges,

Although the passage were more dangerous.

Let us now  take the standing part.

CAESAR

We must, 15

And be as zealous for’t as Cato. Yet

I would fain help  these wretched men.

CRASSUS

You cannot.

Who would save them that have betrayed themselves?   [Exeunt.]

5.3     [  Enter] CICERO [holding letters], QUINTUS [cicero], [and ] CATO.

CICERO

I will not be  wrought to it, brother Quintus.

There’s no man’s private enmity shall make

Me violate the dignity of another.

If there were proof ’gainst Caesar, or whoever,

To  speak him guilty, I would so declare him. 5

But Quintus Catulus and Piso both

Shall know the Consul will not for their grudge

Have any man accused, or namèd falsely.

QUINTUS

Not falsely, but if any  circumstance

By the Allobroges, or from Volturcius, 10

Would  carry it.

CICERO

That shall not be sought by me.

If it reveal itself,  I would not spare

You, brother, if it pointed at you, trust me.

CATO

Good Marcus Tullius – which is more than great –

Thou hadst thy education with the gods. 15

CICERO

Send   Lentulus forth, and bring away the rest.

[To Cato] This office I am sorry, sir, to do you.

    [Enter CAESAR, CRASSUS, SILANUS, and other members of] THE SENATE.

   What may be happy still and fortunate

To Rome and to this Senate:

[Showing the letters he is holding]

please you, fathers,

To  break these letters and to  view them round. 20

[He gives the letters to the Senators, who read and pass them around.]

 If that be not found in them which I fear,

I yet entreat, at such a time as this,

My  diligence be not  contemned.

  [Enter FLACCUS and POMTINIUS. ]

Ha’ you brought

The  weapons hither from Cethegus’ house?

  FLACCUS

 They are without.

CICERO

Be ready with Volturcius, 25

To bring him when the Senate calls, and see

None of the rest confer together.   [Exeunt Flaccus and Pomtinius. ]

Fathers,

What do you read? Is it yet worth your  care,

If not your fear, what you find practised there?

CAESAR

It hath a  face of horror!

CRASSUS

I am amazed! 30

CATO

[Pointing to a letter] Look there.

SILANUS

Gods! Can such men draw common air?

CICERO

Although the greatness of the mischief, fathers,

Hath often made  my faith small in this Senate,

 Yet since my casting Catiline out – for now

I do not fear the  envy of the word, 35

Unless the deed be rather to be feared

That he went hence alive, when those I meant

Should follow him, did not – I have spent both days

And nights in watching what their  fury and rage

Was bent on that so  stayed against my thought; 40

And that I might but take ’em in that light

Where, when you  met their treason with your eyes,

Your minds at length would  think for your own safety.

And now ’tis done. There are their  hands and seals.

Their persons, too, are  safe, thanks to the gods. 45

Bring in Volturcius and  the Allobroges.

 [Enter FLACCUS and POMTINIUS, with VOLTURCIUS and the ALLOBROGES.]

CICERO

 [Indicating the Allobroges] These be the men were trusted with their letters.

VOLTURCIUS

Fathers, believe me, I knew nothing; I

Was travelling  for Gallia, and am sorry –

CICERO

Quake not, Volturcius, speak the truth and hope 50

Well of this Senate, on the Consul’s word.

VOLTURCIUS

Then, I knew all. But  truly I was drawn in

But t’other day.

CAESAR

Say what thou know’st, and fear not.

Thou hast the  Senate’s faith and Consul’s word

To fortify thee.

VOLTURCIUS

(He answers with fear and interruptions.)

 I was sent with letters – 55

And had a message too – from Lentulus –

To Catiline – that he should use all aids –

 Servants or others – and come with his army

As soon unto the city as he could –

For they were ready and but stayed for him – 60

To intercept those that should flee the fire –

These men, the Allobroges, did hear it too.

FIRST ALLOBROX

 Yes, fathers, and they took an oath to us,

Besides their letters, that we should be free,

And  urged us for some present aid of horse. 65

CICERO

Nay, here be other testimonies, fathers:

Cethegus’ armoury.

 The weapons and arms are brought forth.

CRASSUS

What, not all these?

CICERO

Here’s not the  hundred part. Call in the  fencer,

That we may know the  arms to all these weapons.

 [Enter CETHEGUS, guarded.]

 Come, my brave sword-player, to what active use 70

Was all this steel provided?

CETHEGUS

Had you asked

In Sulla’s days, it had been to cut throats.

But now it was to look on only. I loved

To see good blades and feel their edge and points,

To put a  helm upon a block and cleave it, 75

And now and then to stab an armour through.

CICERO

[Hands him a letter] Know you that  paper? That will stab you through.

Is it your hand?

[Cethegus tears the letter.]

Hold, save the pieces! Traitor,

Hath thy guilt waked thy fury?

CETHEGUS

I did write

I know not what, nor care not. That fool Lentulus 80

Did dictate and I, t’other fool, did sign it.

CICERO

[To the Guard] Bring in Statilius: does he know his hand, too?

And Lentulus.

 [Enter STATILIUS and LENTULUS, guarded.]

 Reach him that letter.

STATILIUS

 I

Confess it all.

CICERO

[To Lentulus] Know you that seal yet, Publius?

LENTULUS

Yes,  it is mine.

CICERO

Whose image is that on it? 85

LENTULUS

My  grandfather’s.

CICERO

What, that renowned good man,

That did  so  only embrace his  country, and loved

His fellow citizens!  Was not his picture,

Though mute, of power to call thee from a fact

So  foul –

LENTULUS

As what, impetuous Cicero? 90

CICERO

As thou art, for I do not know what’s fouler.

Look upon these [Pointing to the Allobroges]. Do not these faces  argue

Thy guilt and impudence?

LENTULUS

What are these to me?

I know ’em not.

FIRST ALLOBROX

No, Publius? We were with you

At Brutus’ house.

VOLTURCIUS

 Last night.

LENTULUS

What did you there? 95

Who sent for you?

FIRST ALLOBROX

Yourself did. We had letters

From you, Cethegus, this Statilius here,

Gabinius Cimber, all but from Longinus,

Who would not write because he was to come

Shortly in person after us, he said, 100

To take the charge o’the horse which we should levy.

CICERO

And he is fled to Catiline, I hear.

LENTULUS

 Spies? Spies?

ALLOBROGES

 You told us, too, o’the Sibyl’s books,

And how you were to be a king this year,

The twentieth from the burning of the Capitol; 105

That three Cornelii were to reign in Rome,

Of which you were the last; and praised Cethegus

And the great spirits  were with you in the action.

CETHEGUS

 [To Lentulus] These are your honourable ambassadors,

My sovereign lord.

CATO

Peace, that too bold Cethegus! 110

FIRST ALLOBROX

 Besides Gabinius,  your agent named

Autronius, Servius Sulla, Vargunteius,

And diverse others.

VOLTURCIUS

I had letters from  you

To Catiline, and a message which  I’ve told

Unto the Senate, truly, word for word; 115

For which I hope they will be gracious to me.

I was drawn in by that same wicked  Cimber,

And thought no hurt at all.

CICERO

Volturcius, peace.

Where is thy  visor or thy voice now, Lentulus?

Art thou confounded? Wherefore speak’st thou not? 120

Is all so clear, so plain, so manifest

That both thy eloquence and impudence,

And thy ill nature, too, have left thee at once?

[To Guards] Take him aside. There’s yet one more: Gabinius,

The   engineer of all.

 [Enter GABINIUS, guarded.]

 Show him that paper, 125

If he do know it?

GABINIUS

I know nothing.

CICERO

No?

GABINIUS

No.    Neither will I know.

CATO

Impudent  head!

Stick  it into his throat. Were I the Consul,

I’d make thee eat the mischief thou hast vented.

GABINIUS

Is   there a law for’t, Cato?

CATO

Dost thou ask 130

After a law, that wouldst have broke all laws

Of nature, manhood, conscience, and religion?

GABINIUS

Yes, I may ask for’t.

CATO

No, pernicious Cimber.

 Th’inquiring after good does not belong

Unto a wicked person.

GABINIUS

Ay, but Cato 135

Does nothing but by law.

CRASSUS

[To Guards]  Take him aside.

There’s proof enough, though he confess not.

GABINIUS

Stay,

I will confess. All’s true your spies have told you.

Make much of ’em.

CETHEGUS

Yes, and reward ’em well,

For fear you get no more such. See they do not 140

Die in a ditch and  stink, now you ha’ done with ’em,

Or beg o’the  bridges here in Rome, whose arches

Their active industry hath saved.

CICERO

See, fathers,

What minds and spirits these are that, being convicted

Of such a treason and by such a  cloud 145

Of witnesses, dare yet retain their boldness.

What would their rage have done if they had conquered?

 I thought, when I had thrust out Catiline,

Neither the state nor I should need t’have  feared

Lentulus’ sleep here, or Longinus’ fat, 150

Or this Cethegus’ rashness. It was  he

I only watched while he was in our walls,

As one that had the brain, the hand, the heart.

 But now we find the contrary! Where was there

A people grieved, or a state discontent, 155

Able to make or help a war ’gainst Rome,

But these, th’Allobroges? And those  they found.

Whom, had not the just gods been pleased to make

More friends unto our safety than their own,

As it then seemed,  neglecting these men’s offers, 160

Where had we been, or where the commonwealth,

 When their great chief had been called home?

[Pointing to Lentulus]  This man,

Their absolute king – whose noble  grandfather,

Armed in pursuit of the seditious Gracchus,

Took a brave wound for dear defence of that 165

Which  he would spoil – had gathered all his aids

Of  ruffians, slaves, and other slaughtermen,

Given us up for murder to Cethegus,

  Th’other rank of citizens to Gabinius,

The city to be fired by Cassius, 170

And Italy, nay the world, to be laid waste

By cursèd Catiline and his  complices.

 Lay but the thought of it before you, fathers,

Think but with me you saw this glorious  city,

The light of all the earth, tower of all nations, 175

Suddenly falling in one flame. Imagine

You viewed your country  buried with the heaps

Of slaughtered citizens that had no grave;

This Lentulus here reigning, as he dreamt,

And those his  purple Senate; Catiline come 180

With his fierce army; and the cries of matrons,

The flight of children, and the rape of virgins,

Shrieks of the living, with the dying groans

On every side t’ invade your sense; until

The blood of Rome were mixèd with her ashes! 185

This was the spectacle these fiends intended

To please their malice.

CETHEGUS

Ay, and it would

Have been a brave one, Consul.  But your part

Had not then been so long as now it is.

I should have quite  defeated your oration, 190

And slit that fine rhetorical pipe of yours

I’the first scene.

CATO

Insolent monster!

CICERO

Fathers,

Is it your pleasures they shall be committed

Unto some safe but a  free custody,

Until the Senate can determine farther? 195

SENATORS

It pleaseth well.

CICERO

 Then, Marcus Crassus,

Take you charge of Gabinius; send him home

Unto your house. You, Caesar, of Statilius.

Cethegus shall be sent to Cornificius,

And Lentulus to  Publius Lentulus Spinther, 200

Who now is aedile.

CATO

It were best the praetors

Carried ’em to their houses and delivered ’em.

CICERO

Let it be so. [To Praetors] Take ’em from hence.

CAESAR

But first

Let Lentulus  put off his praetorship.

LENTULUS

I do resign it here unto the Senate. 205

[ He removes his robe.]

CAESAR

So, now there’s no  offence done to religion.

CATO

Caesar, ’twas piously and timely urged.

 [Exeunt Flaccus, Pomtinius and Guards with Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius.]

CICERO

What do you decree to th’Allobroges

That  were the lights to this discovery?

CRASSUS

A free grant from the state of all their suits. 210

CAESAR

And a reward out of the public  treasure.

CATO

Ay, and the title of honest men to crown ’em.

CICERO

What of Volturcius?

CAESAR

Life and  favour’s well.

VOLTURCIUS

I ask no more.

CATO

Yes, yes, some money. Thou need’st it.

’Twill keep thee honest: want made thee a knave. 215

SILANUS

 Let Flaccus and Pomtinius, the praetors,

Have public thanks, and Quintus Fabius Sanga,

For their good service.

CRASSUS

They deserve it all.

CATO

But what do we decree unto the Consul,

 Whose virtue, counsel, watchfulness, and wisdom 220

Hath freed the commonwealth and,  without tumult,

Slaughter or blood, or scarce raising a force,

Rescued us all out of the jaws of fate?

CRASSUS

We owe our lives unto him, and our fortunes.

CAESAR

Our wives, our children, parents, and our gods. 225

SILANUS

We all are savèd by his  fortitude.

CATO

The commonwealth owes him a  civic  garland.

He is the only  father of his country.

CAESAR

Let there be  public prayer to all the gods

Made in that name for him.

CRASSUS

And in these words: 230

  ‘For that he hath by his vigilance preserved

Rome from the flame, the Senate from the sword,

And all her citizens from massacre.’

CICERO

How are my labours more than paid, grave fathers,

In these great titles and decreèd honours! 235

Such as to me first of the civil robe

Of any man since Rome was Rome have happened,

And from this frequent Senate, which more glads me

That I now see  you’ve sense of your own safety.

 If those good days  come no less grateful to us 240

Wherein we are preserved from some great danger

Than those wherein we’re born and brought to light –

Because the gladness of our safety is certain,

But the condition of our birth not so,

And that  we are saved with pleasure, but are born 245

Without the sense of joy – why should not then

This day, to us and all  posterity

Of ours, be had in equal fame and honour

With that when Romulus first reared these walls,

When so much more is savèd than he built? 250

CAESAR

It ought.

CRASSUS

Let it be  added to our fasti.

[Loud voices without.]

CICERO

 What tumult’s that?

 [Enter FLACCUS.]

FLACCUS

Here’s one Tarquinius taken,

Going to Catiline, and says he was sent

By Marcus Crassus, whom he names to be

Guilty of the conspiracy.

CICERO

Some lying  varlet. 255

Take him away to prison.

CRASSUS

Bring him in

And let me see him.

CICERO

He is not worth it, Crassus.

Keep him  up close, and hungry, till he tell

By whose pernicious counsel he durst slander

So great and good a citizen.

CRASSUS

 (Aside)  By yours, 260

I fear ’twill prove.

SILANUS

Some o’the traitors, sure,

To give their action the more  credit, bid him

Name you, or any man.

CICERO

I know myself,

By all the  tracts and courses of this business,

Crassus is noble, just, and loves his country. 265

FLACCUS

 Here is a  libel, too, accusing Caesar,

From Lucius Vectius and confirmed by Curius.

CICERO

Away with all;  throw it out o’the court.

CAESAR

A trick on me, too?

CICERO

It is some men’s malice.

I said to Curius I did not believe him. 270

CAESAR

Was not that Curius your spy that had

Reward decreed unto him the last Senate,

With Fulvia, upon your  private motion?

CICERO

Yes.

CAESAR

But he has not that reward yet?

CICERO

No.

Let not this trouble you, Caesar; none believes it. 275

CAESAR

It shall not, if that he have no reward.

But if he have, sure I shall  think myself

Very untimely and unsafely honest

Where such as he is may have pay t’accuse me.

CICERO

You shall have no wrong done you, noble Caesar, 280

But all  contentment.

CAESAR

Consul, I am silent.  [Exeunt.]

5.4    [Enter] CATILINE [and SOLDIERS].

CATILINE

I never yet knew, soldiers, that in fight

Words added virtue unto valiant men,

Or that a general’s oration made

An army fall or stand; but how much  prowess,

 Habitual or natural, each man’s breast 5

Was owner of, so much  in act it showed.

  Whom neither  glory or danger can excite

’Tis vain  t’attempt with speech; for the mind’s fear

Keeps all brave sounds from ent’ring at that ear.

I yet would  warn you some few things, my friends, 10

And  give you reason of my present counsels.

You know no less than I what state, what  point,

Our affairs stand in. And you all have heard

What a calamitous misery the sloth

And  sleepiness of Lentulus hath plucked 15

Both on himself and us: how, whilst our aids

There in the city looked for are defeated,

Our entrance into Gallia, too, is stopped.

Two armies  wait us: one from Rome, the other

From the Gaul provinces. And where we are, 20

Although I most desire it, the great want

Of  corn and victual forbids longer stay.

So that  of need we must  remove, but  whither

The sword must both direct and cut the passage.

I only therefore wish you, when you strike, 25

To have your valours and your souls about you,

And  think you carry in your labouring hands

The things you seek, glory and liberty,

Your country which you  want now,  with the fates

That are to be instructed by our swords. 30

If we can  give the blow, all will be  safe  to us;

We shall not want provision, nor supplies;

The colonies and  free towns will lie open.

 Where, if we yield to fear, expect no place

Nor friend to shelter those whom their own fortune 35

And ill-used arms have left without protection.

You might have lived in servitude, or exile,

Or safe at Rome, depending on  the great ones,

But that you thought those things unfit for men.

And in that thought you then were valiant. 40

For no man ever yet changed peace for war

But he that meant to conquer. Hold that purpose.

 There’s more necessity you should be such

In fighting for yourselves than they for others.

 He’s base that  trusts his feet whose hands are armed. 45

 Methinks I see Death and the Furies  waiting

What we will do, and all the  heaven  at leisure

For the great spectacle. Draw then your swords,

And if our destiny  envy our virtue

The honour of the day,  yet let us  care 50

To sell ourselves at such a price as may

Undo the world to buy us, and make Fate,

  While she tempts ours, fear her own estate. [Exeunt.]

5.5       [Enter Lictors, POMTINIUS, CICERO, SILANUS, CATO, CAESAR, CRASSUS, and other members of] THE SENATE.

FIRST SENATOR

 What means this hasty calling of the Senate?

SECOND SENATOR

We shall know straight. Wait till the Consul speaks.

POMTINIUS

Fathers conscript,  bethink you of your safeties

And what to do with these conspirators.

 Some of their  clients, their  freedmen and slaves 5

’Gin to  make head. There is one of Lentulus’  bawds

Runs up and down the shops, through every street,

With money to corrupt the poor  artificers

And needy tradesmen to their aid. Cethegus

Hath sent, too, to his servants, who are many, 10

 Chosen and exercised in bold  attemptings,

That forthwith they should arm themselves and  prove

His rescue. All will be in instant uproar,

If you prevent it not with present counsels.

We have done what we can to meet the fury, 15

And will do more. Be you good to yourselves.

CICERO

What is your pleasure, fathers, shall be done?

Silanus, you are consul  next designed:

Your  sentence of these men?

SILANUS

’Tis short, and this:

 Since they have sought to blot the name of Rome 20

Out of the world, and raze this glorious empire

With her own hands and arms turned on herself,

I think it fit they die. And could my breath

Now execute ’em, they should not enjoy

An  article of time or  eye of light 25

Longer, to poison this our common air.

FIRST SENATOR

  I think so, too.

SECOND SENATOR

And I.

THIRD SENATOR

And I.

FOURTH SENATOR

And I.

CICERO

Your  sentence, Caius Caesar?

CAESAR

Conscript fathers,

In great affairs, and  doubtful, it behooves

Men that are asked their sentence to be free 30

From either hate or love, anger or pity;

For where the least of these do hinder, there

The mind not easily discerns the truth.

I speak this to you in the name of Rome,

For whom you stand, and  to the present cause: 35

That this foul  fact of Lentulus and the rest

 Weigh not more with you than your dignity,

And you be more indulgent to your  passion

Than to your honour. If there could be found

A pain or punishment equal to their crimes, 40

I would  devise and help. But if the greatness

Of what they ha’ done exceed all man’s invention,

 I think it fit to stay where our laws do.

Poor petty states may  alter upon humour

Where, if  they offend with anger, few do know it, 45

Because they are obscure;  their fame and fortune

Is equal and the same. But they that are

Head of the world and live in that seen height,

All mankind knows their actions.  So we see

The greater fortune hath the lesser licence. 50

They must  nor favour, hate, and least be angry,

For what with others is called anger, there

Is cruelty and pride. I know Silanus,

Who spoke before me, a just, valiant man,

A lover of the state, and one that would not 55

In such a business use  or grace or hatred.

I know, too, well his  manners and  his modesty.

Nor do I think his sentence cruel – for

’Gainst such delinquents, what can be too bloody? –

But that it is  abhorring from our state, 60

 Since to a citizen of Rome offending

Our laws  give exile, and not death. Why then

Decrees he that? ’Twere  vain to think for fear,

When, by the diligence of so worthy a consul,

All is made safe and certain. Is’t for punishment? 65

Why, death’s the end of evils, and a rest

Rather than torment. It dissolves all griefs,

 And beyond that is neither care nor joy.

You hear my sentence would not have ’em die.

How then? Set free and increase Catiline’s army? 70

So will they, being but banished. No, grave fathers,

I judge them, first, to have their  states  confiscate,

Then, that their persons remain prisoners

I’the free towns, far off from Rome and  severed,

Where they might neither  have relation 75

Hereafter to the Senate or the people.

Or if they had, those towns then to be  mulcted,

As enemies to the state,  that had their guard.

FIRST SENATOR

 ’Tis good and honourable, Caesar hath uttered.

CICERO

   Fathers, I see your faces and your eyes 80

All bent on me, to note of these two  censures

Which I incline to.  Either of them are grave

And  answering the dignity of the speakers,

The greatness of th’affair, and both severe.

One urgeth death; and he may well remember 85

This state hath punished wicked citizens so.

 The other bonds, and those perpetual, which

He thinks  found out for the more singular plague.

Decree which you shall please. You have a consul

Not readier to obey than to defend 90

Whatever you shall  act for the republic,

And meet with willing shoulders any burden,

Or any fortune with  an even face,

Though it were death, which to a valiant man

Can never happen foul, nor to a consul 95

Be  immature, or to a wise man wretched.

SILANUS

 Fathers, I spake but as I thought the needs

O’th’commonwealth required.

CATO

Excuse it not.

CICERO

Cato, speak your sentence.

CATO

 This it is.

You here dispute on kinds of punishment 100

And stand consulting what you should decree

’Gainst those of whom you rather should beware.

This mischief is not like those  common facts

Which, when they are done, the laws may prosecute.

But this, if you provide not ere it happen, 105

When it  is happened will not  wait your judgement.

Good Caius Caesar here hath very well

And  subtilly discoursed of life and death,

 As if he thought those  things a pretty fable

That are delivered us of hell and furies, 110

Or of the diverse way that  ill men go

From good to filthy, dark, and ugly places.

And therefore he would have these live, and long, too,

But far from Rome and in the small free towns,

Lest here they might have rescue – as if men 115

Fit for such acts were only in the city,

And not throughout all Italy! Or that boldness

Could not do more  where it found least resistance!

’Tis a  vain counsel, if he think them dangerous.

Which,  if he do not, but that he alone 120

 In so great fear of all men stand unfrighted,

He gives me cause, and you, more to fear him.

I am plain, fathers. Here you look about,

One at another, doubting what to do,

With faces  as you trusted to the gods 125

That still have saved you – and they can do’t. But

 They are not wishings or base womanish prayers

Can draw their aids, but vigilance, counsel, action,

 Which they will be ashamèd to forsake.

’Tis sloth they hate, and cowardice. Here you have 130

The traitors in your houses, yet you stand

Fearing what to do with ’em. Let ’em loose,

And send ’em hence with arms, too, that your mercy

May  turn your misery as soon as’t can.

 Oh, but they are great men, and have offended 135

But through ambition. We would spare their honour:

Ay, if themselves had spared it, or their fame,

Or modesty, or either god or man,

Then I would spare ’em. But, as things now stand,

Fathers, to spare these men were to commit 140

A greater wickedness  than you would revenge.

If there had been but time and place for you

 To have  repaired this fault, you should have made it;

It should have been your punishment  t’have felt

Your tardy error. But necessity 145

Now bids me say:  let ’em not live an hour,

If you mean Rome should live a day. I have done.

FIRST SENATOR

 Cato hath spoken like an oracle.

CRASSUS

Let it be so decreed.

SECOND SENATOR

We  are all fearful.

SILANUS

And had been base, had not his virtue raised us. 150

THIRD SENATOR

 Go forth, most worthy Consul, we’ll assist you.

CAESAR

 I’m not yet changed in my sentence, fathers.

CATO

No matter.

  [Enter SERVANT with letters.]

 What be those?

SERVANT

Letters for Caesar.

  [He hands the letters to Caesar, and exits.]

CATO

From whom? Let ’em be read in open Senate.

Fathers, they come from the conspirators. 155

I crave to have ’em read, for the republic.

CAESAR

Cato, read you it.

[He hands a letter to Cato and speaks aside to him.]

’Tis a love letter

From your dear sister to me. Though you hate me,

Do not  discover it.

CATO

[Returning the letter]  Hold thee,  drunkard.

[To Cicero] Consul,

Go forth, and confidently.

CAESAR

 You’ll repent 160

This rashness, Cicero.

POMTINIUS

 Caesar shall repent it. [He draws his sword.]

CICERO

 Hold, friends!

POMTINIUS

He’s scarce a friend unto the  public.

CICERO

No violence! Caesar be safe. [To Lictors] Lead on.

Where are the public executioners?

[To Pomtinius] Bid ’em wait on us.  [Exit Pomtinius.]

[To Lictors] On to  Spinther’s house. 165

Bring Lentulus forth.

 [Enter POMTINIUS with EXECUTIONERS.

 Enter LENTULUS, guarded.]

[To Executioners] Here, you, the  sad revengers

 Of capital crimes against the public, take

This man unto your justice. Strangle him.

LENTULUS

Thou  dost well, Consul. ’Twas a cast at dice

In Fortune’s hand, not long since, that thyself 170

Shouldst have heard these or other words as fatal. 

[Exeunt Executioners with Lentulus.]

CICERO

Lead on to Quintus Cornificius’ house.

Bring forth Cethegus.

 [Enter CETHEGUS, guarded, then enter EXECUTIONERS.]

[To Executioners] Take him to the due

Death that he hath deserved, and let it be

Said:   ‘He was once.’

CETHEGUS

– a beast or, what is worse, 175

A slave, Cethegus. Let that be the name

For all that’s base hereafter:  that would let

This worm pronounce on him, and not have trampled

His body into – Ha! Art thou not  moved?

CICERO

 Justice is never angry. [To Executioners] Take him hence. 180

CETHEGUS

Oh,  the whore Fortune and her bawds, the Fates,

That put these tricks on men  which knew the way

To death  by a sword! Strangle me, I may sleep;

I shall grow angry with the gods  else.

 [Exeunt Executioners with Cethegus.]

CICERO

Lead

To Caius Caesar’s, for Statilius. 185

Bring him and  rude Gabinius out.

 [Enter GABINIUS and STATILIUS, guarded, then enter EXECUTIONERS.]

[To Executioners] Here,  take ’em

To your cold hands and let ’em feel death from you.

GABINIUS

I thank you, you do me a pleasure.

STATILIUS

And me, too.

 [Exeunt Executioners with Gabinius and Statilius]

CATO

So, Marcus Tullius, thou mayst now stand up

And  call it happy Rome, thou being consul. 190

Great  parent of thy country, go and let

The old men of the city, ere they die,

Kiss thee, the matrons  dwell about thy neck,

The youths and maids  lay up ’gainst they are old

What kind of man thou wert, to tell their nephews 195

When,  such a year, they read within our  fasti

Thy consulship.

 [Enter PETREIUS.]

Who’s this? Petreius?

CICERO

Welcome,

Welcome, renownèd soldier. What’s the news?

This face can bring no ill with’t unto Rome.

How does the worthy  Consul, my colleague? 200

PETREIUS

As well as  victory can make him, sir.

He greets the fathers, and to me hath trusted

The sad relation of the civil strife,

For in such war  the conquest still is black.

CICERO

Shall we withdraw into the  House of Concord? 205

CATO

No,  happy Consul, here; let all ears take

The benefit of this tale. If he had voice

To  spread unto the poles and strike it through

The centre to the antipodes,  it would ask it.

PETREIUS

The   straits and needs of Catiline being such 210

As he must fight with one of the two armies

That then had near enclosed him,  it pleased Fate

To make us th’object of his desperate choice,

Wherein the danger almost   peised the honour.

And as he   riss, the day grew black with him, 215

And Fate descended nearer to the earth,

As if she meant to  hide the name of things

Under her wings and make the world her  quarry.

At this we roused, lest one small minute’s  stay

 Had left it to  be inquired what Rome was. 220

And, as we ought, armed in confidence

Of our great cause, in  form of battle stood.

Whilst Catiline  came on, not with  the face

Of any man, but of a public ruin:

His count’nance was a civil war itself. 225

And all his host had standing in their looks

The paleness of the death that was to come.

Yet cried they out like vultures and urged on,

As if they would  precipitate our fates.

Nor stayed we longer for ’em. But  himself 230

Struck the first stroke; and with it fled a life.

 Which cut, it seemed a narrow neck of land

Had broke between two mighty seas, and either

Flowed into other, for so did the slaughter,

And whirled about, as when two violent tides 235

Meet and not yield. The Furies stood on hills

Circling the place, and trembled to see men

Do more than they; whilst  Piety left the field,

Grieved for that side that  in so bad a cause

They knew not what a crime their valour was. 240

The sun stood still and was, behind the cloud

The battle made, seen sweating to drive up

His frighted horse whom still the noise drove backward.

And now had fierce  Enyo, like a flame,

Consumed all it could reach, and then itself, 245

Had not the fortune of the commonwealth

Come  Pallas-like to every Roman thought.

Which Catiline seeing, and that now  his troops

Covered that earth  they’d fought on with their trunks,

Ambitious of great fame, to crown his ill, 250

 Collected all his fury and ran in,

Armed with a glory high as his despair,

Into our battle, like a  Libyan lion

Upon his hunters, scornful of our weapons,

Careless of wounds, plucking down lives about him, 255

Till he had circled in himself with death;

Then fell he, too, t’embrace  it where it lay.

 And as in that rebellion ’gainst the gods,

 Minerva holding forth Medusa’s head,

One of the giant brethren felt himself 260

Grow marble at the killing sight and, now

Almost made stone, began t’inquire what flint,

What rock it was that crept through all his limbs,

And, ere he could think more,  was that he feared,

So Catiline, at the sight of Rome in us, 265

Became his tomb;  yet did his look retain

Some of his fierceness, and his hands still moved,

As if he laboured yet to grasp the state

With those rebellious  parts.

CATO

 A brave bad death.

Had this been honest, now, and for his country 270

As ’twas against it, who had  ere fallen greater?

CICERO

Honoured Petreius, Rome, not I, must thank you.

 How modestly has he spoken of himself!

CATO

He did the more.

CICERO

Thanks to  the immortal gods,

Romans, I now am paid for all my labours, 275

My watchings, and my dangers. Here conclude

Your praises, triumphs, honours, and rewards

Decreed to me.  Only the memory

Of this glad day, if I may know it live

Within your thoughts, shall much affect my  conscience, 280

Which I must always study before fame.

 Though both be good, the latter yet is worst,

And ever is ill got without the first.  [Exeunt.]

THE END

 This tragedy was first acted in the year 1611 285

by the King’s Majesty’s Servants.

 The principal tragedians were:

 Richard Burbage  John Heminges

 Alexander Cooke  Henry Condell

 John Lowin John Underwood 290

 William Ostler  Nicholas Tooley

 Richard Robinson  William Ecclestone

With the allowance of the Master of Revels.

Title-page 10–12 His non . . . vana ‘The rabble does not enjoy these. And in truth all the pleasure of the knights, too, has now passed from the ear to the vain delights of the fickle eye.’ From Horace, Epist., 2.1.186–8, his nam . . . vana, where his, ‘these’, refers to entertainments, ‘a bear or boxers’, which the rabble will call for in the middle of a play, and equitis denotes the order of ‘knights’ (equites; see 4.2.381n.) who were entitled, by law, to occupy the first fourteen rows in the Roman theatre. Jonson changes nam (an affirmative) to non, and so makes the quotation announce an attitude to his readers or audience, whatever their social status, similar to that in his address ‘To the Reader in Ordinary’.
Title-page 4–8 A Tragœdie . . . B.I.] F1; VVritten / by / Ben: Ionson. Q
9 HORAT.] F1; not in Q
14 WILIAM STANSBY] F1; Walter Burre Q
15 M. DC. XVI.] F1; 1611 Q
14 WILLIAM STANSBY London printer and bookseller, baptized 1572, d. 1638; produced the 1616 folio edition of Jonson’s Works, as well as Sir Walter Ralegh’s History of the World and books by John Donne, William Camden, John Selden, Sir Francis Bacon, and others; see Bland, 1995 and 1998b, and Gants, 1999. The 1611 quarto edition of Catiline had been published by the London stationer, Walter Burre, who during the twenty-four years of his career had published eight plays, four of which are by Jonson: EMI (Q), Cynthia, Alch., and Cat. He was known for successfully publishing plays that failed onstage. His technique was to emphasize not their theatrical but their literary status and aim them at a specific, educated social group: see Lesser (1999). He secured copyright (or controlling interest) in Jonson’s most important plays: see Brooks (2000), 134; Loewenstein (2002), 189.
1 WILLIAM, EARL OF PEMBROKE (1580–1630), son of Sir Philip Sidney’s sister, Mary Herbert, Countess of Pembroke, ‘received more dedications in the early seventeenth century than any other aristocrat’ (Evans, 1989, 107). He was one of Jonson’s most distinguished patrons, and sent him £20 every New Year’s Day ‘to buy books’ (Informations, 239–40). Jonson also dedicated his Epigrams to Pembroke; he eulogized him in Epigr. 102 and in Gypsies (Windsor), 324ff. By the time F1 was published (1616), Pembroke was Lord Chamberlain and so had supervisory power over the theatres; and the addition of this title to the Dedicatory Epistle gives special force to Jonson’s stress on the legitimacy of the play.
Dedicatory Epistle 1 Title LORD CHAMBERLAIN] F1; not in Q
3 Posterity Like the fictive Cicero in this play (5.3.247) and the historical Cicero – In Catilinam (‘Against Catiline’, hereafter In Cat.) 3.11.26 – Jonson trusts that ‘posterity’ will appreciate his achievement – and that ‘honour and thanks’ (5–6) will accrue to Pembroke for appreciating it now.
3 your benefit the favour you bestow on me.
4 jig-given fond of frivolous entertainment. Jigs (song-and-dance afterpieces) were a popular feature of the public theatres, scorned by Jonson in Alch., ‘To the Reader’, 4–5 (‘the concupiscence of dances and antics’), and Bart. Fair, Induction, 98–9 (‘the concupiscence of jigs and dances’).
5 legitimate conforming to rules; here, of tragedy. Cf. Sej., ‘To the Readers’, 4ff., where Jonson explains how and why that tragedy could be objected to as ‘no true poem’.
5 noise of opinion common talk (OED, Noise n. 2 obs.) among the majority of people (OED, Opinion n. 1c).
6 crude undigested, not completely thought out (OED, Crude a. 6).
6 airy superficial.
7 judgement . . . error See Introduction.
7 vindicate set free, deliver. Cf. the title of Merc. Vind.
8 race kind. The reference is here to the genre of tragedy. Sejanus was the first and only previous tragedy by Jonson to have been published (Q, 1603) though he had written earlier tragedies that do not survive (see Introduction to Lost Plays, vol. 1). The 1603 quarto of Sejanus carried no dedication, but when the play was reprinted in the 1616 folio it was gratefully dedicated to Jonson’s patron, Esmé Stuart, Lord Aubigny. The present dedication suggests that Jonson in 1611 regarded Catiline as technically superior to Sejanus.
9 censure judgement (OED, n. 3 obs.). But the image of appearing before a ‘magistrate’ (11) also activates the meaning of ‘judicial sentence’ (OED, 1 obs.). As in the reference to Pembroke’s ability to ‘vindicate truth from error’ (7), literary and political allusions are fused. He is a true ‘magistrate’, such as wished for by the Chorus, 2.1.403. Cf. 12n.
10 innocency an innocent person.
11 magistrate justice of the peace (OED, n. 3, though the earliest example is from 1688). For the idea and its expression here, cf. Epigr. 17, 1–4, where Jonson, who wishes ‘legitimate fame’ for his poems, is not afraid to submit them to the ‘censure’ of a ‘learned critic’ whom ‘others’ (i.e. bad poets) ‘fear, fly’, ‘As guilty men do magistrates’. In its other meaning – ‘a member of the executive government’, ‘in a republic, usually the president’ (OED, n. 2, or, in Rome, the consul) – the word ‘magistrate’ recurs in the play, in passages concerned with what makes good or bad rule (see 2.1.403; 3.1.103; 3.2.253; 4.1.45; 4.7.54).
12 Lordship’s] F1 (Lo.)
12 honourer one who honours someone.
0 To the Reader in Ordinary] Q; not in F1
To the Reader in Ordinary 1 To the common reader. The phrase ‘in ordinary’ is added to official designations, as opposed to ‘extraordinary’. Here the sense veers towards ‘vulgar’, as Jonson in his two addresses ‘To the Reader’ makes a distinction – one which, as H&S point out, ‘threatened to become a commonplace’ – between two types of readers, those without and those with proper understanding of his work. These two addresses, not in the 1616 folio, should be understood in the context of 1611. See Introduction.
1 meddling (1) interference; (2) joining the brawl (i.e. ‘noise of opinion’, Dedicatory, Epistle, 5) (OED, vbl. n. 2 obs.).
2 title title-page.
2 tricking over toying, or trifling, with.
2–3 departed . . . abroad. Cf. Bart. Fair, Induction, 65–6 (‘the author having now departed with his right’), and Epigr. 131.1–2.
3 so . . . chance I am so confident a judge of my case (i.e. the merit of my play).
4 praise . . . dispraise Cf. Epigr. 61, ‘Thy praise or dispraise is to me alike; / One doth not stroke me, nor the other strike.’
5 with the people as the majority have done.
6 Cicero . . . school Jonson would have read Cicero at Westminster – see T. W. Baldwin (1944), ch. 16.
6 in regard because.
7 charge responsibility. Cf. Bart. Fair, Induction, 65.
8 that i.e. Cicero’s oration.
10 that i.e. some power of judgement.
10–11 The commendation . . . few Many can praise good things; only a few understand why they are good. For ‘approbation’, meaning ‘the action of proving true; . . . proof’, see OED, 1 (obs.) and cf. Lat. approbatio.
12 affection Either (1) bias, partiality (OED, n. 8 obs.); or (2) affectation (OED, 13 obs.).
12 self-tickling self-gratification.
12 easiness This could mean several things: (1) indolence, indifference; (2) indulgence, kindness; (3) the quality of being easily influenced. The most effective meaning would be (3), as a transition to ‘imitation’ (i.e. praising because others do it).
13 trying faculty capacity for judgement, i.e. only knowledge makes you a proper judge.
14 nothing . . . praise Cf. ‘Shakes. Beloved’, 5.638–42, line 14, (‘what could hurt her more?’)
0 To the Reader Extraordinary] Q; not in F1
To the Reader Extraordinary 1 though. . . otherwise A general rather than personal grudge, since ‘there was no failure to employ [Jonson] for court entertainments’ at the time this was written (H&S). Cf. Bosola on ‘places in the court’, The Duchess of Malfi, ed. Brown, 1.1.64–9.
1 To My Friend] Q; not in F1
To My Friend, Master Ben Jonson 0 Francis Beaumont (1584/5–1616), playwright, began his career as a disciple of Jonson (The Woman Hater, c. 1606); by 1611 he was renowned for his collaboration with Fletcher in Philaster, The Maid’s Tragedy, and A King and No King. His is the only one of the three commendatory poems on Catiline to reappear in the 1616 folio. Dryden may have exaggerated when he wrote of ‘Beaumont being so accurate a judge of plays that Ben Jonson, while he lived, submitted all his writing to his censure’ (An Essay of Dramatic Poesy, ed. Watson, 1962, 1.68), but Jonson addressed a poem to him, ‘How I do love thee, Beaumont, and thy muse’ (Epigr. 55) and noted his early death (Informations, 138), though he also told Drummond that ‘Francis Beaumont loved too much himself and his own verses’ (Informations, 112). See also Bland, 2003a.
1 itched hankered.
3 catched . . . voice aimed to appeal to contemporary popular taste.
4 i.e. I would commend the play itself, but not your decision to write in this style.
5 squared thy rules set your standard. A pun on ‘square’ as (1) regulate (by some standard or principle); (2) shape, cut; and on ‘rule’ as (1) standard of discrimination, criterion; (2) a carpenter’s or mason’s measuring tool.
6 from understood from being understood. The ‘three ages’ suggests that the cultural ‘grow[ing] up’ needed for the appreciation of Jonson’s play is on a national, rather than individual, timescale. Learning to like the play becomes an absolute measure of cultural maturity. Not to like it, to think one might ‘outgrow’ it (9), would in fact be a retrograde step (10).
1 John Fletcher (1579–1625) was to succeed Shakespeare (with whom he collaborated in H8, TNK and the lost Cardenio) as the chief dramatist of the King’s Men. Like Beaumont, his chief collaborator in the years preceding 1611, he was an admirer of Jonson, who wrote commendatory verses for his pastoral drama, The Faithful Shepherdess, 1610 (3.372), and was later (1618/19) to tell Drummond that ‘Chapman and Fletcher were loved of him’ (Informations, 126).
1 To His Worthy Friend] Q; not in F1
1–2 Fletcher seems to be remembering Jonson’s Epigr. 16.10, ‘He that dares damn himself, dares more than fight.’
6 Pasquil the assumed name under which a series of anti-puritan satirical pamphlets were written, some by Thomas Nashe, in the so-called Marprelate controversy. Pasquil, or Pasquin, was according to tradition a fifteenth-century Roman with a biting tongue; in Renaissance Rome libels against the papal government and prominent persons used to be affixed to a statue bearing his name.
7 Greene’s dear Groatsworth Robert Greene (1558–92), playwright and prose writer, wrote on his deathbed an autobiographical repentance-novel, Greene’s Groatsworth of Wit bought with a Million of Repentance (hence the ‘dear’, punning on the dearly bought wit and the price of the book itself).
7 Tom Coryate Thomas Coryate (c. 1577–1617) was most famous for his volume of travels, Coryate’s Crudities, published the same year as the quarto of Catiline. Though Jonson added commendatory verses to Crudities (4.193–5), references to Coryate in his own work are derogatory; cf. Bart. Fair, 3.4.100; Love Rest., 67–8; Epigr. 129.17; Und. 13.128.
8 new Lexicon This refers to John Florio’s Italian – English dictionary, first published in 1598, which appeared in a ‘newly much augmented’ edition as Queen Anna’s New World of Words in 1611.
8 with . . . pate The phrase seems to refer to Jonson’s detractors rather than to the ‘Lexicon’. These, in contrast to those who ‘have their wits about them’ (3) have ‘errant pates’, i.e. erratic, wandering brains or ‘wits’; and ‘errant’ may also suggest the meaning of ‘erring in opinion, conduct, etc.; deviating from the correct standard’ (OED, Errant a. 10).
9 ends scraps, fragments.
10 as wise] Q (as-wise)
12 While the ‘plague’ here is a metaphorical one of corrupt judgement and taste, in reference to plague-ridden London the literal meaning is never far away. Though not as virulent as in the peak years of 1592 and 1603, plague had closed the theatres in London from July 1608 until Feb. 1610 and again during July–Nov. 1610 and Feb.–Mar. 1611. See Barroll (1991), 173.
15 shall –] this edn; shall: Q
17 cold –] this edn; cold. Q
19 continuance permanence (OED, Continuance n. 6 obs.). Fletcher presents a vision of Jonson’s work as gold ‘stamped’ to form permanently ‘current’ coins.
19–20 where . . . year i.e. everywhere and forever. The ‘year’ makes the point that, unlike ‘these things’ (15), Catiline, though stamped like a coin with its date of publication, is ‘for all time’ (cf. ‘Shakes. Beloved’, 5.638–42, line 43, and also, in Catiline, the concern with goodness lasting beyond a ‘year’ of consulship: 2.1.394 and 3.1.76–7).
1 To His Worthy Beloved Friend] Q; not in F1
1 Nathan Field (1587–1619 or 20) had acted as a boy player in Cynthia, and Jonson told Drummond that ‘Nat Field was his scholar, and he had read to him the satires of Horace, and some epigrams of Martial’ (Informations, 121–2). A dramatist in his own right, he wrote commendatory verses for Volp., as did also both Beaumont and Fletcher; and, as a player with Lady Elizabeth’s Men, he was written into Cokes’s lines in Bart. Fair as ‘Your best actor. Your Field’, 5.3.67.
3 plots . . . acts A play on the theatrical sense of the words.
8 things i.e. literary works
10 such . . . ear a talent like Jonson’s would translate them for us.
11 laureate crowned with laurels as a symbol of his eminence as a poet. It was not until 1616 that the King granted Jonson the pension which made him the first holder of the honour later associated with the title of Poet Laureate.
12 wanted lacked, been without.
13 where . . . move Cf. Dedicatory Epistle to Pembroke, 4n.
17 raises elevates, i.e. Jonson elevates whatever he chooses to write on, even as the writing exalts him in dignity. As in the previous sentence (15–16), where ‘rail at’ and ‘scorn’ both have ‘censures’ as object, Field is using the rhetorical figure of syllepsis, in which one word is made to refer to two or more words in the same sentence.
18 Another syllepsis: whoever dispraises Jonson’s play dispraises himself, i.e. by demonstrating his low taste. Like both Beaumont’s and Fletcher’s poems, Field’s harps on the lack of understanding of Jonson’s ‘Reader in Ordinary’.
18 whosoe’er] H&S; whosoeuer Q
The Persons of the Play 1 Title] F1; The names of the Actors Q
The Persons of the Play 1 In both Q and F, the characters of the play are presented in two columns, those involved in the Catilinarian conspiracy on the left and the others – most, but not all, opposed to the conspiracy – on the right, the male characters in descending order of importance or rank, followed (on the left) by the female characters. Soldiers and servants, though in the right column, will appear in the service of both sides.
1 SULLA’S GHOST In 63 bc, the year in which the play is set, Lucius Cornelius Sulla (born c. 138 BC) had been dead for some fifteen years. Though he had been responsible for major legislative reforms aimed at putting power in the hands of the Senate, in the play he is chiefly remembered for the massacres of people on the proscription lists he published during his dictatorship, 82–80 BC (see 1.1n.). His ghost serves, like a Senecan umbra, as a sinister prologue to the tragedy.
1 SULLA’S] F1 (Sylla’s) (‘Sulla’ is spelled ‘Sylla’ throughout Q and F1)
2 CATILINE The villain-hero of the play, Lucius Sergius Catilina (born 108 BC), of patrician descent, had fought under Sulla – in history, as in the play – and benefited from his proscriptions, but later found his political ambitions thwarted. When the play begins, he is organizing disaffected (and often dissolute) Romans into a conspiracy with ramifications across Italy, with the aim of overthrowing the Senate, massacring citizens, and burning the city of Rome.
2 CICERO The (flawed) moral hero of the play, Marcus Tullius Cicero (born 106 BC), best known to Jonson’s educated contemporaries as an orator, writer, and philosopher, here appears as an astute politician, who, having defeated Catiline in the consular election for 63 BC (3.1), saves Rome – by a combination of careful plotting and powerful oratory – from the destruction planned by the conspirators.
3 LENTULUS Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura, of a distinguished family and in the play obsessed with the idea of becoming the third of the Cornelii to be ‘king’ of Rome (1.134–40, 255–86), is one of the disaffected politicians drawn into the conspiracy. He had been Consul in 71 BC, but was expelled from the Senate in 70 BC (1.149–50). Though readmitted when elected Praetor for 63 BC, he became head of the conspiracy in the city after Catiline’s departure. After his execution (5.5.171) he was buried by his stepson, Mark Antony.
3 ANTONIUS Gaius Antonius (an uncle of Mark Antony’s) had served under Sulla during the Mithradatic Wars, and had earned the nickname ‘Hybrida’ (‘half-beast’) for atrocities committed in Greece. He had been picked by Catiline as a pliable fellow Consul (1.1.446–9) in 63 BC, but instead found himself the consular colleague of Cicero. The play has him keep a low profile in relation to the conspiracy; later (59 BC) he was to be exiled for extortion in Macedonia, the province allotted to him by Cicero (3.2.240–5), and for involvement with the Catilinarians; later still, recalled from exile by Caesar, he became Censor under the Triumvirate (42 BC).
4 CETHEGUS Caius Cornelius Cethegus, from a branch of the patrician Cornelii, has left a record only as the most radical of the Catilinarian conspirators. In the play Catiline describes him as ‘bold Cethegus, / Whose valour I have turned into his poison’ (1.140–1), and addresses him as ‘Thou heart of our great enterprise!’ (1.228).
4 CATO Marcus Porcius Cato (born 95 BC), great-grandson of Cato ‘the Censor’ (234–149 BC), was a Tribune-Designate in 63 BC. Though not as dominant a figure in Roman political life as his famous ancestor had been, his reputation for fairness and adherence to old Roman principles gave him a position as the conscience of the Senate, hence the power of his intervention to secure the execution of the Catilinarians (5.5.99–147). His suicide in 46 BC (gruesomely represented at the end of Chapman’s Tragedy of Caesar and Pompey, 1604–11) when, as a follower of Pompey, he refused to accept a pardon from Caesar, earned him the glory of a martyr. He is the hero of Addison’s Cato (1713).
5 CURIUS Quintus Curius, described by Sallust as ‘a man of no mean birth but guilty of many shameful crimes, whom the censors had expelled from the Senate because of his immorality’ (Bellum Catilinae, ‘The War with Catiline’, 23.1; hereafter Bell. Cat.), becomes a key figure in the plot of the play by revealing Catiline’s designs to Curius’s mistress, Fulvia, who in turn reports them to Cicero.
5 CATULUS Quintus Lutatius Catulus, at the time of the play’s action, had a long political career behind him and was an acknowledged leader of the aristocratic party (optimates). He had quarrelled with Crassus and was an enemy of Caesar, who defeated him in the election for the chief pontificate in 63 BC. The failure of his attempt to throw suspicion on Caesar for involvement in Catiline’s conspiracy (5.3.6–8) led to a decline in his authority, and he died soon thereafter.
6 AUTRONIUS Publius Autronius Paetus takes a very small part in the play, where he follows Catiline, as a disaffected politician. A friend of Cicero in youth and Quaestor with him in 75 BC, he was elected Consul for 65 BC together with Publius Cornelius Sulla; but both were prosecuted for ambitus, electoral malpractice, and lost the consulship. He was involved both in the so-called first Catilinarian conspiracy (see 4.2.275–81n.) and in the conspiracy of 63 BC, and was exiled in 62 BC.
6 CRASSUS Marcus Licinius Crassus, notorious profiteer in the proscriptions under Sulla and Consul (with Pompey) in 70 BC, was head of the popular party (populares). He funded Catiline’s electoral campaign but managed, as in the play, to avoid incriminating involvement in his conspiracy. With Caesar and Pompey he formed the first Triumvirate in 59 BC; he was Consul, again with Pompey, in 55 BC, and was killed in Syria, fighting the Parthians, in 54 BC.
7 VARGUNTEIUS Lucius Vargunteius, a Senator (according to Sallust, Bell. Cat., 28.1), is in the play a ‘client’ of Cicero and, pretending to make a ceremonial morning call, leads a failed assassination attempt on the Consul (3.5).
7 CAESAR In 63 BC, Gaius Julius Caesar was head of the state religion (pontifex maximus; see 5.3.206) and was rising to power as a politician at the head of the popular party. In the play he is in covert support of Catiline’s conspiracy, but Cicero finds it politic not to recognize this openly (5.3.275; 5.5.163). Caesar was of course later to gain fame as a brilliant general, extending the empire and defeating Pompey in the civil war (48 BC). He became dictator perpetuo in February 44 BC, and was soon thereafter assassinated in the Ides of March conspiracy led by Brutus and Cassius.
8 LONGINUS Lucius Cassius Longinus, a disaffected Senator, is ordered by Catiline to ‘take the charge o’the firing’ of Rome (3.3.141–2). In fact, though not in the play, he was executed with Lentulus and others.
8 QUINTUS] F1 (QV.)
8 QUINTUS CICERO In the play, Cicero’s younger brother, Quintus Tullius Cicero, takes the part of his assistant. Historically, as a member of Caesar’s staff in Gaul, Quintus was later to take part in the invasion of Britain in 54 BC. Later still he joined Pompey in the civil war. After returning to Rome, he became a victim of the proscriptions following Caesar’s assassination (43 BC).
9 LAECA Marcus Portius Laeca, a Senator, joined the conspiracy and, as in the play (3.3), allowed his house to be used for a crucial meeting of the Catilinarians on the night between 6 and 7 November, 63 BC.
9 LAECA] F1 (Lecca) (and throughout F1)
9 SILANUS] F1 (Syllanvs) (and throughout F1)
9 SILANUS Decimus Junius Silanus, brother-in-law of the play’s Cato, had failed to gain the consulship for 64 BC, but succeeded in 63 BC for 62 BC, and so (5.5.18) was Consul-Elect when the Senate debated the fate of the Catilinarian conspirators.
10 FULVIUS Marcus Fulvius Nobilior is mentioned by Sallust (Bell. Cat., 17.4) as a member of the conspiracy belonging to the rank of equites, i.e. the well-to-do but non-senatorial upper class. His part in the play is slight.
10 FLACCUS As Praetor in 63 BC, Lucius Valerius Flaccus played an important role in the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy. After governing Asia as Propraetor in 62–61 BC, he was accused of extortion, but was successfully defended by Cicero, a version of whose speech at the trial has come down to us as Pro Flacco.
11 BESTIA Lucius Bestia was a Tribune (tribunus plebes: Sallust, Bell. Cat., 43.1) in 63 BC. As a member of the conspiracy he appears in the play mainly to make indecent advances to one of Catiline’s pages (1.505–12).
11 POMTINIUS Gaius Pomtinius (whose name appears in the historical sources in a variety of spellings, including Pomptinius and Pomtinus) was, like Flaccus, a Praetor in 63 BC, and instrumental in defeating the Catilinarians. Famed as a commander of troops, he was to lead the force which in 61 BC quelled an Allobroginian uprising; after long delay he was allowed a Roman triumph in 54 BC.
12 GABINIUS Publius Gabinius Capito, a member of the conspiracy of the equites rank, seems for his brutality to have acquired the epithet of Cimber (see 3.3.236n.). He is one of the conspirators executed in 5.5.
12 SANGA Quintus Fabius Sanga, a Senator in 63 BC, was hereditary patron of the Allobroges. His only claim to fame in history, as in the play (4.4), is that he informed on the Catilinarian conspirators as they attempted to enlist the support of the Allobroges.
13 STATILIUS Lucius Statilius was a conspirator of equites rank. In the play, Catiline places him, with Longinus, in charge of setting fire to Rome (3.3.141–2). He is executed in 5.5.
14 ALLOBROGES On the ambassadors from the Allobroges, a Celtic people of central Gaul, see 4.1.0 SDn.
15 CORNELIUS Publius Cornelius Sulla, nephew of the dictator Sulla, was Consul-Designate for 65 BC, but with his colleague Autronius (see 6n. above) was convicted of bribing voters and deprived of his consulship. Historically his involvement with the Catilinarian conspiracy is uncertain. When accused of complicity in the trials which followed in 62 BC, he was defended by Cicero and acquitted. In the play he joins Vargunteius in the assassination attempt on Cicero (3.5).
15 PETREIUS Marcus Petreius, with thirty years of military experience behind him (4.6.6–11), commands the army which defeats Catiline at Pistoria; he recounts the battle in 5.5.210–69. Later, as a legate of Pompey, he was to fight against Caesar and, when eventually defeated, kill himself in a suicide pact with the Numidian king, Juba (46 BC).
16 VOLTURCIUS Salllust mentions ‘a certain Titus Volturcius of Crotona’ who was sent with the Allobroges to meet Catiline on their way home to Gaul (Bell. Cat., 44.3). He plays an ignominious part in his capture at the Mulvian Bridge in 4.7 of Jonson’s drama, and in 5.3 is fearful and ready to tell all to the Senate.
16 VOLTURCIUS] F1 (Voltvrtivs) (and throughout F1)
17 AURELIA Aurelia Orestilla, Catiline’s second wife, after he had ‘removed’ the first (as well as his son) to make room for her (1.115–17), becomes his agent in drawing Roman wives into the conspiracy.
17–20 ] each column indented, F1
18 FULVIA Not to be confused with the politically active wife of Mark Antony (see Ant., 1.1), this Fulvia – described by Sallust as mulier nobilis, ‘a woman of high rank’ (Bell. Cat., 23.3) – is an upper-class courtesan who, through her liaison with Curius, becomes instrumental in betraying the Catilinarian conspiracy to Cicero.
18 LICTORS Attendants who walked before certain Roman magistrates, such as consuls, dictators, and praetors, carrying the fasces or bundle of wooden rods enclosing an axe as symbol of high authority (originally, kingship). A consul had twelve lictors, a praetor six (Such numbers were no doubt reduced to a token on stage.)
19 SEMPRONIA Self-appointed politician and leader of the women in Catiline’s conspiracy, Sempronia plays a largely comic part in the play (2.1; 3.3.190–225; 4.5). Sallust treats her talents, wit, and learning – though not her morals – with rather more respect (Bell. Cat., 25). No other surviving account of the conspiracy mentions her involvement.
20 GALLA Fulvia’s waiting woman, a character invented by Jonson.
21 GUARDS / executioners] this edn; not in F1
22 CHORUS While voicing the collective attitudes and feelings of the people of Rome, the Chorus lines at the end of Acts 1, 2, 3, and 4 were probably spoken by a single actor; but as part of the political scene in 3.1, a group of citizens is clearly envisaged – see 3.1.1SDn.
23 THE SCENE: ROME] F1; not in Q
23 Except for the two scenes, 5.1 and 5.4, where Petreius and Catiline respectively address the soldiers, all the action takes place in Rome, or just outside the city, at the Mulvian Bridge (4.7). The location of Catiline’s last camp and fatal battle is in the neighbourhood of Pistoria, present-day Pistoia, a Tuscan city twenty-one miles north-west of Florence.
Half-title] this edn; not in Q 1.1] F1 (Act I.)
0 SD] Q2; Sylla’s Ghost. F1
1 The first act of the play is one long scene, in which Catiline establishes the motivation for his conspiracy and initiates his fellow conspirators into its strategy and aims. It opens with a theatrical shock; a ghost rises from the underworld to foreshadow the horrors to come – a device which would be familiar to Jonson’s readers from several Senecan tragedies and would remind audiences at the Globe or Blackfriars of Kyd’s Spanish Tragedy, or the entry of Envy in Jonson’s own Poet.
1 sulla’s ghost Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix was the leading figure in the civil war of 83–82 BC which ended in his appointment as dictator; the subsequent, legalized massacres of his proscription lists in 81 BC turned his name into a synonym for ferocious cruelty. In Lucan’s De bello, 1, which seems to have been much on Jonson’s mind when writing this act, Sulla’s Ghost rises (580–1) to prophesy the disaster of civil war. Catiline had been an ardent supporter of Sulla, who is often referred to in the course of the play; and the Ghost’s appearance here, to urge Catiline to cruelties greater than his own, links his blood-guilt with that of the play’s protagonist, much as happens when the Ghosts of Tantalus and Thyestes introduce, respectively, Seneca’s Thyestes and his Agamemnon. Entering, like these, from Hades (‘hell’, 23), Sulla’s Ghost is likely to have appeared onstage from the trap-door, since the below-stage area was symbolically associated with hell. The metrical form of his speech – rhyming couplets throughout – sets it off from the rest of the play. Jonson spells his name ‘Sylla’, though Sallust has ‘Sulla’; he is ‘Silla’ in Heywood’s translations of Sallust (1608) and ‘Scilla’ in Lodge’s play The Wounds of Civil War (Q 1594).
4 quick falls imminent destruction (OED, Fall n. 18). As a prediction of the ‘fall’ of Rome it will be proved wrong by the end of the play.
6 steep lofty.
6 their first beds their very foundations.
7 ruin collapse (from Lat. ruere, to fall).
8 thy . . . hills Situated where the Tiber valley opens to the coastal plain, Rome was built on, and between, seven hills, of which the most ‘proud’ were the Capitoline and the Palatine.
10 her The gender of Latin mors, ‘death’, is feminine.
10–15 breath . . . I do Like the Ghost of Tantalus, in Thyestes, 87–9, Sulla’s Ghost spreads his evil by breathing out dirus vapor, ‘a dire vapour’, with the pestilential effect of moral germ warfare. On plague and London theatres, see ‘To His Worthy Friend, Master Ben Jonson’, (pp. 27–8 above), 12n.
11 the Stygian sound the river Styx in the world of the dead, Hades, over which the shades of the departed were ferried.
13 blast blight.
14 display spread.
15 thus The word marks the stage action of ‘discovering’ Catiline, who is ‘displayed’, in the sense of shown or exhibited, and is thus identified as ‘Infection’.
15 SD Blackfriars is believed and the Globe is known to have had a discovery-space in the tiring-house wall, here serving as Catiline’s study. The Ghost ‘discovers’, i.e. reveals, him by drawing a curtain or opening a door, and then, though unheard by Catiline at his ‘counsels’ (16), addresses him. The structure of the play’s opening, effectively a prologue introducing the protagonist, who then, in a soliloquy, articulates his compelling concerns, has precedents in Seneca (e.g. Thyestes), as well as in Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus and The Jew of Malta, and Jonson’s Poet.
15 SD] F1 opposite 15–16; not in Q
16 Pluto The Greek god of the underworld.
16 counsels deliberations.
21 Gracchi, Cinna, Marius All these were, in various ways, Roman revolutionaries. The brothers Tiberius and Gaius Sempronius Gracchus, both tribunes, each in turn introduced land and social reform programmes; these were violently resisted by conservative senators who had the brothers murdered in, respectively, 133 and 121 BC. The tribunate of Tiberius ‘marks the beginning of . . . the introduction of murder into politics’ (OCD, 1385). Lucius Cornelius Cinna, Consul in 87 BC, joined Gaius Marius, the leader of the popular party (populares), in horrible vengeance on the aristocratic party (optimates). Marius’s rivalry with Sulla caused the first civil war in 88 BC.
24 Hannibal The celebrated Carthaginian general who tried, but failed, to conquer Rome but who also would not ‘have wished to see’ it destroyed. The phrase has a verbatim source in Florus, Epitome, 2.12.2, quicquid nec Hannibal videretur optasse.
25 practise act.
27 than] F2; then F1
27 facts evil deeds, crimes (OED, Fact n. 1c obs.).
28 Not . . . acts Be mentioned only in order to spur you on to new deeds. ‘[F]all in mention’ is a Latinism (in mentionem incidere).
29 Conscience Consciousness. Sallust stresses that Catiline’s spirit was goaded by conscientia scelerum, i.e. his consciousness of the crimes he had already committed (Bell. Cat., 5.7).
30–1 Be . . . sense Let . . . remain in your awareness.
30–42 The catalogue of Catiline’s former crimes is based on Sallust, Bell. Cat., 15, Plutarch, Cicero, 10, and briefer references in Cicero, In Cat., 1.6.14.
31 forcing raping.
31 a vestal nun a Roman patrician virgin consecrated to Vesta, the goddess of the hearth-fire, and required to maintain strict sexual purity. Accused of this crime (against Fabia, half-sister of Terentia, Cicero’s wife), Catiline was in fact acquitted.
32–4 Thy . . . nuptials According to Sallust, Bell. Cat., 15.2–3, in a phrase echoed here, it was generally believed necato filio vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis fecisse, that Catiline ‘murdered his son in order to make an empty house for this criminal marriage’ to Aurelia Orestilla. Cicero, In Cat., 1.6.14, insists that he had first murdered his wife. Cf. 1.1.14–17.
32 parricide murder of a near relative (not necessarily a father).
32 only] F1; naturall Q
35 blaze infamous crime. Not recorded in a substantive sense by OED, but cf. Blaze, v. 2, 2+d. Q reads ‘fame’, i.e. infamy (OED, n.1 4 obs.); cf. Lat. fama.
35 blaze] F1; fame Q
36 at once . . . wife According to Plutarch, Cicero, 10, Catiline was accused of incest with his daughter. The Ghost of Thyestes in Seneca’s Agamemnon elaborates (as do both Clytemnestra and Electra later in that play) on the paradoxically perverted family relationships produced by his identical crime of incest.
37 leave refrain from mentioning (whereupon he does not quite refrain).
39–41 Thy murder . . . fact Plutarch, Sulla, 32, describes this post-dated proscription of the brother Catiline had murdered as ‘the most monstrous’ of the proscription evils. Cf. Plutarch, Cicero, 10.
43 light slight, trivial. Cf. Sej., 2.150–1, ‘Adultery? It is the lightest ill / I will commit.’
44 mischief evil-doing, wickedness (OED, n. 6 obs.). This word, with a weight of evil unrecognized by its modern meaning, recurs throughout the play.
47 defeated once in an abortive attempt to murder the consuls and members of the Senate, known as the first Catilinarian conspiracy. See 4.2.275–81n.
47 thou’st] F1 (th’hast)
47 known discovered.
48 Tempt Attempt (OED, v. 3; an aphetic form).
49–52 Cf. 3.3.263–5, and also Epigr. 32, ‘On Sir John Roe’.
50 Verbal echo of Lucan, De bello, 6.670–1, where, as the witch Erictho mixes a brew to revive a corpse, Huc quidquid fetu genuit natura sinistro / Miscetur, ‘With this was blended all that nature inauspiciously gives birth to’. ‘Sinister’ is stressed, as in Latin sinister, on the second syllable.
51 reach unto achieve.
52 surfeits sicknesses (usually caused by intemperance).
54 conquer all example outdo all instances of evil.
55–62 Closely echoing the Fury in Thyestes, as he urges the Ghost of Tantalus to goad Atreus into unexampled crimes: nec vacet cuiquam vetus / odisse crimen – semper oriatur novum, / nec unum in uno, dumque punitur scelus, / crescat (‘let time be given to none to hate old sins – ever let new arise, many in one, and let crime, even while it is being punished, increase’, 29–32); non sit a vestris malis / immune caelum – cur micant stellae polo / flammaeque servant debitum mundo decus? / nox alia fiat, excidat caelo dies. / misce penates, odia caedes funera / arcesse et imple Tantalo totam domum (‘by our sins let not heaven be untainted – why do the stars glitter in the sky? Why do their fires preserve the glory due the world? Let the face of night be changed, let day fall from heaven. Embroil thy household gods, summon up hatred, slaughter, death, and fill the whole house with Tantalus’, 47–53).
59 care (1) sorrow; (2) concern; caution (OED, n.1 1 obs.; 3).
60 impiety want of right feeling (towards men and gods) (Lat. impietas).
63 this half-sphere i.e. the hemisphere of the earth illuminated by the sun.
63 blinded deprived of light, here also with the figurative sense of (self-) deceived. What the return of light (or enlightenment) will mean is ironically foreshadowed in 65–6.
68 that so that.
68–9 repeat . . . muster make a roll-call of our forces.
70–2 And furies . . . theirs The Ghost’s wish – that the conspirators, as avenging or tormenting spirits (‘furies’), not only become like, but even outdo, the avenging goddesses (Lat. Furiae) – is to be strangely fulfilled in the account of Catiline’s final battle, where the furies ‘trembled to see men / Do more than they’ (5.5.236–8).
71 may] F1; doth Q
72 SD] G, subst. (Sinks); not in F1
73 decreed decided (with reference to doing something). Cf. Ado, 1.3.25: (Don John) ‘I have decreed not to sing in my cage.’ Unlike the audience, Catiline, as he emerges from his ‘study’, has not heard the Ghost, whose words, however, may be thought to have reflected what has been going on in Catiline’s mind.
75 would through would force through.
77 lave . . . waters scoop up the waters of the Tyrrhenian Sea (between Tuscany and Sardinia and Corsica).
79–82 Jonson has merged three Senecan passages: 79–80, ‘The ills . . . greater’, is a version of the often-quoted tag from Agamemnon, 115, per scelera semper sceleribus tutum est iter; 81–2 combine, from Thyestes, 267–9 and 280, Atreus’s sense of a spirit urging on his pigris manibus, ‘sluggish hands’, as he wonders why he has so long lived innocens, ‘without doing harm’ (cf. Jonson’s ‘innocent’). Ironically, the last we will hear of Catiline is how, in death, ‘his hands still moved, / As if he laboured yet to grasp the state’ (5.5.267–8).
86 Close . . . Atlas Firmly, like Atlas (the Titan who, in classical mythology, with his own shoulders supports the great columns that hold earth and sky apart).
88 repulse rejection (in candidature for an office: Lat. repulsa).
89 voice vote.
90 Pontic War Third Mithradatic War, in which Mithradates VI, King of Pontus, was finally defeated by Pompey (68 BC). Felicius, Sallust folio, col. 461 A, stresses Catiline’s resentment at not being given the command.
91 stepdame stepmother. Catiline repeatedly draws on images of family relationships to express his idea that Rome has treated him unnaturally and so deserves the outrage he proposes (cf., e.g., 1.1.495). The image of turning against the ‘entrails’ (viscera) of one’s own people echoes the opening of Lucan, De bello, 1.2–3; but Jonson uses it to develop the theme of stepmotherhood with gruesome irony: Rome will in a sense be forced to be Catiline’s natural mother when he makes her give birth to him as a superlatively prodigious monster.
92 lose . . . lose] F1 (loose . . . loose)
93 piety Here in the sense of Lat. pietas, which combines filial affection and patriotism.
97 teemed with given birth to.
97 since . . . Mars Mars, the god of war, was held to be the father of Romulus and Remus, the mythical founders of Rome; ‘knew’ here means ‘had sexual intercourse with’ (a little illogically, since she then conceived those who were to found her).
97 SD] G, subst.; Catiline, Avrelia. F1
98 catiline. Appear] F1 (Cat. Appeare); AVR. Appeare Q
99 circle orb. Catiline turns to the hyperbolical register of the conventional love poet.
100 Phoebus Apollo, the god identified with the sun.
101 mounting Perhaps with an erotic hint, possibly commencing in ‘circle’ (99).
104 SD] F1, opposite 103; not in Q
106 Still Always.
107 Orestilla Aurelia’s second name (see The Persons of the Play, ‘Aurelia’, n.).
112 ambrosiac of the nature of ambrosia (the fabled food of the gods, as ‘nectar’ is their drink; both confer eternal life). Cf. Catullus, 99.2, saviolum dulci dulcius ambrosia, ‘a kiss sweeter than sweet ambrosia’, and New Inn, 3.2.128, ‘Ambrosiac kisses to melt down the palate’.
113 Wouldst thou but If only you would. Catiline is more ready than Brutus in JC, 2.1.233–303, to initiate his wife in a conspiracy; he is cited as an example of such readiness in John Stephens’s closet tragedy Cinthia’s Revenge (1613), E4v.
115–7 When . . . her Cf. 1.1.32–4.
119–20 He . . . none This is the first of many instances, throughout the play, where Q indicates a sententious statement by the use of double quotation marks. This edition does not use any special typographical marking of such instances, but they can be identified from the collations.
119–20 He . . . / Floor] Wh; “He . . . / “Floore F1
124 weighed raised. Sallust quotes a letter from Catiline to Catulus in which he states that Orestilla’s ‘liberality’ enabled him to pay off all his debts (Bell. Cat., 35.3).
125 my emergent fortune] F1 (my’emergent-fortune); my’emergent Fortune Q
126 main high sea. Catiline continues, and then goes on to elaborate (128–9), the image he began with ‘sunk’ (123).
126 hit the stars Cf. Horace, Odes, 1.1.35–6; Ode to Himself (‘Come, leave the loathed stage’), 58; Sej., 5.1.8–9.
130–1 put on . . . myself be prepared to act in this situation as I do. The word ‘habits’ operates as a pun, its significance sliding from ‘clothes’ (OED, Habit n. 1c), via ‘dress’ in its transferred or figurative sense of ‘outward form or appearance’ (1e), to ‘settled practice’ or ‘customary way of acting’ (9). Cf. ‘Breton’ (1.549), line 1.
132–56 Some . . . Autronius The following catalogue indicates how Catiline manipulates and controls the conspirators; it also provides the audience with vital characteristics and background to identify them by as, eventually, they enter. For information on individual characters, see The Persons of the Play, and notes.
133 blown puffed up with pride or vanity.
134 heaved exalted or elevated in dignity (OED, Heave v. I.2.b).
134 magnifying his blood exaggerating the greatness of his lineage.
135 the Sibyl’s books Originally the name of a single prophetic woman, Sibyl came to be a generic term rather than a name; but in the Roman context it refers to the Cumaean Sibyl, three of whose prophetic books, in priestly care in the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, were to be consulted only at the command of the Senate and were held in extreme awe. Virgil’s Fourth Eclogue, modelled on sibylline prophecy, was thought to have been inspired by the Cumaean Sibyl. Cf. 259n. below.
136–40 a third man . . . dead This prophecy, Lentulus’s favourite topic in the play, is described by Sallust, Bell. Cat., 47.2, and Plutarch, Cicero, 17. According to Plutarch it was a forgery; and Jonson makes it clear (138–9) that Catiline has bribed augurers to ‘interpret’ to Lentulus a forged prophecy of the three Cornelii. Cinna, consul for three consecutive years, 86–84 BC, and Sulla, dictator 82–80 BC, are now ‘dead’ (140), and Lentulus lives in the delusion that he is to become ‘king’ (138). There had not been a king in Rome since the last of the Tarquins, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, was expelled c. 510 BC.
143 Go on upon Storm, attack. Harris, Cat. finds a parallel in Seneca’s phrase invadam deos, ‘storm the gods’, Medea’s decision to shake the universe, Medea, 424–5.
144 The engine . . . Cyclops Their thunderbolt from the Cyclops (the one-eyed giants who alone, according to Hesiod, Theogony, 139–46 and 501–6, forge Jove’s thunderbolts, and who had promised to supply them only to Jove).
144 give fire discharge the thunderbolt.
145 At face of Straight at.
145 full large, swelling (OED, a. 10).
145 stand his ire withstand its wrath (i.e. take the consequences; ‘his’ possibly also hinting at an implicit Jove, who is being challenged).
147 envy to malignant or hostile feeling towards (OED, Envy n. 1 obs.).
147 draws . . . on attracts and goads.
148 contumelies contemptuous treatment involving dishonour and humiliation.
149–50 Curius and Lentulus were among sixty-four members whom the Censors in 70 BC expelled from the Senate for their immorality (cf. Bell. Cat., 23.1 and Cicero, 17).
151 new-rubbed like a sore.
153 dole a share allotted.
154–5 feigned . . . hopes made themselves believe they have a chance to obtain.
154 feigned] F1 (fain’d)
155 crude Cf. Dedicatory Epistle, 9n.
156 Bestia, Autronius] F1 (subst.); Bestia, ’Autronius Q
157 idle unemployed. Disaffected Sulla veterans were a major force in the political situation which produced the conspiracy.
159–80 The picture of the dissolute society from which Catiline draws adherents is based on, and at times translates verbatim, Sallust, Bell. Cat., 14.
160 their debts] F1, Q (state 2); debts Q (state 1)
161 Run . . . fortune Take any risk, however great.
162 relieve assist.
163 their] Q; the F
163 safeguard protection.
163 safeguard] F1; saue-gard Q
163 like i.e. we must do the same.
164 gripe grasp, control.
166 From . . . factious Be given to seditiousness because of their own criminal records.
167 airlings young, thoughtless persons.
168 Sallust, Bell. Cat., 14.6, specifies exactly these allurements: scorta . . . canes . . . equos.
169 venture] F1 (venter)
171 store and change an abundant and varied supply (OED, Store n. 4).
171–2 women . . . boys Sallust (14.6) has Catiline provide scorta, ‘prostitutes’; and the commentary in the Sallust folio explains that these were of both sexes (id est pueris aut puellis prostitutis, col. 78 C). Juvenal’s Satire 2 underlies Jonson’s picture of the debauched society which Catiline assumes and abets in his dialogue with Aurelia. That this, as in Juvenal, includes sodomy is clear from this line and from the episode with the Page, 1.510–17, which it foreshadows.
173 all connivance every encouragement (by forbearing to condemn).
173 courtly i.e. in the bad sense of using the fair words or flattery of courtiers (OED, a. 4). Cf. Tim., 5.1.26, ‘To promise is most courtly and fashionable’.
174 sit up stay up late.
177 freedom and community licentiousness; ‘community’ here with the meaning of ‘social intercourse’ (OED, n. 3).
178 heads must ache Presumably through cuckolding as well as agitation. Cf. EMI (F), 2.3.41.
179 feeling presentiment (Bolton & Gardner).
179–80 spare . . . modesty Literal translation of a zeugmatic phrase in Bell. Cat., 14.6, neque sumptui neque modestiae suae parcere.
180 Or . . . or Either . . . or.
184 visor mask. The idea of a ‘visor’ behind which a truer self is hidden recurs throughout the play; cf. 2.1.63; 2.1.278; 3.1.171; 5.3.119.
185 the scene . . . theatres ‘Scene’ here does not mean ‘scenery’ but ‘fictive location’. Jonson seems to have the Jacobean rather than Roman stage in mind; cf. the reference to ‘the King’s Players’ in Staple, 3.2.201–3, ‘for their various shifting of their scene / And dext’rous change o’their persons to all shapes’.
185 theatres –] F1 (theaters); Theaters. Q
185 SD] F1 opposite 185; not in Q
188 arts stratagems.
189 privacies secret matters (OED, Privacy n. 4).
190 on] F1; by Q
190 SD.1–2 [Exit . . . CETHEGUS] Cf. note on doors at 2.1.1–2.
190 SD.1 Exit Aurelia] G; not in F1
190 SD.2] this edn; Lentvlvs, Cethegvs, / Catiline. F1
192 as as if.
192 sullen gloomy (‘with the notion of moving . . . sluggishly’: OED, a. 3 a).
192 sullen] F1 (sollen)
192 car chariot. In Homer the goddess of dawn arrives in a chariot drawn by two horses (cf. Odyssey, 23.246).
194 rosy-fingered . . . black The formulaic Homeric epithet, reflecting the pale shades of the dawn sky, is ominously contrasted with the colours of black and blood-red of this Roman morning, as foreshadowed by Sulla’s Ghost, 1.1.61–6.
197 A common reversal: cf. ‘Sorrow breaks seasons and reposing hours, / Makes the night morning and the noontide night’, R3, 1.4.76–7.
198–9 a ‘hail’ . . . morns Ave, ‘hail’, was the customary salutation of Roman clients (see 3.2.249n.) on morning visits to their patrons. Cf. the hailing in 1.1.293–5.
198–9 ‘hail’ . . . ‘health’] this edn; haile . . . health F1; Hayle . . . Health Q
204 A fire Let there be a fire.
205 virtue courage, manliness (Lat. virtus).
210 Yes?] F1; Yes. Q
210 As you i.e. As you would have overslept.
211 all sleep Cethegus’s view of companions’ lethargy echoes that of Sulla’s Ghost, 1.1.9–10.
211 dormice Small rodents noted for their hibernation, hence figures of sleepy inactivity; cf. New Inn, 1.6.89–90, where Lovel says he ‘ . . . slept away my life / Beyond the dormouse, till I was in love!’.
213 We’re] F1 (W’are)
214 ribs bars (OED, Rib n.1 11). For ‘ribs of ice’, cf. MM, 3.1.123, where ‘thick-ribbed ice’ expresses Claudio’s fear of death and a cold purgatory.
216 to our states in the condition we are in.
217 muse wonder why.
222 their powers Most likely the gods’ powers (a hyperbole typical of Cethegus), but it could also refer to the laggard conspirators’.
226 degenerate talking gown The phrase must be understood as echoing Lucan, De bello, 1.365, degenerem . . . togam, where it refers to slack citizens, emblematized by the toga (the principal garment of the free-born Roman male), as against active, rebellious soldiers. By adding ‘talking’ to ‘gown’, Jonson makes Cethegus fulminate against either wordy senators or forensic orators like Cicero, or both.
229 voices expressions of feeling.
229–47 Oh, the days . . . prey The enthusiastic description of carnage in the days of Sulla is closely based on Lucan, De bello, 2.99–111: quantoque gradu mors saeva cucurrit! / Nobilitas cum plebe perit, lateque vagatus / Ensis, et a nullo revocatum pectore ferrum. / Stat cruor in templis, multaque rubentia caede / Lubrica saxa madent. Nulli sua profuit aetas: / Non senis extremum piguit vergentibus annis / Praecepisse diem, nec primo in limine vitae / Infantis miseri nascentia rumpere fata. / Crimine quo parvi caedem potuere mereri? / Sed satis est iam posse mori. Trahit ipse furoris / Impetus, et visum lenti, quaesisse nocentum. / In numerum pars magna perit . . . (‘With what mighty strides cruel death stalked abroad! High and low were slain alike; the sword strayed far and wide; and no breast was spared the steel. Pools of blood stood in the temples; constant carnage wetted the red and slippery pavement. None was protected by his age; the slayer did not scruple to anticipate the last day of declining age, or to cut short the early prime of a hapless infant at the threshold of life. How was it possible that children should deserve death for any crime? But it was enough to have already a life to lose. The violence of frenzy was itself an incentive; and it was deemed the part of a laggard to look for guilt in a victim. Many were slain merely to make up a number . . .’.
230 Sulla’s sway See 1.1.1n.
231–2 familiar . . . augurs A deliberately shocking, even blasphemous, statement: Sulla’s followers were as familiar with disembowelling as are the augurs, the religious officials whose duty it was to predict future events and advise on public business on the evidence of omens derived from, among other things, the appearance of the entrails of sacrificial animals.
233 price (1) high esteem (OED, n. 8a obs.); or (2) reward (OED, 2).
234 all rage reins ‘all rage (was given) reins, i.e. allowed to run unchecked. (Lat. dare freno)’ (Bolton & Gardner).
234 reins] F1 (raines)
238 his arch the arch made by Slaughter’s legs.
239 degree rank, social class.
240 porch Translating Lucan’s limine = ‘threshold’, De bello, 2.106 (see 229–47n., above).
242 by nature’s bounty in the natural order of things.
268 They had] F1 (They’had)
246–7 Some . . . prey While some were killed just to make up the numbers, others were killed for their possessions, to make up the spoils (OED, Prey n. 1).
247–9 The conceit – Charon (who ferries the dead across a river into Hades) needing a whole ‘navy’ or fleet (classis), rather than his boat (cumba), for the victims of a civil war — is derived from Petronius, Satyricon, 121, where the poet Eumolpus, criticizing Lucan, reads out his own poem on a civil war more bloody than Sulla’s massacres.
249 sad (1) sorry; (2) heavy. The context activates both senses of the word.
250–3 A powerful re-creation of a passage in De bello, 2.152–3: Busta replete fuga, permixtaque viva sepultis / corpora, nec populum latebrae cepere ferarum: ‘the tombs were filled with fugitives, and the bodies of the living consorted with buried corpses; and the lairs of wild beasts were crowded with men’.
255 Lentulus . . . Cornelius See The Persons of the Play, ‘Lentulus’, n.
256 stand up assume his rightful position, stand for office.
256 that that which.
257 not cleared not elucidated, explained, made free from ambiguity (OED, Clear v. 5).
259 leaves The Sibyl of Cumae (the most famous of the Sibyllae) wrote her prophecies on palm-leaves, which she left at the entrance to her cave. Those who consulted her needed to gather the leaves before they were dispersed by the wind, and the prophecy lost. Certain of the leaves were bound up into nine volumes of prophetic books (libri), three of which the Sibyl sold to Tarquinius Superbus, the last of the Roman kings; these were consulted by a commission in times of danger to the state (cf. 135n. above, and Cicero, In Cat., 3.4.9).
261 suffer the torture are subjected to rigorous examination to extract the truth. The allusion, developed by Catiline in the lines that follow, is to the Roman practice of quaestio, in which slaves and foreigners (not citizens) could be, and regularly were, tortured in order to extract confessions or evidence.
262 without i.e. without torture.
265 faint in the belief be unwilling to believe (OED, Faint v. 2 obs.).
268 lost their science betrayed their professional skill (OED, n. 3 d).
268–9 They . . . third See 1.1.136–40n.
273–4 set . . . shines Catiline sustains the sun image (270), traditionally connected with kingship, for the ‘setting’ of the first two Cornelii and the supposed ‘rising’ of the third.
277 purple . . . axes The distinctive clothing of senators was a tunic with a broad purple strip (latus clavus) woven into it; magistrates with power also wore the purple-bordered toga praetexta. The vision here is of the two consuls, terrified, dropping the symbols of office (normally carried by their lictors; see 1.1.473n.): the rods, which demonstrated the power to compel and punish, and the axes, carried only outside the city and demonstrating their power over life and death.
278 statues melt again Ironically, Catiline here envisages a repeat of the event, in 65 BC, which Cicero was to recall when speaking against the conspiracy, In Cat., 3.4.19: lightning striking the Capitol, destroying statues and melting bronze tablets, and soothsayers seeing this as ominous of ‘rebellion, civil war, the destruction of the whole city’.
278–80 household . . . blood The verbal details here, of a city overwhelmed by portentous horrors, are from De bello, 1.556–7: Indigetes flevisse deos urbisque laborem / Testatos sudore Lares (‘If tales are true, the national deities shed tears, the sweating of the household gods bore witness to the city’s woe’). Dramatically they are a preparation for the actual portents in the scene, 312–22.
281 ruin Cf. 1.1.7.
283 creature obedient follower, slave.
283 Sergius i.e. Catiline, whose full name was Lucius Sergius Catilina. In the Roman system of personal nomenclature a free-born male citizen could have three names: praenomen, nomen (the hereditary family name), and cognomen (optional in the republican age). Catiline is variously addressed by each of his three names (cf. 293).
284 win to be succeed in becoming.
286 shadow Catiline rhetorically debases himself by suggesting that he is only an imitation (OED, n. 6b obs.; cf. MND, 5.1.401), as against the real ‘heirs of Mars’. Cethegus then (288–91) seizes on his interlocutor’s keyword and turns it to his own use, as he will frequently do in the course of the play: here to hyperbolical praise, by using ‘shadow’ (290) in its common sense of the image cast by a body intercepting light. Contrast the tone of Catiline’s aside at 3.1.165, ‘To what a shadow am I melted!’
291 SD] this edn; not in F1
291 they are] F1 (they’are)
292 SD to them] F1; not in Q
292 SD and Servants] G; &c. F1
294 Publius Lentulus] F1 (Pvb. Lentvl’.)
294 Cornelius] F1 (Corneli’.)
297 unseeled A falconer’s term for opening the eyes of a hawk whose eyelids have been stitched together to blind it while being trained. Cf. Mac., 3.2. 46–7, ‘Come, seeling night, / Scarf up the tender eye of pitiful day.’
298 the affair] F1 (the’affaire)
305 SD] this edn; not in F1
306 SD] this edn; not in F1
307 marked designated (i.e. for slaughter) (OED, Mark v. 6). See 483–504 and 483n. It is perhaps appropriate that this callous command unleashes the prodigies of the next few minutes.
309 SD] G; not in F1
312 SD The marginal stage directions (also at 315 and 318), together with the fear indicated by the dialogue, suggest the theatrical effectiveness of this episode, for which there is only a hint of a source in Plutarch, Cicero, 14: a general reference to ‘earthquakes and lightnings and sights’ during Catiline’s electoral campaign. Whether at the Globe or Blackfriars, it is likely that the ‘darkness’ was suggested by the dialogue (313–15) rather than realized, since in the candle-lit indoor playhouse a temporary extinction of candles was impracticable, and ‘the playwrights could rely on the audience’s readily understanding the same lighting conventions in a variety of lighting environments’ (Graves, 1999, 200, 214).
312 SD] F1, opposite 312–13; not in Q
313 Atreus’ feast Jonson draws attention to his Senecan antecedents. In Thyestes, 776–884, Messenger and Chorus tell of the unnatural darkness that settles on the world as Atreus prepares the banquet at which Thyestes will feast on his own, slaughtered sons.
314 vestal flame fire on the altar in Vesta’s shrine in the Forum Romanum. Its extinction would be regarded as a terrible portent of the destruction of Rome, as in Lucan, De bello, 1.549–50.
315 SD] F1, opposite 315–16; not in Q
315–16 Our fant’sies . . . day Cethegus believes the groan is merely imagined, the product of collective delusion. The conspirators can generate their own fire (cf. 303) and turn darkness into light (‘force a day’).
316 SD Another] F1, opposite 317; not in Q
315 SD Jonson seems to be remembering how, in De bello, 1.568, groans came from the urns filled with the ashes of dead men. The audience would remember Sulla’s Ghost descending through the trap-door into hell.
317 As As if.
318 feign imagine. The phrase as a whole translates De bello, 1.486, quae finxere, timent.
318 feign] F1 (faine)
318 SD The ‘fiery light’ is in stage terms presumably a torch held and waved (by a ‘bloody arm’) from above (using the heavenly trap-door much as in the descent of Jupiter in Cym., 5.5). It is imaginatively expanded by Longinus’s lines, 320–1.
318 SD] F1, opposite 318–19; not in Q
319 forth out (i.e. as if of the window).
320 pine pine-torch (Lat. pinus). Again Jonson is drawing on De bello, 1.572–3, where a Fury stalks the city shaking a pinum.
323 sealed confirmed (as if the portents had put a seal on it).
324 discountenance discourage.
326–420 Noblest . . . free Catiline’s speech to the conspirators is closely modelled on Sallust, Bell. Cat., 20.2–17, but is no mere translation; cf. Introduction.
326–38 Noblest Romans . . . action Cf. Sallust, Bell. Cat. 20.2–4: Ni virtus fidesque vostra spectata mihi forent, nequiquam opportuna res cecidisset; spes magna, dominatio in manibus frustra fuissent, neque ego per ignaviam aut vana ingenia incerta pro certis captarem. Sed quia multis et magnis tempestatibus vos cognovi fortis fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus est maxumum atque pulcherrumum facinus incipere, simul quia vobis eadem quae mihi bona malaque esse intellexi; nam idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est (‘If I had not already tested your courage and loyalty, in vain would a great opportunity have presented itself; high hopes and power would have been placed in my hands to no purpose, nor would I with the aid of cowards or inconstant hearts grasp at uncertainty in place of certainty. But because I have learned in many and great emergencies that you are brave and faithful to me, my mind has had the courage to set on foot a mighty and glorious enterprise, and also because I perceive that you and I hold the same view of what is good and evil; for agreement in likes and dislikes – this, and this only, is what constitutes true friendship’).
328 hold . . . blood justify being called Roman, as your birth does.
330 catch snatch.
331 By airy ways Through uncertainties (Sallust’s incerta pro certis, 326–38n., above).
334 taste perceive.
334 affections inclinations (OED, Affection n. 5).
335 will or nill want or not want (Sallust’s velle atque idem nolle, 326–38n., above).
336 argues gives evidence of.
337 set on foot set in motion, begin.
339–40 you . . . apart I have spoken to each of you privately about it.
342 forethink anticipate in my mind.
343 except in time unless, while there’s time.
347 engrossed monopolized, in that property, privileges, and power are concentrated in paucorum potentium, ‘a few powerful men’ (Bell. Cat., 20.7).
350–1 A literal translation of Bell. Cat., 20.7, semper illis reges, tetrarchae vectigales esse, populi, nationes stipendia pendere. ‘Tetrarchs’ were subordinate rulers (originally of the fourth part of a country); ‘stipends’, like stipendia, here refers to taxes, tribute money.
351 hourly frequent, continual. Cf. 4.2.158; 5.1.36.
355 the vulgar the common people, the rabble.
356 bred . . . corn A phrase from Horace, Epistles, 1.2.27, nos numerus sumus et fruges consumere nati, ‘we are ciphers and born to consume earth’s fruits’.
358 Ungraced Without honours.
358 mark distinction.
359–60 rods . . . axes See 1.1.277n.; ‘come forth bright axes’ renders Sallust’s simple formidini essemus, ‘we should be objects of fear’.
361 places, honours high positions, magistracies (high offices were called honores).
363 dangers . . . wants Literal translation of Bell. Cat., 20.8: pericula, repulsas, iudicia, egestatem, ‘dangers, defeats, prosecutions, and poverty’.
364–83 Cf. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 20.9–11: ‘How long, pray, will you endure this, brave hearts [o fortissumi viri]? Is it not better to die valiantly than ignominiously to lose our wretched and dishonoured lives after being the sport of others’ insolence? . . . We are in the prime of life, we are stout of heart; to them, on the contrary, years and riches have brought utter dotage. We need only to strike; the rest will take care of itself. Pray, what man with the spirit of a man can endure that our tyrants should abound in riches, to squander in building upon the seas and in levelling mountains, while we lack the means to buy the bare necessities of life? That they should join their palaces by twos or even more, while we have nowhere a hearthstone [Illos binas aut amplius domos continuare, nobis larem familiarem nusquam ullum esse]?’
365 virtue See 1.1.205n.
367 lose] F1 (loose)
368 call . . . to question summon . . . to bear witness (OED, Call v. 20c).
371 grown agèd Sallust’s consenuerunt (20.10), as Harris points out (Harris, ed. Cat., 1916), suggests decay rather than merely old age.
373 issue outcome.
375 scape escape (OED, v. 1 a; aphetic variant of escape).
376 air (1) breath, ‘whiff’ (OED, n. 9); (2) disposition (OED, Air n. 14b obs.).
382 change of houses multiple residences.
383 Lar household god, hence also home.
384–6 Attic statues . . . Attalic garments Examples of particularly expensive luxuries: Greek statues from Athens; hangings dyed with the rare purple from Tyre; pictures from Ephesus, famed for its art-treasures; bronze ware from Corinth; cloth-of-gold garments, called vestimenta attalica after Attalus III, the last king of Pergamum.
386–7 new-found . . . Asia Pompey’s campaigns in the east brought an influx of gems; his triumph in Rome (62 BC) involved a remarkable display of jewels which Pliny describes, Natural History, 37.6 (but which Catiline did not live to see).
388–91 Phasis . . . meal A catalogue of sources of gourmet food. The river Phasis (modern Rioni) was considered a breeding-place for pheasants (hence their name). Lucrinus Lacus, a coastal lagoon (now part of the Bay of Naples), and the colony of Circeii on the Tyrrhenian coast south of Rome were both famous for oysters (cf. Und. 85.49). The gourmet in Juvenal, Satires, 4.140–1, can tell at the first bite whether an oyster has been bred at one or the other of these sites; cf. ‘the witty (i.e. ingenious) gluttony’, 391. Jonson is remembering the paragraph in Petronius, Satyricon, 119 (part of the civil-war poem; see 1.1.247–49n.) which begins ingeniosa gula est, ‘gluttony is a fine art’, proceeds to list these locations, and ends with a lament for the extinction of pheasants: iam Phasidos unda / orbata est avibus, ‘now all the birds are gone from the waters of Phasis’.
390 enough] F1 (enow)
393 if . . . not if the echo is not pleasing (OED, Like v. 1b). Cf. Devil, Prologue, 26: ‘If this play do not like, the devil is in’t.’
396 Vex . . . wealth Belabour and misuse their ill-gotten riches (OED, Vex v. 6a). Cf. Bell. Cat., 20.12, omnibus modis pecuniam trahunt, vexant.
398 overcome Either (1) exhaust (OED, v. 3a); or (2) dominate, control (OED, v. 3b), or, most likely, both meanings, as in the vincere of Bell. Cat., 20.13, summa lubidine divitias suas vincere nequeunt, ‘for all their extreme extravagance they cannot get the upper hand of their riches’.
402 ribs i.e. strata of rocks (OED, n.1 5b).
405 seats residences.
406 the thund’ring ruins i.e. the noise of all this excessive quarrying and building.
407 urge put pressure on (Lat. urgere).
409–10 Wake . . . for! Sallust, Bell. Cat., 20.14–15: ‘Awake then! Lo, here, here before your eyes, is the freedom [libertas] for which you have often longed, and with it riches, honour, and glory; Fortune offers all these things as prizes to the victors [fortuna omnia ea victoribus praemia posuit].’
415 brave spoil fine plunder.
416 Use me Treat me as. In defiance of English syntax, Jonson makes the nouns (‘general or soldier’) function as the Latin ablatives of his source text, Bell. Cat., 20.16, vel imperatore vel milite me utimini.
417 wanting lacking.
419 if . . . me if I am not blinded by the flattering trust you place in me.
420 you’d not] F1; you had Q
422 wants is lacking.
423 sacrament oath, especially one ratified by a rite (OED, n. 4; chiefly as a Latinism, from sacramentum). See 1.1.487 and n.
425 Deferring Delaying, procrastinating. Q’s spelling, ‘differring’, represents an earlier form of ‘defer’ (OED, Differ v. 1a). Cf. Lucan, De bello, 1.281, semper nocuit differre paratis, ‘delay is always fatal to those who are prepared’.
425 Deferring] F1 (Differring)
425 so] F1; most Q
426–82 The challenge to Catiline and his rousing response draw on, but greatly expand, Bell. Cat., 21. Sallust does not specify who questioned Catiline on his plans, but it is appropriate that Autronius should be the first to do so, since he was involved in the first Catilinarian conspiracy (see 1.1.47 and 4.2.275–81n.) which is said to have misfired because of Catiline’s over-hastiness.
427 favour permission (OED, n. 3a).
431 th’embracing . . . cloud Alludes to the myth of Ixion’s attempt to rape Hera, wife of Zeus, who substituted a cloud-image for the intended victim.
432 Put . . . on Risk . . . in.
432 valures (1) courage; (2) worth (OED, Valure n. 1c; 2). The ‘dear . . . business’ suggests that there may be a play on both meanings.
433 second assistance or support. (OED, n. 8c obs.). Cf. Sej., 2.381–2, ‘This second, from his mother, will well urge / Our late design, and spur on Caesar’s rage.’
434 garland wreath awarded to a victor; cf. 5.3.227n. The spelling in Q, ‘gyrlond’ (which autograph MSS show to be Jonson’s usual spelling of this word; but cf. 5.3.227, ‘gyrland’ in Q), approximates forms which were frequently used by sixteenth- and seventeenth-century English writers ‘in imitation of the French and Italian forms’ (OED, Garland, n. Forms).
434 garland] F1 (gyrlond)
435 assurances guarantees.
436 stark security absolute feeling of safety from danger.
438 blow Noting the recurrence of this word elsewhere in the play (3.3.74, 4.2.454; and cf. 5.4.31), De Luna (54ff.) observes its frequent usage also in relation to the Gunpowder Plot.
441 nearhand nearby.
442 army in] F1 (army’in)
443 Gnaeus Piso See 3.3.63–5n.
443 Gnaeus] F1 (CNEVS)
444 Nucerinus Publius Sittius, a Roman knight from Nuceria in Campania, was believed to have Catilinarian sympathies, but Cicero defends him against such suspicions in Pro Sulla, 56.
446–7 Translating Bell. Cat., 21.3: petere consulatum C. Antonium, quem sibi collegam fore speraret.
446 hoped hoped-for.
447 engaged committed (i.e. to our cause); (OED, Engage v. II 7c obs.).
448 By his] F1 (By’his)
448 I have] F1 (I’haue)
449–52 some others . . . party Not in Sallust, this seems a veiled reference to Caesar and Crassus, ironic in view of what they really do ‘when the time comes’.
453 In nature As a matter of fact (OED, Nature n. 12e).
456 as . . . proscribed See 1.1.1n.
457 publication confiscation (OED, n. 3 obs.) (Lat. publicatio).
459 he has] F1 (he’has)
461 to Autronius] F1 (to’Avtronivs)
465–70 On the ‘contumely’ and ‘disgrace’ of Curius and Lentulus, see 1.1.149–50n.
470 stout proud, brave. OED cites no use of ‘stout’ in the sense of ‘fat’ (a. 12) before the nineteenth century, but Longinus’s corpulence is repeatedly referred to in the play; see 3.3.194n.
471 Facing Opposing with confidence, defying.
471 Praetor Next to the consuls, the praetors were the chief magistrates in republican Rome; elected annually, they were originally two, but their number was raised by Sulla to eight. Longinus had been Praetor in 66 BC; in 64 BC he was a candidate for the consulship (see 2.1.106–7).
472 fasces Bundles of rods (‘fasces’) and a single-headed axe, carried by lictors, were ‘the primary visible expression of magisterial authority and hence the primary focus of a complex symbolism of the magistrates’ legitimacy and of their powers vis-à-vis citizens, subjects, and each other’ (OCD, 587–8). Cf. 1.1.277n.
475 yours i.e. at your mercy.
476 boy Cf. 1.1.171–2n.
476 race family, class. Cf. WT, 4.4.95, ‘By bud of nobler race’; and ‘Shakes. Beloved’ (5.638–42), lines 66–7, ‘the race / Of Shakespeare’s mind and manners’.
481 raised (1) aroused; (2) inspired with confidence (OED, Raise v. 5c, d and 6a, b).
481 forward ardent, eager.
482 High Intense (OED, a. 10a).
482 in your] F1; i’your Q
483 SD] this edn; not in F1; Enter Servants with a bowl. G
483 I’ve . . . slave Cf. 1.1.307. The report that Catiline made his fellow conspirators drink wine mixed with blood, in order that the shared knowledge of such a dreadful deed would compel loyalty, is recorded with considerable scepticism by Sallust, Bell. Cat., 22; but others (Dion Cassius, 37.30, and Florus, Epitome, 4.1) accept the allegation, and Plutarch, Cicero, 10, adds cannibalism, as does Felicius in Sallust folio, col. 467 (a passage marked in Jonson’s copy), claiming that the conspirators sacrificed a man and ate of his flesh. As a byword for gruesome practices, ‘Roman Catiline [who] resolved / His doubtful followers by exhausting blood / From the live body’ is cited in Henry Chettle’s Hoffman, or A Revenge for a Father (1602; Malone Soc. repr., 2174–6), which suggests something of what Chettle and Wilson’s lost play on Catiline (1598; see Introduction) may have contained. Jonson clearly saw the theatrical potential of the ceremony. The scene is recalled in Nathaniel Lee’s Lucius Junius Brutus, 1680, 4.102ff.
483 I’ve] F1 (I’haue)
485–503 Fill . . . us During this ceremony, servants and pages fill (and, in the case of Cethegus, refill) each conspirator’s bowl. Catiline raises his bowl to ‘begin the sacrament to all’ (487), and individual conspirators respond by raising theirs as indicated by their lines, 498–502, culminating in Gabinius’s response for ‘all of us’ (503).
486 sanction solemn oath or engagement (OED, n. 4 obs.).
487 sacrament Though the word can have a more general meaning – cf. 1.1.423n. – its sacred connotation makes Catiline’s rite, in its obvious analogy with the eucharist (somewhat weakened, but not nullified, by the fact that each conspirator clearly has his own bowl), the more heinous, because blasphemous, to a Jacobean audience or reader.
488–9 Given the other stage-effects in this meeting of the conspirators, it is perhaps surprising that F1 does not call for ‘a clap of thunder’ (488) here (though not every such effect is indicated). On the other hand, silence indicates that the gods abhor, rather than ‘applaud’ (490), Catiline’s ‘sacrament’. Contrast the seemingly direct responses from the heavens after Catiline’s appeal in 3.2.1–8, at 3.5.41–2; cf. 4.1.24–7 (on this general subject, see Donaldson, 1984, 60–1).
492 fell cruel.
495 stepdame i.e. Rome. Cf. 1.1.91n.
499 SD] F1, opposite 498; not in Q
499 Swell Fill to overflowing. Cf. Poet., 3.1.5, ‘Swell me a bowl with lusty wine.’
499 Swell] F1; Crowne Q
500 this i.e. this blood.
501 the new fellow Lat. novus homo, a term used in the late Republic for the first man of a family to reach the Senate, and specifically for the rare cases, of which Cicero’s was one, where such a man rose to the consulship.
504 strengthened fixed in resolution.
504 SD] F1 (reading ‘answere–’) opposite 506–7; not in Q
504 SD Catiline catches sight of (‘spies’) a page who is responding with ‘aversion’ (511) to (i.e. does ‘not answer’) advances made to him.
505–12 This episode, anticipated in 1.1.172 and 476, in which Catiline deals with a page whom he has seen shrink from the approaches of Bestia (unwilling, unlike the young Sejanus, to be a ‘pathic’, or boy on whom sodomy is practised: Sej., 1.212–16), has been thought repulsive and ‘an outrage to probability’ (Coleridge). But, at a climactic moment, it measures what Catiline is prepared to do to secure conspirators as well as what the priorities of some of these men are. It is not, as such, in Jonson’s sources. Lucius Bestia was a tribune and member of the Senate. Though active in the conspiracy (see 4.5.70–2), he managed not only to survive its débâcle but also to sustain a political career afterwards. Jonson may be taking advantage of what his name would suggest to an English reader or audience.
505 what ail you? In this construction, ‘you’ is the subject and the verb is intransitive (OED, Ail v. 4). Cf. AWW, 2.4.5: ‘what does she ail that she’s not very well?’
509 free and general open and affable. Both adjectives here have a sexual implication; ‘free’ casts an ironic light on the ‘Freedom we all stand for’ (421); for ‘general’ see OED, General a. 6b obs., and cf. Tim., 4.1.6–7: ‘To general filths / Convert o’th’instant, green virginity!’ Fear of the episode being seen to allude to James I, whose predilection for young men was well known by 1611, may have been a reason to keep it relatively unexplicit.
512 bourds jests with (OED, Bourd v. 2 obs.). H&S gloss the word ‘boards, accosts’, and Bolton & Gardner read ‘board’. Clearly the Page is being accosted, and the similarity of sound keeps that meaning hovering around, possibly all the more effectively for the somewhat euphemistic ‘bourd’ on which both Q and F1 insist.
512 bourds] F1; boards Bolton & Gardner
512 opens will be slit.
514 suffrages votes.
516 voices votes.
519–24 as . . . deluge Catiline’s compelling simile assumes an English rather than Roman climate.
522 Clowns Countrymen, peasants (OED, Clown n. 1).
526–7 wake . . . fear Cf. 1.1.315n.
528–9 The horrors . . . / Loud . . .] F1; “The horrors . . . / “Loud . . . Q
530 Oraculous Obsolete form of ‘oracular’. The meeting ends on an unmistakeable note of hubris.
530 SD] G; not in F1
531–90 On the Chorus as representative of the people of Rome, see Introduction. This first appearance takes the form of tetrameter couplets agonizing on the basic theme of Sallust’s Bell. Cat., which is also shared by Roman satirists, especially Petronius, on whom Jonson draws freely: the greatness of Rome turning into self-destruction, as the ‘virtue’ that was founded on ‘simple poverty’ (574–5) is devoured by ‘ambition’ and ‘avarice’ (576–7). The middle section in particular returns to Catiline’s theme (1.1.376–408) of extravagant living, but from a different viewpoint: not of envy but of moral opprobrium.
531–6 Echoing Petronius, Satyricon, 120 (lines 80–4 of the civil-war poem), where Fors, Chance personified, cui nulla placet nimium secura potestas, / quae nova semper amas, ‘who does not like power too firmly seated, and loves what is new [i.e. change]’, is said to be crushed under the weight of Rome, doomed to fall. In 535–6, Jonson is also remembering a line in Horace’s poem on civil war, Epodes, 16.2, suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit, ‘and Rome falls through her own strength’.
533 Chance] Q; chance F1
538–9 enclose . . . about who surround her.
540 Except Unless.
540 her own her own foe.
542 obnoxious to subject to (OED, Obnoxious a. 1a). Formerly the prevailing meaning of the word (from Lat. obnoxius, liable, esp. to harm), this, through association with noxious, has given way to the meaning of offensive or objectionable (OED, 6).
544 Literal translation of Petronius, Satyricon, 120.85, Et quas struxit opes male sustinet.
551–5 She . . . day Based on Petronius, Satyricon, 120.87–93, with 551 translating 87, Aedificant auro sedesque ad sidera mittunt; and 554–5, ‘Giving . . . day’, translating 93, Inferni manes caelum sperare fatentur.
557 Changed Exchanged.
557 the treasure . . . shell a pearl. Cf. Fulvia’s pearl, 2.1.3–5, 104–5.
558 loose attires ‘The light dresses of transparent silk called Coae vestes and in later times sericae. Effeminate men wore them’ (H&S).
560 loose A play on two meanings: (1) loosely clad (OED, a. 1e obs.); (2) wanton, unchaste (OED, 7), which reflects back on ‘light’ (559) as also having a meaning of ‘unchaste’. Lucan, De bello, 1.164–5, writes of men seizing for their use garments which were scarcely decent for women to wear.
561 kempt Literally, combed, made elegant. Cf. Discoveries, 1009–10, ‘De mollibus et effæminatis’, where such men ‘as are always kempt and perfumed and every day smell of the tailor’ are castigated in similar terms.
563–4 kind . . . find An almost verbatim rendering of Satyricon, 119.24, quaerit se natura nec invenit, ‘nature seeks, and does not find, itself’. Petronius is writing about the practice of castrating pre-pubescent boys, who then can longer continue to serve venerem, ‘men’s lust’, as prostitutes. Since ‘kind’ could mean not only nature but also gender, sex (OED, Kind n. 7 obs.), the context of Jonson’s lines also makes possible the reading that gender distinctions have been obliterated, because the men have so outdone the women in what would be regarded as feminine vanities and vices, including prostitution. But with the Bestia–Page episode so recent (505–12), and Catiline using ‘boys’ (172) to attract conspirators, Petronius’s passage provides at the least a dark undertow of meaning.
566–7 ivory . . . it In Juvenal, Satires, 11.122–3, the rich man cannot enjoy his dinner unless the table it is served on rests on the figure of a leopard made of solid ivory. Tabletops made from citrus, a North African tree with fragrant wood, were an expensive luxury, described by Petronius, Satyricon, 119.27–9, as dearer than gold.
567–8 leaving . . . rate abandoning precious metal (‘plate’) as the material for their cups, they choose instead cups made of more precious stones (i.e. gems).
569 draw draw their nets for fish in; trawl (OED, v. 51).
571–2 in request / Have search for (OED, Request n. 6) (Lat. requirere).
574 enforced forced, ravished (OED, Enforce v. 9).
577 eating avarice avarice, that eats up everything in its path.
578 Riot Debauchery.
579–86 The picture of the corruption of Roman social and political morality is modelled on Petronius, Satyricon, 119 (civil-war poem 39–44, 49–50).
583 manners conduct (in its moral aspect) (OED, Manner n. 4b obs.).
584 as that.
585 Without Unless.
585 gainsay prevent.
586 spoiler ravager, despoiler.
587–90 Jonson sharpens into retributive irony Sallust’s blaming of Sulla and his army for initiating the decay of Roman morals and introducing Asian vices into the Republic, Bell. Cat., 11. 5–7.
587 ] flush left, Q; indented F1
587 Asia, art] F1 (Asia,’art)
2.1 This scene in Fulvia’s house, occupying the whole of the Act, expands Sallust’s brief reference to Fulvia’s liaison with Curius (Bell. Cat., 23) and his description of Sempronia (Bell. Cat., 25) into a comedy of Roman manners and an exhibition of the extravagant and corrupt life which the Chorus has just condemned. Fulvia (see The Persons of the Play, 18n.) is identified by Sallust and Plutarch (Cicero, 16) simply as ‘a woman of rank’; Jonson develops her character as a voluptuous upper-class courtesan and also, to strengthen the element of intrigue, enlarges her part in undermining the conspiracy. Galla is entirely Jonson’s invention; he gave Fulvia’s waiting-woman a name which Martial repeatedly uses in satirical depictions of women, notably in 9.37, which Jonson also echoes in Sej., 1.307–10.
2.1 ] F1 (Act II.)
0 SD] G; Fvlvia, Galla, Servant. F1
1–2 Fulvia’s opening lines indicate that we are to imagine her entering from an inner area of her house – probably, in Jacobean terms, her ‘closet’, from which Galla has to fetch the props needed for her toilet – to a more open and public part. As in 1.1.191, another stage door appears to communicate with ‘without’ (8), the area where characters enter from outside the house (cf. Mahood, 2000).
1 Those . . . extremely It was common in early modern England to perfume rooms, e.g. through the burning of juniper, to disguise unpleasant odours (cf. Ado, 1.3.42–3). Fulvia’s comment is presumably tetchy rather than appreciative.
1 glass mirror.
4 I had] F1 (I’had)
4–5 Clodius . . . Caesar To show Fulvia as ‘a woman of singularly loose morals’ (Balsdon, 1962, 42) Jonson here suggests liaisons with two prominent Romans of the moment, both known for extra-marital affairs. Clodius Pulcher, born c. 92 BC and of noble birth which, in 59 BC, he was to abjure to become a plebs (using his power as tribune in 58 BC to bring about the exile of Cicero), was in fact married to the Fulvia whose third husband was to be Mark Antony. In 61 BC he was to be tried for trespassing, disguised as a woman, on the all-female Bona Dea festival in the house of Caesar’s wife, Pompeia; he was acquitted, but the scandal caused Caesar to divorce Pompeia. Plutarch, Cicero, 29, expounds the sexual immorality of Clodius and his contemporaries.
5 You’re] F1 (You’are)
6 SD Exit Galla] G; not in F1
6 Sirrah A term of address to men or boys, implying authority on the part of the speaker.
6 Sirrah] F1 (Sirrha)
7 keep keep to.
8 warning notice.
8 SD] this edn; not in F1; Re-enter Galla. G
11 Make an end Finish what you are doing.
14 dressing (hair) style.
15 globe or spire These are ways in which Roman ladies had their hair bound up. In the ‘globe’ the hair was coiled round the head; in the ‘spire’ it was piled on top, increasing the woman’s height as in Juvenal, Satires, 6.502–4.
16 good impertinence As if ‘Impertinence’ were Galla’s name.
19 half o’the dialogue A metatheatrical phrase emphasizing the self-consciousness of Fulvia’s conversation with her waiting woman.
26 dress Galla’s not very subtle ‘off’ring at wit’ (27) is a play on two meanings of ‘dress’: (1) to comb, brush, etc., someone’s hair; (2) to prepare food for cooking.
30 wit-worm One who has developed into a wit, like a ‘worm’ or caterpillar emerging from an egg (OED, Wit n. 14).
31 flout mock, or quote mockingly, as in Ado, 1.1.214, ‘flout old ends’.
38 stateswoman ‘woman with statesmanlike ability’ (OED); cf. Epicene, 2.2.84, and Epigr. 92.3 (where, as in Epigr. 11.3, ‘statesman’ means an observer, not necessarily a practitioner, of affairs of state).
39 dream’st] F1; dreamp’tst Q
39 she is that she is ‘a great stateswoman’.
40–1 Sallust describes Sempronia as litteris Graecis et Latinis docta, ‘well read in Greek and Latin literature’, Bell. Cat., 25.2.
45–68 The source of this passage, Sallust’s account of Sempronia’s accomplishments and qualities, praises her talents and wit and condemns her morality; the dialogue between Fulvia and Galla transforms all these aspects into ironic comedy. Galla’s ‘masculine’ (45) looks both ways: it could be praise of ‘a learned and a manly soul’, as in Epigr. 76.13–14; it could sound a warning, as in Sallust’s introductory reference to Sempronia quae multa saepe virilis audaciae facinora commiserat, ‘who had often committed many crimes of masculine daring’.
50–1 The censorious remark which Galla attributes to a ‘bald senator’ (anachronistically identified by Gifford as Scipius Africanus) is a literal translation of Sallust’s description, Bell. Cat., 25.2, of Sempronia’s dancing: saltare elegantius, quam necesse est probae.
51 honest Here with the meaning of chaste, virtuous.
52–3 Few . . . hurt Most clever women’s lack of chastity (‘honesties’ is ironically intended) does not affect their attractiveness to men.
53 liberal generous.
54–5 Again Galla’s wit is a literal translation of Sallust’s statement, pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud facile discerneres, ‘you could not easily tell whether she was less sparing of her money or her honour’ (25.3).
54 What:] this edn; What! F1; What Q
57 in years getting old.
57 SH galla] Q (Gai.); not in F1
58 thou hadst] F1 (thou’hadst)
61 paints uses cosmetics.
62 decays dilapidations (OED, Decay n. 3b pl. obs.).
63 visor See 1.1.184n.
64–6 Fulvia is extracting the kind of information Galla might have picked up from her opposite number in Sempronia’s service. ‘Sleek’ (64) means ‘make smooth’. F1’s punctuation after ‘gloves’ (66) seems to indicate a momentary pause, as Galla realizes she is overdoing her defence of Sempronia, and switches track.
65 crumbs . . . milk Juvenal describes how women’s faces are cleansed with milk and crumbs of fine wheaten bread, Satires, 6.468–73.
66–7 she is . . . sought to This construction reflects Sallust’s: lubido sic accensa, ut saepius peteret viros quam peteretur, ‘she was so inflamed with lust that she sought men more often than she was sought by them’ (Bell. Cat., 25.3–4).
67 seek approach with amorous intent (OED, v. 17b).
67 the fame is rumour has it. A Latinism, from fama, rumour.
69 What . . . to What about.
69 Orestilla Aurelia Orestilla, Catiline’s second wife. See The Persons of the Play, ‘Aurelia’, and 1.107n.
70 the gallant A fashionably attired beauty (OED, Gallant n.1b obs.).
70–81 She . . . they say Galla’s description of Aurelia Orestilla is, as such, sourceless; her apparent aim is to flatter Fulvia, which she achieves with an extravagance which finally (and deliberately?) undercuts that aim: if love can be made to Fulvia’s dress ‘although your face were away’ (80–1).
73–5 all . . . herself A close echo of Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 343–4, gemmis auroque teguntur / Omnia; pars minima est ipsa puella sui (Whalley).
75 herself] Cornwall; her selfe F1
75 No, in] F1 (No’in)
76 put . . . down excel them all.
77 mere perfect (OED, a. 4 obs.).
77 judgement In her flattery of Fulvia, Galla devalues the word so central to Jonson’s praise of the Earl of Pembroke (see Dedicatory Epistle, 6–7, ‘that great and singular faculty of judgement’) and to his criticism of the ‘Reader in Ordinary’ (see 8, ‘in judgement, if you have any’).
80 Still . . . humours Always aiming to attract and please men of the most distinguished tastes.
80–1 They . . . dress On making love to a dress, cf. Und. 42.51ff. and Nick Stuff the tailor and his wife, New Inn, 4.3.63–79.
82 ha’ . . . on’t so find a more equal counterpart (because they also are only interested in fine dressing). But it could also simply mean that they would have a better time of it.
83 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
84 Travails . . . with Does your face work hard to express.
85 is lighted has descended from her coach.
86 Castor Swearing by Castor was regarded as a woman’s oath, but is also particularly appropriate for Galla here (to make out that she is more surprised than she really is by the appearance of her ‘dream’ figure), since the Dioscuri (Castor and his twin, Pollux, sons of Zeus) were deities associated with miraculous interventions. In Rome their temple was ‘a vantage-point in the Forum and played an important part in the turbulent popular politics of the end of the Republic’ (OCD, 302).
87 SD] G; not in F1
87 Peace! Be quiet!
88 wild highly agitated.
89 SD] G; Sempronia, Fvlvia, Galla. F1
90 wench girl. Sempronia greets Fulvia in a blatantly familiar fashion and continues, though not consistently, to address her with the familiar pronoun ‘thou’, whereas Fulvia consistently uses the more formal ‘you’ to Sempronia, and less consistently ‘thou’ to her maid, Galla.
91 addressed bound.
97 tribes Every Roman citizen had to belong to one of the (since 241 BC) thirty-five tribes (Lat. tribus). These constituted voting units in political elections and were the basis of army recruitment, the census, and taxation.
98 centuries The century (Lat. centuria) was originally a military unit, literally a group of 100, and evolved under the Republic into a political and voting unit.
98 voices votes; cf. 1.1.89, 516.
100 I, and This could be the affirmative ‘ay’ (as Harris thinks, Harris, Cat.), which Jonson generally spells as ‘I’; but is more likely, and more effective, as a pronoun and proof of Sempronia’s masculine participation in politics. She sees herself as equal, ‘amongst us’, to Crassus and Caesar.
101 carry win.
103–5 Give . . . one This digression, in F1 marked by brackets, suggests Fulvia’s priorities and Sempronia’s propensity for mixing politics with womanish trivia. The wine and toothpowder are presumably already on the table, since Galla would hardly have time to exit and re-enter and still hear enough of Sempronia’s discourse before her admiring aside (114).
103–5 Give . . . one.] placed in round brackets, F1
103, 146 powder] F1 (poulder)
105 orient precious, brilliant, lustrous. In ancient times superior pearls and precious stones came from the Orient. Cf. Volp., 1.5.9: ‘Is your pearl orient, sir?’
105 competitors candidates competing for the consulship.
106–8 Caius . . . Licinius Quintus Asconius Pedianus (c. 9 BC–c. AD 76), in his commentary on Cicero, In toga candida, identifies Cicero’s six competitors in rank order thus: two patricios, ‘patricians’, P. Sulpicius Galba and L. Sergius Catilina; two nobiles (i.e. who had held magisterial office), C. Antonius and L. Cassius Longinus; and two who ‘only were not the first in their families’ to hold such office, Q. Cornificius and C. Licinius. None of them, the point is, was a novus homo, as Cicero was.
108 that talker A deprecatory reference to Cicero, who was known as an outstanding rhetorician.
110 o’the] F1 of the Q
113 crossed opposed, thwarted.
114 How . . . business!] placed in round brackets, F1
114 the common business public affairs.
115 new fellow Cf. 1.1.501n. and also Sallust, Bell. Cat., 23, on how most of the nobles thought (as does Sempronia here, 118) the consulship would be ‘defiled’ if a ‘new man’ should obtain it, and on how in the end the danger of a Catiline conspiracy overrode prejudice and led to the election of Cicero. The play’s Cicero discusses this at 3.1.1–56.
116 inmate One not originally or properly belonging to the place where he dwells (OED, n. 1b). Cf. New Inn, 5.5.40, ‘I’ll none of your Light Heart fosterlings, no inmates.’
116 as Catiline calls him Sallust has Catiline call Cicero inquilinus, i.e. an inhabitant or tenant, as opposed to native or owner (Bell. Cat., 31.7). Cf. 3.1.174; 4.2.420. Contemplating Jonson’s line, Coleridge judged that ‘A Lodger would have been a happier imitation of inquilinus’ (Marginalia, 3.185; Lockwood, 2005, 198).
119–42 The ideas in this passage – birth versus ‘virtue’, or merit – recur often in Jonson’s writings; see esp. Und. 44.73–83.
120–1 no house . . . family no family, no coat of arms, no heraldic insignia. Cicero’s lack of ‘family’ is expressed in terms more Jacobean than Roman.
121 He has] F1 (He’has)
122 virtue! . . . blood,] G; vertue, . . . bloud: F1
122 blood good parentage.
127 Fulvia anticipates a sentiment that Juvenal, a couple of centuries later, was to make famous: nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus, ‘Virtue is the one and only nobility’: Satires, 8.20. By Jonson’s day this saying had become proverbial (Tilley, V85; cf. Und. 84.8.20). Fulvia utters the sentiment more, it would seem, to provoke Sempronia than because she herself is a model of virtue. Later in the same Satire (8.231–44), Juvenal ironically contrasts the noble ancestry and evil deeds of Catiline with the honourable courage of ‘our Consul’ (Cicero), a ‘new man’ of ignoble blood.
128 yield grant, concede the fact (OED, v. 18c).
129 A reference to Cincinnatus, frequently cited as an example of the austere modesty of early Rome. According to tradition, he was called from the plough at a moment of national emergency in 458 BC and appointed dictator. Having saved Rome, he returned to his plough.
131 lose] F1 (loose)
132–3 then . . . out therefore a fund on which we can draw for that which is now called virtue (cf. the previous speech) and which will sustain us.
134 newcomers –] this edn; new commers: F1
135 succession conditions or principles by which one person succeeds another in high office.
136 mushroom A person who has suddenly sprung into notice, an upstart.
136 of yesterday of no ancestry.
137 sucked at Athens i.e. absorbed the art of rhetoric. Sempronia’s choice of verb derogates Cicero’s fruitful studies of oratory and philosophy in Greece (see Plutarch, Cicero, 4).
140 sat upon sat in judgement on.
141–2 decreed . . . For determined that he must be stopped from. ‘Rest’ is here an aphetic form of ‘arrest’, in the (legal) sense of the restraining of a person (OED, Arrest n.1 8).
146 dentifrice toothpowder. H&S’s note is worth reproducing in full: ‘The Romans took great care of their teeth. Jonson would know Pliny’s recipes for tooth-powder from various animals, dogs’ teeth, stags’ horns, the heads of mice, oyster-shells, egg-shells, murex burnt and reduced to powder, and pounded pumice.’ The reference is to Natural History, 28.178–9, 182; 29.46; 30.22; 32.65, 82.
149 resists the crudities Literally, this means ‘withstands [the effects of] undigested matter in the stomach’ (OED, Crudity 2 obs.). Galla is less concerned with making complete sense than with finding impressive terms to plug the toothpowder which Sempronia has obviously been sniffing (147).
153 toy amorous desire.
153 takes their bloods stirs or excites them. ‘Blood’ is here the supposed seat of passion or sensual appetite (OED, Blood n. 5 and 6).
155 servant professed lover (OED, n. 4b obs.).
160 change Cf. the ironic defence of ‘woman’s change’ in Forest 6.
161 fresh blooming, looking healthy and youthful.
163 He is] F1 (He’is)
163 too fresh Fulvia plays on another meaning of ‘fresh’, as used in relation to food: not salted, pickled, etc.
163–4 salt . . . season A pun on ‘salt’ giving food ‘flavour’ (OED, Season n. 19 obs.) and ‘salt’ meaning ‘sexual desire or excitement’ (OED, Salt n.2 obs.) leading to an animal being ‘in season’, or ‘on heat’ (OED, Season n. 15b).
166 the act sex.
166 secret fellows male prostitutes, generally of low social status. Two meanings combine in ‘secret’ here: clandestine and sexually equipped (OED, Secret a. 1d and j; cf. Ham., 2.2.226, ‘In the secret parts of Fortune’).
167 backs The word connotated sexual potency. Cf. Sir Epicure Mammon’s ‘And I will make me a back / With the elixir that shall be as tough / As Hercules’, to encounter fifty a night’ (Alch., 2.2.37–9).
167 and shall who will.
168 Now . . . fled ‘now that he has sold his property and spent the proceeds’ (Bolton & Gardner). Sallust, Bell. Cat., 23.3, records how Curius began to lose Fulvia’s favour when he became poor. The conversion of landed property to cash was a major Jacobean concern; cf., e.g., Thomas Middleton, The Revenger’s Tragedy, 3.5.73–4: ‘Are lordships [estates] sold to maintain ladyships / For the poor benefit of a bewitching minute?’
169 those i.e. the ‘secret fellows’ (166).
169 lordings petty lords.
170 noble fauns Something of an oxymoron, since these be-horned forest deities are ignobly priapic. Also, since Faunus was claimed as one of the mythical kings of early Latium, Gifford may be right in suggesting that Jonson is marking ‘the vanity of the patricians in deriving their descent from the fabulous and heroic ages’.
171 boist’rous violently fierce, savage (OED, Boisterous a. 9a obs.).
171 centaurs Human above the waist and horse below, centaurs were symbols of uncontrolled lust and violence. See, e.g., Ovid’s account of the Lapith wedding, Met., 12.210ff.; and cf. Epicene, 4.5.36–7.
171 leaping mounting. Cf. Ado, 5.4.49, ‘And some such strange bull leaped your father’s cow’.
172–3 borne . . . out put up with and supported, humoured (OED, Bear v. I 2a [bear out] obs.).
173 observe humour, gratify (OED, v. 4b obs.).
174 a jot an iota, a whit.
178 it sex.
178 it –] this edn; it: F1
179 round sums plenty of cash.
179 I am] F1 (I’am)
180 cob-swan male swan (OED, Cob1 2).
180–2 high-mounting . . . Danae Zeus / Jupiter seduced Leda in the shape of a swan, Europa in that of a bull, and visited Danaë in the form of a shower of gold. Epicure Mammon promises Doll Common ‘no shower / But floods of gold’, in Alch., 4.1.126–7.
184 thund’ring vehement (with a play on Jupiter as the god of thunder).
184 gamesters persons addicted to amorous sport (OED, Gamester 5). The word is also used in a less lewd sense of Surly in Alch. and Quarlous in Bart. Fair.
185 with . . . suff’ring having put up with a great deal.
187 in the season at the right time.
188 Which . . . happiness] placed in round brackets, F1
189 In this line the two pronouns, ‘I’ and ‘them’, are stressed.
190 ’em –] this edn; ’hem; F1
191 An echo of Horace, Satires, 2.5.80, where the wooers of Penelope do not so much study love as the kitchen (nec tantum Veneris quantum studiosa culinae).
191 Yes . . . you.] placed in round brackets, F1
192 eat . . . usury ruin myself with expensive borrowing. Fulvia’s aside opens the possibility of a play on ‘eat’, unintentional on the part of Sempronia.
192 – eat] this edn; Eat F1
193 officers persons engaged in the management of the household. Cf. TN, 2.5.40, ‘Calling my officers about me . . .’.
194 needful charge necessary expenses.
196 achieve succeed in attracting.
197 affect fancy.
199 SD] G; not in F1
200 party person (OED, n. 14).
202 kept kept to.
207 by my means through my intervention, because of me (OED, Mean n. 9b).
210 Castor See 2.1.86n.
212–13 Why . . . purpose? Why are you trying so hard to go against your own wishes?
214 in disposition in a normal state of health (OED, Disposition n. 10b obs.), as against ‘indisposition’, but no doubt also implying that she is ‘disposed’ for company.
214 SD] G; not in F1
215 SD] G; Cvrivs, Fvlvia, Galla. F1
219 sullenness?] this edn; solennesse! F1
220 artillery ammunition in the wide (pre-gunpowder) sense (OED, n. 1 obs.).
221 gown flowing outer garment, esp. the Roman toga (OED, n. 3).
221 encounter (1) battle; (2) amorous meeting (OED, n. 2b obs.). In response to Fulvia’s ‘artillery’, Curius puns on the two meanings as he prepares for the latter.
221 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
223 case covering, clothes (OED, n.2 4b obs.). The military and sexual undertones of the exchange suggest that the word has been chosen for its punning possibilities. ‘Case’ often hints at the female sexual anatomy (cf. Und. 42.87, ‘Thou art jealous of thy wife’s or daughter’s case’).
224 furious extravagant, foolish (OED, 2, +4).
224 against until such time as.
225 coy it affect shyness.
225 I am] F1 (I’am)
225 proud in the mood; sexually aroused (OED, 8).
227–9 Look . . . own it Ian Donaldson has drawn my attention to the resemblance between this scene of Curius presenting the mirror to Fulvia and Forest 13, a poem which Jonson offers to Lady Katherine Aubigny as a mirror in which she can read her true character, and which he was writing at much the same time as he was writing Catiline. Lady Aubigny, of course, sees a very different image from that confronting Fulvia.
228 scurvily Covering a range of derogatory meanings: mean, rude, sour.
230 slack . . . brow relax the wrinkles in your brow, stop frowning.
231 shoot Sustaining the martial metaphor, this refers to the glances Fulvia ‘shoots’ like arrows from her eyes.
234 her own statue There were several cult statues of Fortuna, the goddess of chance or luck, in Rome; see OCD, 606. The idea of treading on the head of one of them is grandly blasphemous. Cf. the toppling of the statue of Fortune in Sej., 5.185ff.
237 vent’rous venturous, bold.
240 strain tone (of expression).
240 strained forced, artificial. Another example of Fulvia’s wordplay.
242 foreknowledge knowledge of what has been. OED does not recognize any meaning other than ‘prescience’; but Fulvia wants the word to mean ‘before-knowledge’, referring to the past, as against her ‘Hereafter’ (244).
245 materials gifts.
247 call yourself again pull yourself together, return to your normal state. A Latinism, from revocare.
248 practise on work on, play a trick on.
248 me, or] F1 (me’or)
249 servant See 2.1.155n.
250 That it be And if it therefore is.
250 That it] F1 (That’it)
253–64 The account of Fulvia’s ‘tricks’ adapts a passage in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria, 3.601–8.
254 watches (1) vigilance; (2) spying.
258 secure literally, free from care (Lat. securus); here, free from fear of discovery.
262 waiter (1) waiting-woman (OED, n. 7b obs.); (2) person on the look-out (OED, 1 obs.). A play here on the two meanings.
263 cry . . . lord Galla would cry out ‘my lord!’ to pretend that Fulvia’s husband was approaching.
265 winking . . . farm dozing in his country estate. History does not record to whom Fulvia was married.
267 sealed As the verb serves both ‘eyes’ and ‘beak’, one must resist the emendation to ‘seeled’ (Whalley), i.e. stitched up like the eyes of a hawk or other bird (cf. 1.1.297n.), otherwise plausible in a context where the allegedly complaisant husband is pictured as a ‘crow’ (265).
267 sealed] F1 (seal’d); seel’d Wh
267 sesterces Roman coins of low value. The husband would have been easily bribed into silent acquiesence.
269 savouring having the characteristics of.
271 since . . . name Curius’s expulsion from the Senate was, historically, some time ago; see 1.1.149–50n.
272 lose] F1 (loose)
273 fame reputation.
273 fame you] F1 (fame’you)
274 vent yourself discharge your fluids (‘poison’ [273], or semen, or both) (OED, Vent v.2 2b obs.).
275 suburb-brothels In Jacobean London (rather than Rome), brothels – and public playhouses – were located outside the city limits, in the suburbs.
275 brokers procurers, pimps (OED, Broker I 4 obs.).
276 designed designated, destined.
278 tragic visor mask worn by a tragic actor (in this case, Fulvia).
278 lady Cypris Venus, the goddess of love (Gk. Aphrodite), whose chief shrine was in Cyprus. Cf. Jonson’s marginalium 60 to Hym., 474.
279 Know . . . virtues Recognize your best qualities. Curius speaks ironically (i.e. you’ve more talent for sex than histrionics).
281 Venus Lust, indulgence of sexual desire (OED, 2 obs.).
282 Pollux A masculine oath. See 2.1.86n.
282 SD] F1 opposite lines 278–280; not in Q
282 SD offers begins.
283 Lais Two famous Greek courtesans bore this name.
283 Lucrece Raped by Sextus Tarquinius, son of the last king of Rome – who had threatened her with a knife – Lucrece called together her husband, father, and friends and made them swear to take revenge on the Tarquins, whereafter she stabbed herself to death. Fulvia threatens to reverse the traditional story by stabbing instead her would-be ravisher. The story has some resonance in the present context: both Livy and Cicero had observed parallels between the behaviour of Catiline and that of the Tarquins (Donaldson, 1982, 186, n. 12).
283 Castor see 2.1.86n.
286 fall off draw back.
287 Put not up Do not sheathe your dagger. This phrase and the following lines suggest that Jonson envisages Curius drawing his ‘dagger’ (293). Sallust, Bell. Cat., 23.3, tells how Curius would minari interdum ferro, ni sibi obnoxia foret, ‘sometimes threaten [his mistress] with his sword, if she did not submit to him’.
289–91 See 1.149–50n.
290 common tale i.e. source of popular gossip, but the phrase carries a sexual innuendo; ‘common’ = sexually available (like Doll Common in Alch.) and ‘tale’ puns on ‘tail’, pudendum.
291 infamous The stress here is on the second syllable.
292 employ The spelling in Q and F1 shows Jonson preferring the now obsolete form ‘imploy’, closer to the late Lat. verb implicare (in the sense of ‘to bend or direct upon something’) from which ‘employ’ is ultimately derived.
292 employ] F1 (imploy)
294 strengths superior (compulsive) power (OED, Strength n. 4 obs.).
295 tyrant] F1 (tyran)
295 bear stand the strain, endure. When repeated by Fulvia (297), ‘bear’ refers to putting up with the infamy of expulsion from the Senate.
298 the] F2; that Q, F1
300 venged avenged.
303 fair unless] F1 (faire’vnlesse)
305 come about come round, turn into a more satisfactory mood (OED, Come v. 49c obs.). Cf. Epicene, 4.1.24, ‘I shall come about to thee again.’
307 entrails internal contents (OED, Entrail n. 5), but also playing on the primary meaning of ‘entrails’ in a reference to Roman practices of augury; see 1.1.231–2n.
310–11 promised . . . seas Sallust, Bell. Cat., 23.3, tells how, when Curius began to lose his favour with Fulvia because he could not afford lavish gifts, he fell to boasting and maria montisque polliceri coepit, ‘began to promise her seas and mountains’. The phrase was proverbial; cf. Devil, 1.5.22, ‘Promise gold-mountains’, and Merc. Vind., 54, ‘promising mountains for their meat’.
311 so stalely . . . with fed up with hearing about. ‘Stalely’ = in a stale, commonplace, or hackneyed manner. OED (adv. rare) cites only two examples of this adverb, both from Jonson’s plays: this and Case, 2.4.47.
314 bondwomen female slaves.
316 under the spear ‘The Roman mode of proclaiming an auction was setting up a spear, at the foot of which the goods [originally spoils of war taken from an enemy] were sold’ (Gifford).
316 outcry auction, public sale to the highest bidder (OED, n. 2 obs.).
319 advise . . . cushion consult with your cushion (i.e. have no one and nothing else to turn to, as a result of ‘coyness’ – cf. ‘coy it’, 225).
320 look o’your fingers Continuing the idea of her abandonment, this may be suggesting that she will have only her fingers to look at, and also perhaps that they will itch at the thought of the flood of wealth she has missed. Cf. H5, 2.3.15, where Mistress Quickly describes how the dying Falstaff would ‘smile upon his finger’s end’. H&S see a reference to ‘divination from spots in finger-nails’.
320 wished wanted, desired, or entreated. Cf. Ant., 1.4.42, ‘he which is was wished until he were’. Gifford rejects Whalley’s emendation (following a marginal note of Theobald’s), ‘‘witch’d’.
321 And . . . you This clause serves Curius both (1) to clinch, in the mode of oratio obliqua, the imaginary scene of Fulvia regretting what she has missed and (2) as a spoken stage direction, to dramatize his own exit.
321 SDs Exit, Exit Galla] G; not in F1
322 something . . . this there is some mystery, or something significant, in this.
323 SD] G, subst.; not in Q
324 easiness This could mean either (1) lack of firmness, fickleness, or (2) gentleness, kindness.
325–6 doves . . . murmuring An echo of Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 2.465–6, where lovers are said to ‘bill’ like doves, now fighting and now murmuring flattering words.
327 kindly natural (OED, a. I 1 obs.).
331 covetise covetousness, inordinate desire for the acquisition of wealth (OED, n. 2 obs.).
332 conceit idea, thought. Curius’s ‘conceit’ is of course only too accurate.
333 my study the object of my solicitous endeavour. Cf. ‘study’ in 329 above.
336 prosecute pursue. A Latinism, from prosequi.
339–40 Better . . . does The scene has demonstrated how much Fulvia loves her ‘face and dressing’, i.e. make-up and fine clothes.
340–1 grow . . . embrace become ever more united with you.
344–5 As . . . meet The idea of kissing as close as cockle shells recurs in Jonson’s texts: cf. Cynthia (F), 5.4.443; Hym., 471–2; Alch., 3.3.69.
346 subtle delicate, fine (OED, a. 2 obs.). The sense of ‘crafty, cunning’ could also be hovering around this kiss of two lovers who seem to know each other’s motives only too well.
348 Fulvia . . . name Linking a character’s name and characteristics, as so often in the comedies (and cf. note on Bestia at 1.1.505–12), Jonson derives ‘Fulvia’ from Lat. fulvus, ‘yellow-brown’, which Virgil and Ovid use as an epithet for gold (aurum), and he may also have in mind fulgens, ‘bright, shining’. Curius continues the play on her name in 354.
351 SD] F1 opposite lines 350–2; not in Q
353 service the devotion or suit of a lover (OED, n. 10). Cf. AYLI, 5.2.73, ‘all made of faith and service’.
353–4 Cruel . . . light Cf. Philostratus, Epistles, 13 [59]: ‘The handsome boy, if he is wild and cruel, is a fire; but if he is tame and kind, a shining beacon.’
361–2 As the reconciled lovers disappear to bed, Curius’s rhyming couplet marks the situation both effectively and ironically, for the conspiracy – from which he expects, as a ‘prize’, the ‘wealth’ of Rome – will in fact start to unravel in Fulvia’s ‘arms’ (360). The closing line is not only outrageously un-Roman in anticipating ‘private’ gain from ‘public ruin’ but it also draws an aphrodisiac effect from this very anticipation: there are sexual puns in ‘private spirits’ which ‘must rise’. For ‘spirit’ as referring to semen, and ‘rise’ to tumescence, cf. Sonn., 120.1 (‘Th’expense of spirit in a waste of shame’) and 151.14 (‘for whose dear love I rise and fall’). Cf. also Jonson’s use of ‘spirit’ in Epigr. 19.2 and Und. 15.58 and 82.
362 SD] G; not in Q
363–406 In bold contrast with the scene just witnessed and the sentiments just uttered, the citizenly Chorus now prays to the gods for good government. Serving to mark the consular election which will have taken place by the time Act 3 opens, the Chorus puts forth desiderata for a good consul which point forward to Cicero and are to be echoed in his speeches. The metre – a four-line, four-beat stanza, rhyming abba – is uncommon enough in English poetry for Tennyson to have thought himself the originator of it when he used it in In Memoriam (see Ricks, ed. Tennyson, 1969, 859). A. C. Bradley (1930), 67–8, lists other Renaissance uses of this metre, e.g. trochaic versions in Sidney, Astrophil and Stella, Second Song; Shakespeare, The Phoenix and Turtle; and Herbert, ‘The Temper (2)’ (in which lines 1 and 4 are pentameters). Jonson also used it in Und. 39. In that ‘Elegy’, as in this Chorus, the metre is iambic, but each stanza is a self-contained unit, whereas in the Chorus the first sixteen lines create a sense of urgency by making stanzas twice (366–7, 374–5) run into each other.
364 auspice propitious influence, patronage. Mars was the son of Jupiter and, according to legend, father of Romulus and Remus, founders of Rome. Cf. 1.1.97n.
366 nephew grandson (OED, 3 obs.), from Lat. nepos. Here referring to Remus.
366–7 strove . . . rites In the founding of Rome, Remus defied auguries which favoured Romulus, who then killed him.
374 invade make an attack upon (OED, v. 5 obs.) – as Catiline plans to do.
377 face outward show. For the whole phrase, ‘Be . . . endued’, cf. Bart. Fair, 1.3.106–7, where Busy is ‘one that stands upon his face more than his faith at all times’.
378 Cf. 5.5.280–3n.
379–80 get . . . state gain political advantage.
380 parts (1) possessions (OED, Part n. 7b obs.); or (2) conflict between factions (OED, 15b and 29), as in Epigr. 110.14, ‘midst envy and parts’. Either could serve as ‘Ambition’s bawds’ (381).
385 the’embraced] F1 (the’embraced)
391 Bruti Lucius Junius Brutus was reputedly responsible for the expulsion of the Tarquins and so seen as the liberator of Rome from the tyranny of kings.
391 Decii Three generations of Decii, father, son, and grandson, each named Publius Decius Mus, each saved Rome by an act of self-sacrifice in battle.
392 Cipi Ovid, in Met., 15. 565–621, tells how Cipus, a republican general returning to Rome in triumph, found horns sprouting from his brow. When a soothsayer interpreted this as a sign that he would be king, he chose to remain in exile from Rome.
392 Curtii Three different Curtii are mentioned as heroes of ‘an aetiological myth to explain the name of lacus Curtius, a pit or pond in the Roman Forum’. Most important of these was Marcus Curtius who, ‘in obedience to an oracle, to save his country, leaped . . . into the chasm which suddenly opened in the Forum’ (OCD, 415).
394 a year the year of their consulship. Cf. 3.1.76–7. The source of the phrase insisting that great men are good for life and not only for a year is Horace, Odes, 4.9.39, consulque non unius anni.
395 Camilli Marcus Furius Camillus, conqueror of the Etruscan city of Veii and five times dictator in the early fourth century BC, is depicted by Livy as a ‘second founder’ of Rome.
396 Fabii Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus, five times consul between 322 and 295 BC, won a crucial victory for Rome over an alliance of Samnites, Etruscans, and Celts. His grandson or great-grandson, also five times consul, earned the name Cunctator, ‘The Delayer’, because his policy of delay and attrition kept Hannibal from sacking Rome.
396 Scipios The most famous members of the Scipio family were Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, who defeated Hannibal in 202 BC, and his (adoptive) grandson, Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus, who captured and destroyed Carthage in 146 BC.
399 to . . . knit so identified themselves with the honour of Rome.
403 magistrates Cf. Dedicatory Epistle, 11n.
404 forms formal procedures (OED, Form n. 11). The alliterative yoking of ‘force’ and ‘forms’ activates two senses of ‘practised’: exercised (force) and manipulated or corrupted (formal procedures). For the latter meaning, see OED, Practise v. 10b.
406 Cf. Jonson’s epigram on Lord Burghley, ‘The only faithful watchman for the realm, / That in all tempests never quit the helm’ (Und. 30.9–10).
3.1 Historically, this scene would be set in the Campus Martius, the Field of Mars, where one of the popular assemblies, the comitia centuriata, met annually to elect consuls and praetors; and the time would be July 64 BC, since Cicero has just been elected Consul for 63 BC, with Caius Antonius as his colleague, and Catiline has been rejected by the voters. Jonson telescopes time and events, such as Catiline’s two defeats in consular elections, 64 and 63 BC (see Introduction), and dramatically the scene is invented by him. He devises patterns of dialogue, entrances, exits, and groupings which turn the stage into a remarkable exhibit of Roman politics. As Cicero addresses the people, his triumph is underlined by Cato but undercut by the asides of Crassus and Caesar. Catulus’s suspicions of Caesar and Crassus (91–108) are set against his readiness to accept as genuine Catiline’s public show of equanimity (120–48), a situation given edge by Catiline’s ‘aside’ exchange with Caesar (127–30). Antonius comes over as a nonentity with hardly anything to say. His exit, markedly less spectacular than Cicero’s, clears the stage for an antiphonal pattern which has Lentulus and Longinus muse on the apparent collapse of the conspiracy, at the same time as Catiline laments his defeat in a series of asides (149–78), brusquely interrupted by the entry of Cethegus (173) which, however, leads to the recovery of Catiline’s spirit; and finally Cato is brought back onstage (200 SD) – just, it would seem, to show Catiline’s change of stance, into open defiance.
0 SD] G, subst.; Cicero, Cato, Catvlvs, Antonivs, / Crassvs, Caesar, Chorvs, / Lictors. F1
1 SD CHORUS here (possibly without having left the stage) clearly functions as a representative of the Roman people and is probably supported by as many extras as available (cf. ‘us’ and ‘rout’, 3.1.84 and 86) in order to show, by responses to Cicero’s speech (60; 84) and by ‘cling[ing]’ to him at his triumphal exit (86), that the new Consul’s appeal is not just to a handful of senators.
1–52 Cicero’s speech is based on parts of De lege agraria (‘On the agrarian law’), 2, the speech which the historical Cicero delivered to a popular assembly, on taking up his consulship, against Publius Servilius Rullus’s proposal for the sale of public lands and the grants of land to poor citizens.
1 Great . . . burdens Translating a Roman proverb, Onerosior hoc honor omnis est, quo est amplior (Florilegium Ethico-Politicum, 1610, 1.70).
2 They are] F1 (They’are)
2 envy unpopularity, opprobrium (Lat. invidia) (OED, n. 1c obs.).
8 charge responsibility, office entrusted (probably, following ‘weight’, with a pun on the meaning of ‘a material load’).
8 you have] F1 (you’haue)
9 would with art would wish to appear to.
9 decline undervalue, disparage (OED, v. 19 obs.).
11 to . . . grace only to your favour.
12 title cause, pretext (Lat. titulus).
13 Cicero is] F1 (Cicero’is)
14–18 Cf. De lege agaria, 2.1. The Roman aristocracy strictly observed the cult of the ancestors of the family; only those with a consul in the male line of descent were called nobilis; and the right to possess ‘images’ (imagines familiae) was restricted to those whose ancestors had held high magisterial offices. Wear and tear to such relics signalled the length of the family line. As a ‘new man’ Cicero would have none of those; nor would he lower himself to forging ‘tables of long descents’. The scornful details betokening a pedigree (generis tabula) are taken from the opening lines of Juvenal, Satires, 8 (cf. 2.1.122–7n.), the source, e.g., of ‘Wanting an ear or nose’ (auriculis nasoque carentem).
18 undertakers This term, in the reign of James I, referred to ‘hired managers of elections, paid to maintain a Court-majority in Parliament’ (Harris, Cat.; cf. OED, Undertaker n. 4b). Cf. Devil, 2.1.36, ‘He shall but be an undertaker with me.’
20–2 in . . . / Hereafter Cicero stresses that his election not only is a personal triumph but also sets a precedent.
21 virtue unusual ability, merit (OED, n. 5). The source here is Cicero’s speech Pro Murena, 17, on leaving the way to the consulship open non magis nobilitati quam virtuti, ‘to merit as much as to birth’. Cf. the various meanings of ‘virtue’ in this scene: 57 (Cato), 148 (Catulus), and 151 (Catiline on being thought ‘virtuous’).
22 place] Bolton & Gardner; place: F1
23 ramparts] F1; rampires Q
25 new . . . none This is particularly close to De lege agraria, 2.3: novus ante me nemo.
26 At . . . suit The first time I stood as a candidate.
26 in . . . year Born in 106 BC, Cicero was in his forty-third year, the earliest anyone could be elected consul.
28 vein style of rhetoric. A pun on ‘vain’ is also likely.
28 Up glory! An ironical comment on Cicero’s self-glorification.
28–31 Cicero prides himself on having been elected unanimously and with acclamation, as in De lege agraria, 2.4: una voce universus populus Romanus consulem declaravit. Votes in magisterial elections were cast in assigned groups, or centuries, ranged according to income ‘with a great advantage in the vote to men of higher property’ (Taylor, 1990, 5); voting began at the top and proceeded downwards, ultimately to ‘the meaner tribes’ whose votes were often superfluous, as a majority would have been arrived at before their turn came. Slaves, foreigners, and women did not vote.
30 silent books The small wooden tablets, covered in wax, on which voters wrote the name of their preferred candidate. This method replaced (139 BC) one of oral (not ‘silent’) voting; and Cicero’s ‘loud consents . . . uttered voices’ ought historically to refer to the acclaim, not to the actual voting, though Jonson seems to imply here that the voting was by vocal acclaim.
34 counsels delivered opinion. Cf. 4.2.221.
34 counsels] F1; counsel Q
34 approved proved correct.
36 With grudge With injurious effect (to those not preferred).
37 repent you The reflexive use of the verb, now archaic, was common. Cf. R3, 1.4.268, ‘I repent me that the duke is slain.’
41 ne’er] F3; ne’re F1
43 do . . . as act so well in the consulship that.
45 envied regarded with disapproval (OED, Envy v. 2 obs.). Cf. 3.1.2.
47–50 i.e. I know well enough what vexations assail the commonwealth, in which nothing evil happens that good men do not fear and wicked men expect.
51 practices conspiracies (OED, Practice n. 6b, c).
52 more] F1 (moe)
53 Crassus, like Caesar in 3.1.93–101, notoriously suspected Cicero of inventing ‘dangers’ to further his own cause.
54 envy and pride Sallust stresses the resistance of Roman nobilitas to Cicero as a homo novus, but also that before the periculum, ‘danger’ (cf. 52) of the conspiracy their invidia atque superbia, ‘envy [i.e. disapproval] and pride’, gave way (Bell. Cat., 23.6).
55 bate grow less (aphetic form of ‘abate’).
58–60 The exchange marking the enmity between Caesar and Cato is most likely conducted in asides, while the chorus of citizens respond to Cato’s statement in line 57.
61 A version of the Roman proverb vox populi, vox dei, also used by Jonson in Epigr. 67.12: ‘that is God’s which was the people’s voice’.
61 consent A wordplay calling to mind the homophone ‘concent’, harmony of sounds, accord or concord of several voices or parts (OED, Concent n. 1 and 1b, where it is ‘erroneously spelt consent’). Cf. Und. 75.16, Panegyre, 59, and H5, 1.2.180–3, ‘For government, though high and low, and lower / Put into parts, doth keep in one concent, / Congreeing in a full and natural close / Like music.’ In its figurative sense, ‘concent’ (from Lat. consentus, singing together [from the verb concinere]) merges with ‘consent’ (from Lat. consensus, unanimity [from the verb consentire]), to mean ‘agreement’ (OED, Concent n. 2), but here, as in the Shakespeare example cited (and cf. also ‘consent’ in H5, 1.2.206) the association with musical harmony elevates a political statement.
64–5 Each . . . becalmed Echoing Seneca, Epistles, 85.34, Tranquillo quilibet gubernator est, ‘Anyone can steer in a calm sea’; but Jonson’s ‘petty hand’, i.e. lowly member of a ship’s crew (OED, Petty a. 3; Hand n. 8b), is more specific than the generalizing quilibet. Cf. Tro., 1.3.34–45.
65–74 H&S suggest that the imagery in this passage is derived from the younger Pliny, Epistles, 9.26.4. The figure of the ship of state is frequent in Latin writings, including Cicero’s; see, e.g., Pro Murena, 35. Cf. also the Chorus at 2.1.405.
66 Govern Steer (after Lat. gubernare) (OED, v. 7b obs.).
66 carry . . . ends bring her safely to her destination.
69 springs OED gives this as the only example of an obsolete nautical usage of ‘spring’ meaning ‘a breach or opening in a vessel through the splitting or starting of a plank or seam’ (Spring n.1 17a).
70 shelves sandbanks in the sea which render the water shallow and dangerous.
74 Becomes Befits.
76–7 not . . . life Cf. 2.1.394n.
79 Your will Your will be done.
81 spring cause to rise to view (OED, v.1 17 obs.).
82 facts deeds.
83 As suggested by H&S, the source of this sententia seems to be Erasmus, Parabolae (Opera, 1.498), where life is counted non quam diu, sed quàm bene acta, ‘not in days but in good deeds’. The thought is elaborated in Und. 70 (‘For what is life, if measured by the space, / Not by the act?’, etc.)
83 The vicious] F1; “The vicious Q
84 wait escort.
84 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
85 popular Several meanings crowd into this word. Derived from Lat. popularis (and cf. Cicero, De lege agraria, 2.9), it could mean ‘approved by the people’ – a fair comment on the visual effect of Cicero’s exit. It could also mean ‘favouring the people’, sliding into the derogatory sense of ‘demagogic’. This seems to be how Caesar uses it, possibly also with a snide pun on the (now obsolete) meaning of ‘of lowly birth’ (OED, a. 2b), and with the implicit irony that, in the bipartisan strife of the late Republic, it is Caesar, a patrician noble, who is known to belong to the populares rather than the optimates.
86 rout rabble (OED, n.1 7).
87 looked on paid regard to, respected. Cf. 3H6, 5.7.22, ‘For yet I am not looked on in the world.’
88 He Antonius. In defining the difference between the two newly elected consuls, Antonius and ‘th’other’ (89), Caesar emphasizes the former’s passivity by, as it were, speaking for him, as he does again in line 107.
90 wake it out stay awake.
90 inspired animated (i.e. with an urge). A play on ‘spirit’ (89, 92). Cf. 3.2.175.
95 taste perceive, recognize (OED, v. 4b obs.). Cf. Devil, 1.6.138, ‘Nay, then I taste a trick in’t.’
96 art trick.
96 Popular See 3.1.85n.
98 arts While still implying the tricksiness of ‘art’ (96), this plural form also has the meaning of ‘professional skills’.
98–100 Would . . . Hydra? A rhetorical question – since a protagonist must have an antagonist – which picks up both ‘monsters’ and ‘arts’ from the preceding sentence. To make the point that the alleged conspiracy is a fiction created by Cicero to gain power and popularity, Caesar uses the image of a play where Cicero acts the part of Hercules, who, as one of the labours which have made him a hero, slays the many-headed Lernaean Hydra.
100–1 They . . . parts Continuing the line of thought and the stage image, Caesar insists that actors (‘They’) have to work as hard to provide props (‘To fit their properties’) as they do to represent (‘express’) their parts. True or not, this creates a meta theatrical moment in Catiline.
102–5 As indicated by the quotation marks in Q1 and by the rhyming couplets, Crassus and Catulus point their respective attitudes to Cicero by an exchange of sententiae.
102–5 crassus . . . / Too . . . / catulus . . . / Their] F1; “Cra . . . . / “Too . . . / “Catv. . . . / “Their Q
106 provide look out and make sure (Lat. providere).
108 watch the watcher As in Juvenal, Satires, 6.347–8, sed quis custodiet ipsos / custodes?, ‘but who will watch the watchers?’, and cf. Sej., 4.356–7, ‘Good spy, / Now you are spied, begone.’
108 SD] placed here, this edn; SD follows 115 in Q
109 brook . . . repulse take his defeat in the recent election. There now follows a post-mortem on the election, where the slow approach of Catiline, Longinus, and Lentulus, presumably talking among themselves, enables the characters downstage to set the political context.
109 hardly uneasily, painfully (OED, adv. 5).
110 SH catulus] Wh; Cat. F1
114 SH catulus] F2; Cat. F1
112–13 He . . . Praetor Despite his past record, Lentulus was elected Praetor for 63 BC, and so re-admitted to the Senate. Jonson would find this discussed by Plutarch, Cicero, 17.
114 suffrage vote.
114 next immediately after. This shows Catulus’s status, since voting in the comitia centuriata was strictly hierarchical.
115 Prince . . . Senate Catulus was princeps senatus, a position of great dignity, held for life once awarded, placing him in rank next to the consuls (Velleius Paterculus, 2.43.3). Jonson may intend Caesar’s line to contain a barb, in view of the fact that he defeated Catulus in the election for the office of pontifex maximus in 63 BC.
115 SD] this edn; Catiline, Antonivs, Catvlvs, CÆ- / sar, Crassvs, Longinvs, / Lentvlvs. F1
117 gratulate congratulate (Lat. gratulari).
118 happier . . . fellowship Cf. Catiline’s expectation of a consulship with Antonius as a pliable colleague, 1.445–9.
120–3 Catiline’s pretended acceptance of the outcome draws on Juvenal’s satire on the vanity of human wishes, Satires, 10.347–50, where we learn that the gods know best what is good for men, since carior est illis homo quam sibi, ‘man is dearer to them than he is to himself’.
120 who instruct] F1 (who’instruct)
124 Lucius Catiline.
125–6 even . . . heaven In the immediate context ‘even’ means ‘equable, unruffled’ (OED, Even a. 8) or ‘in accord with my thoughts’, but the word hands Catiline, in his reply, the possibility of multiple meanings, as of the underlying Lat. adjective, aequus. Ostensibly he is saying, by ‘such’, that he will attempt to make his thoughts ‘equal’ to Rome and heaven – in itself ambivalent, since it could imply either submission or towering ambition – but there is also an undertone possibility of ‘taking revenge on’ – making himself ‘even with’ – the city and the gods.
127–8 I . . . you] placed in round brackets, F1
127–30 This conversation (bracketed in F1) reflects the suspicions of Caesar’s and Crassus’s involvement in the conspiracy which are manifest in Plutarch, Caesar, 7–8; Crassus, 13; Cicero, 20, but which Sallust tends to play down (Bell. Cat., 17.48–9).
130 apprehend you catch your meaning.
131 convenient appropriate (OED, 4b obs.).
132 With . . . hand ‘bountifully (Lat. plena manu)’ (Bolton & Gardner).
137 stomach resent (OED, v. 1 obs.) (Lat. stomachari).
139 brook not me Catiline plays smartly on ‘brook’, meaning ‘bear’, in the sense of ‘endure’. If, as Catulus says, it is reported that he bears his defeat very ill, then this is because ‘public report’ – referred to as ‘she’ because the underlying Lat. word, fama, is feminine – cannot bear him.
139 yourself . . . me your own opinion of me, now that you have seen me.
140 A literal rendering of Florilegium Ethico-Politicum (1610), 1.13: Calumniae genus est, rumori credere.
142–3 Where . . . true To react angrily to a slander is to suggest that the accusation is true. Cf. AYLI, 2.7.53–7.
144 temper mental balance or composure, especially under provocation (OED, n. 3). Cf. 4.2.96. As at the time ‘temper’ could also mean ‘temperature’ (OED, 7), Jonson may have Catulus make an unconscious pun when saying that it ‘melts’ him.
145 do office ‘render observance’ (Bolton & Gardner).
146 Which] F1; That Q
148 state office of power or importance (OED, n. 16 obs.).
148 virtue Catulus’s sense of ‘virtue’ is rather more moral than Cicero’s (cf. 3.1.21 and 57) and is immediately devalued by Catiline (150–1).
148 SD] G; not in F1
152 in-parts internal parts of the body (OED, In adv. and a. 12c); here, inward thoughts.
153–74 F1 (but not Q) places round brackets around the speeches of Longinus and Lentulus in this passage. Brackets can indicate asides, but this edition presents this unit of the scene as having two parallel and independent components: the first, a continuous monologue by Catiline to himself, which is then heard by Cethegus at 174; the second, a private conference between Longinus and Lentulus.
153–5 longinus . . . consulship.] placed in round brackets, F1
154 he i.e. Catiline.
156 bondmen slaves.
157 Is there an even lower definition appropriate to me?
158 the owl . . . hoot Though the owl was commonly seen as a bird of ill omen (cf. 4.2.449), in this self-derisory context the allusion seems to be to the story of the owl as ‘gull’ being captured by mimicry (D’Arcy Thompson, 1936, 340). When the children ‘hoot’ the owl – i.e. assail it with shouts of contempt or derision (OED, Hoot v. 2) – they are also imitating its hoot.
158 hoot] F1 (hout)
159 That Or I could say that.
159–60 that . . . gardens Wooden statues of Priapus – a phallic god of ‘aggressive, anally-fixated sexuality’ (OCD, 1244) – in Roman gardens could serve as scarecrows. Horace, Satires, 1.8.1–7, describes the making of such a statue, obscenoque ruber porrectus ab inguine palus (5), ‘with a red stake protruding from [his] obscene groin’. This, unlike the ineffectual ‘wooden god’ on which Catiline projects his image of self-abasement, becomes furum aviumque maxima formido (3–4), ‘of great terror to thieves and birds’.
161 muting excreting (used in reference to birds).
161 SD] this edn; not in F1
162–5 longinus . . . true.] placed in round brackets, F1
166 longinus . . . voices.] placed in round brackets, F1
168–70 lentulus . . . fail.] placed in round brackets, F1
170 his fail Catiline’s failure (OED, n.2 obs.). Cf. WT, 5.1.27: ‘His Highness’ fail of issue’.
171 visor (1) front part of a helmet, covering the face; (2) figuratively, mask or disguise. The second definition applies to Catiline’s pretended ‘patience’; the first is powerfully present in the imagined scene of death by a poisoned helmet, the infection spreading like fire to brain and heart. This anticipates the fate of Duke Brachiano in Webster’s The White Devil (5.3), first performed by the Queen’s Men probably in early 1612.
173 SD] this edn; Catiline, Cethegvs, Lentvlvs, / Longinus, Cato. F1, following 173
173 longinus . . . yet.] placed in round brackets, F1
174 inmate See 2.1.116n.
175–7 axle . . . chaos A play here on two meanings of ‘axle’: (1) the centre-pin on which a wheel revolves; (2) the axis of the world (OED, 3 obs.). Both meanings are found in Lat. axis. Cf. Tro., 1.3.65–6, ‘strong as the axle-tree / On which the heavens ride’. Catiline, like Macbeth, is ready to ‘let the frame of things disjoint’ (Mac., 3.2.16).
178 Unlike Longinus and Lentulus, Cethegus obviously hears Catiline’s desperate wish.
179 Catiline echoes the Chorus in Seneca’s Thyestes, 883–4: vitae est avidus quisquis non vult / mundo secum pereunte mori, ‘He is greedy for life who would not die when all the world is perishing with him.’
182 woman . . . Roman An instance of Roman misogyny; cf. the contrast of womanliness with Romanness in Ant., 1.4.5–7. The seemingly opposed words, ‘woman’ and ‘Roman’, might be rhymed at this time.
183 seek other arms take up a more aggressive line of conduct (Lat. arma sumere). Cf. Ham., 3.1.51. ‘Or to take arms against a sea of troubles’.
184 take not cannot perform.
185 prevent anticipate, or forestall (Lat. praevenire).
187 likes pleases.
188 An echo of Lucan’s description of Caesar’s warlike delight in challenges and obstacles, De bello, 2.443–4: Non tam portas intrare patentes / Quam fregisse iuvat, ‘He would rather break through city gates than find them open to admit him.’
189–92 Swim . . . stand Anne Barton (1984), 158–9, rightly sees these lines as consciously imitating Marlowe’s Tamburlaine, Part 2, 1.3.92–5.
189 my ends the accomplishment of my purposes (OED, End n. 12 obs.).
190 make on proceed. Cethegus’s vision of building a bridge with dead bodies is frighteningly specific.
191 piles masonry pillars or piers supporting a bridge (OED, n.3 +1).
192 those those who.
192–3 Then . . . way Only then is booty (‘prey’) worth having: when danger obstructs and destruction (‘ruin’) clears the way. Again, Cethegus sounds like Lucan’s Caesar, De bello, 1.150, gaudensque viam fecisse ruina, ‘rejoicing to clear the way before him by destruction’.
194 utter me express my true self (OED, Utter v. 5 obs.).
195–6 bend / Unto occasion adapt to circumstances.
196 SD] this edn; not in F1
197–200 To ‘utter’ Cethegus, Catiline resorts to hyperbolic blasphemy, reversing the myth of Prometheus, who heroically stole fire from heaven and was punished by Jove, who riveted him to a mountain in the Caucasus and sent an eagle daily to feed on his entrails.
200 gaunt hungry, ravenous (OED, 2b).
200 tire tear flesh in feeding as a bird of prey (a falconry term: OED, v.22). Cf. Ven., 55–6: ‘Even as an empty eagle, sharp by fast, / Tires with her beak on feathers, flesh and bone’.
200 SD] G, subst. (following 204); not in F1, but see massed entry at 173 SD
202 Quit us all Everyone (except Cethegus) leave us. But Lentulus and Longinus decline the offer to leave Catiline without their support, and so they stay.
204 The giants were a mythological race, described by Hesiod (Theogony, 185) as valiant warriors; stories of their war with the gods – the Gigantomachia – in which they were defeated, were popular. Catiline’s intention to win (‘carry’) the war continues his reversal of myth, ironic in view of the outcome of the conspiracy.
205 Lucius, Sergius Lentulus and then Longinus address Catiline by his several names, Lucius Sergius Catilina.
209–10 Halters . . . thee Instruments of torture cannot wring (‘express’, from Lat. exprimere) from you more evidence of guilt than your actual deeds have already manifested. The only remaining step in the (implied) judicial process is the judgement.
212 Marked as a sententia in Q1, this has Cato establish the gods’ either–or position: either for you (‘go . . . with’) or against (‘follow’, here meaning ‘pursue like an enemy’: OED, 5b).
212 Who] F1; “Who Q
214 noisome harmful. The underlying image is that of purging the city of foul-smelling and noxious waste.
214 thou art] Q; thou’rt F1
215 let me let me (i.e. I will) go.
215 bane poison.
219–21 Almost verbatim from Cicero’s report of an altercation between Catiline and Cato in the Senate, Pro Murena, 51, si quod esset in suas fortunas incendium excitatum, id se non aqua sed ruina restincturum. Catiline is referring to the practice of stopping a house-fire from spreading by demolishing adjacent buildings, but his real meaning is more sinister, as in 4.2.446–52.
222 SD] G; not in F1
223 sent . . . him i.e. dispatched him befoe he could get away like this.
224 heavy slow, sluggish.
225–6 See 1.135–40.
226 his praetorship i.e. Lentulus’s praetorship: see 3.112–13n.
229 spurs incitements.
230 Lat. proverb: Qui non proficit, deficit (Harris, Cat.).
230 These] F1; “These Q
231–3 arms . . . swords Jonson continues to give Cethegus the words and sentiments of Lucan’s Caesar, here from De bello, 1.348–9, Arma tenenti / Omnia dat, qui iusta negat, ‘He who denies someone his due (“just things”) will give him all if he is armed’.
234 SD] G; not in F1
3.2 This scene, apparently in Cicero’s house, is Jonson’s invention. Unlike Plutarch, Jonson makes Fulvia’s revelation a crucial step in uncovering the conspiracy. In Sallust she tells a number of people; here she has gone straight to Cicero, and his fulsome praise of her patriotism contrasts with his disgust, when he is alone, at having to depend for his and Rome’s salvation on such a corrupt woman. His opening speech begins with rhymed couplets which mark it as a set piece.
3.2 ] G; not in F1
0 SD] G; Cicero, Fvlvia. F1
1–3 Is there . . . thunder A Senecan outburst, echoing (ironically, in the context) Hippolytus’s reaction to Phaedra’s revelation of her passion for him, Phaedra, 671–4: Magne regnator deum, / tam lentus audis scelera? tam lentus vides? / et quando saeva fulmen emittes . . .?, ‘Great ruler of the gods, do you so slowly [i.e. indifferently] hear crimes? so slowly see them? / And when will you send forth your thunderbolt with a cruel hand . . .?’. Cf. The Revenger’s Tragedy, 2.1.247–9, ‘Why does not heaven turn black . . .?’, and Tit., 4.1.82. See 1.488–9n., above.
2 so slowly be so slow to (translating Seneca’s tam lentus).
4 Stupid Stupefied (OED, a. A 1 obs.), from Lat. stupidus.
6 And disregard the threat both to themselves and to you (Rome).
8 light slight, trivial.
9 drifts plots, schemes (OED, Drift n. 5 obs.).
9 In earlier actions of his – i.e. under Sulla or in the first Catilinarian conspiracy – Catiline was part of a larger political scheme.
14 swelling inflation of the mind by pride (OED, n. 5 obs.).
14 affection feeling (as opposed to reason), passion (OED, n. 3 obs.).
14–15 the last . . . off As in Milton, ‘Lycidas’, 70–1, ‘Fame . . . / (That last infirmity of noble mind)’ (H&S). Jonson’s source could be Tacitus on the ambition of Helvidius Priscus, Historia (‘The Histories’), 4.6, etiam sapientibus cupido gloriae novissima exuitur, ‘the passion for glory is the last thing that even wise men divest themselves of.’ Cf. Informations, 463, ‘He gave the Prince fax gloria mentis honestae’, and note.
16 enforceth violently overturns (OED, v. 9).
19 But . . . it Catiline’s plot is driven by something far worse than ambition.
20 confound nature overthrow all laws of nature, create chaos. Cf. Mac., 4.3.99–100, ‘confound / All unity on earth’.
21 This reflects the vision of Rome’s self-destruction in Lucan, De bello, 7. 388–92. ‘Age’ here translates Lat. aetas, ‘(life-)time’; and ‘repair’ is a Latinism (reparare, recover, or restore).
23 fable: The colon, which is Jonson’s, accentuates the need to explain ‘fable’ (23–5). Fulvia’s report is almost too terrible to be true; yet it exceeds any fiction, any tragic drama.
24 Tempteth Puts to the test.
25 insolent Either (1) strange or (2) immoderate. From Lat. insolens, ‘a striking instance of Jonson’s Latinisms’ (Harris, Cat.).
27 Referring to the war between the armies of Marius and Sulla, 83–82 BC, the phrase perhaps echoes the title of Thomas Lodge’s play on this subject, The Wounds of Civil War (see Introduction).
27 stripes blows (OED, Stripe n.2 1 obs.).
30 extinguish . . . name Translating Cicero, In Cat., 4.7, populi Romani nomen exstinguere. Cicero’s vilification of the Catilinarians here anticipates his speeches in Act 4 and is based on In Cat., 2.7–8. ‘[L]ong’ has the sense of ‘ancient’.
32 sink scum, dregs (of a set of persons) (OED, n.1 2d obs.).
34 galled harassed, oppressed.
34 necessities straitened circumstances, poverty. Cf. Lear, 2.4.204, ‘Necessity’s sharp pinch’.
35 all . . . them I regard them as being all these things.
37 Marius See 27n.
38 Had not an even greater crime arisen (‘rise’ = obsolete form; cf. 4.2.299 and 5.5.215) for our children to reflect upon.
39 All that Marius and Sulla did was piety comparted to what is happening now. The whole line echoes Seneca, Medea, 904–5, where Medea contemplates a deed compared to which all others may be called piety: quidquid admissum est adhuc, / pietas vocetur. Rhetorical exaggeration, it must be hoped, prompts Cicero’s relativizing of murder and rape as ‘piety’.
43 majesty sovereign power and dignity (Lat. maiestas).
44 These Catiline and his cohorts.
46 The . . . world the far-flung parts of the world over which Rome has triumphed (Lat. triumphare). Cf. Sej., 1.60, ‘Free, equal lords of the triumphèd world’.
46–7 unto . . . enough? Echoing Lucan, De bello, 5.274, Quid satis est, si Roma parum est?, ‘What will satisfy you if Rome is not enough?’, and with an implicit pun on ‘Rome’ and ‘room’ (similarly pronounced), as in JC, 1.2.156, ‘Now is it Rome indeed and room enough’ (H&S).
48 discourse thought (OED, n. 2 obs.). Cf. EMO, Grex after Act 4, 131, ‘mine own private discourse’. There is ineluctable comedy in Fulvia, silent throughout Cicero’s oration, claiming to have carried out the same argument in her own mind.
49 a horrid sacrament the drinking of wine mixed with blood, 1.487–508.
51–3 which . . . it Almost literal translation of Florus, Epitome, 2.12. 4, summum nefas, nisi amplius esset, propter quod biberunt.
55–7 I . . . anywhere Fulvia’s choice of words is doubly infelicitous, unwittingly echoing the ‘dire vapour’ of Sulla’s Ghost (1.1.12) and then turning this into a flatulence to explode in Cicero’s face
63 ingrate ungrateful, Lat. ingratus (OED, a. 3).
63–5 yet . . . themselves The argument that Fulvia’s ‘virtue’ is its own reward is as ironic as the several other references to her ‘virtue’ in this scene. It borrows from Cicero, Philippic, 2.114: etsi enim satis in ipsa conscientia pulcherrimi facti fructus erat . . ., ‘although there was sufficient reward in the very consciousness of a good deed . . .’. For ‘conscience’ (64) as ‘consciousness’, see 1.1.29, but cf. 5.5.280–3n.
68 Of Between.
73 shall] F1; will Q
74 work him work on him, persuade him (OED, Work v. 14).
74 SD] G; Cicero, Lictor, Fvlvia, / Cvrivs. F1
74 He’s] F1 (He’is)
75 presently at once.
80 SD] G; not in F1
81–203 The scene in which Cicero and Fulvia ‘work’ (74) Curius is created by Jonson from the vaguest of hints in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 26.3, where it is merely stated that Cicero, ‘by dint of many promises made through Fulvia’, persuaded Quintus Curius ‘to reveal Catiline’s designs to him’.
81 SD] G; not in F1, but see massed entry at 3.2.74 SD
88 those i.e. ‘your better looks and thoughts’ (86).
88 complexion habit of mind, ‘nature’ (OED, n. 8 obs.). The word hovers between physical and mental application. Cf. Ado, 2.1. 223–4, ‘something of that jealous complexion’.
89–96 To alienate Curius from the conspirators, Cicero shrewdly avails himself of the fact that Lentulus, elected Praetor, has been restored to the Senate, and Curius has not.
95–6 stocked / In with a place in a genealogy of (OED, Stock n.1 obs.).
98 parricides See 1.1.32n. and 4.2.383n.
100–2 Cicero, in this very long sentence of impacted clauses, continues the rhetorical ploy of insisting that Curius is different from the conspirators; they are desperate and mad and do not even have a clear motive for their wicked plan.
102 colour allegeable ground or reason (OED, n. 12b obs.).
104 clean entirely, absolutely.
105–6 Bad . . . / He] F1; “Bad . . . / “He Q
105 leave abandon.
106 the third crime ‘Presumably the second crime would be the not repenting’ (H&S, quoting W. D. Briggs).
110 Terentia Cicero’s first wife, said to have had great influence over him; cf. 4.2.46. He divorced her in 47 or 46 BC, and she is reported later to have married Sallust, outliving him and one further husband, to die at the age of 103. Here the reference to her is simply another rhetorical device, in the exaltation of Fulvia.
114 shoot eyes at gaze on. Lat. oculos adicere (Bolton & Gardner). The literal sense of ‘shoot’ may suggest a less than friendly gaze; cf. Volp., 5.8.2, ‘That I could shoot mine eyes at him, like gunstones.’
115 They That they.
116–17 Pompey was at this time in Asia Minor where, having defeated Mithradates, he was laying the foundation of subsequent Roman organization of the East. What Cicero is envisaging is a triumph such as those awarded to Roman generals after major victories, where the conqueror in a ‘chariot’ would be followed by captives in chains (as feared by Cleopatra in Ant., 5.2.207–15). Bolton & Gardner suggest that ‘Asia’ could here mean either Asian prisoners or ‘a picture of Asia, personified’; but ‘chained’ would seem to indicate the former meaning.
118–21 For Cicero’s vision of an immortalized Fulvia, cf. Jonson’s famous tribute to Shakespeare in the 1623 folio (‘not of an age, but for all time’) and, on her fame outlasting ‘brass and marble’, Horace, Odes, 3.30.1, Exegi monumentum aere perennius, and Shakespeare’s Sonn., 64 and 65.
130 her i.e. Rome’s, since ‘your country’ is feminine, like Lat. patria. Cf. 3.2.173–4.
131 No] F1; “No Q
131 be . . . to have too much natural feeling (i.e. of kindliness, affection, or gratitude) for (OED, Natural a. 16). Cf. Lear, 2.1.83, ‘Loyal and natural boy’.
132 challenge lay claim to.
133 prime best.
134 An echo of one of Nero’s lines in the pseudo-Senecan tragedy Octavia, 441, Iustum esse facile est cui vacat pectus metu, ‘It is easy for him to be just whose heart is free from fear.’
134–5 He . . . / And] F1; “He . . . / “And Q
135 religion devotion to some principle, pious attachment (OED, 6a obs.). Cf. New Inn, 1.6.156, ‘Out of a religion to my charge’. For the Latinist, as Bolton & Gardner point out, there is wordplay here on religio and ligare, ‘to bind’.
138 coming coming around, becoming persuaded. Cf. Volp., 2.6.74, ‘I hear him coming.’
141 walk in be associated with (OED, Walk v. 6c obs.). Thus in relation to the ‘plot’, or conspiracy, but within the image which Fulvia develops, of having to ‘walk’ behind Sempronia, the more ordinary sense also operates.
142 take place of take precedence of, go before (OED, Place n. 27c obs.).
143 on the by on the side (as of secondary importance). Tub, 5.10.0 SD.3, ‘HILTS waits on the by.’
143 o’the] F1; on the Q
145 vantage . . . sees bestow on me everything under the sun. Fulvia would not be second to Sempronia even if it meant a world of profit.
146 silly Q1 prints the older form of the word, ‘seely’; F1 has ‘silly’. An adjective with many meanings, its sense here is clearly ‘foolish’.
146–7 Apply / Yourself Stick (Lat. applicare).
154 them the conspirators.
155 sleep to disregard (OED, Sleep v. 7 obs.).
155 Stygian hellish.
156–8 which . . . years The conventional date of the foundation of Rome was 753 BC.
158–9 It is . . . confound ’em A Lat. aphorism which exists in several versions. Cf. Publilius Syrus, Sententiae, 671, Stultum facit fortuna quem volt perdere, ‘Fortune makes a fool of him whom she would ruin.’ More common seems to be Quem Iuppiter vult perdere dementat prius, ‘Whom Jove would ruin he first drives mad’ (Duff, 1934, 105).
163 trouble . . . farther H&S assume, with Gifford, that ‘this good shame’ refers to Fulvia, an example (of which there are several in the play) of a predominant quality being turned into an appellative, and part of Cicero’s strategy to pretend that Fulvia is modest and virtuous. While this is plausible, it is also possible that the ‘shame’ is Curius’s, since Cicero has at this point turned to address him directly, and is setting to work on him. In this reading Cicero pretends to see in Curius a salutary consciousness of guilt (‘this good shame’) and will not continue to agitate (‘trouble’) this feeling but will now change tactics, appealing (163–71) to Curius’s patriotism – and the prospect of ‘rewards’.
163 farther] F1 (farder)
163–6 Stand . . . her Cicero’s definition of patriotism is similar to that in Horace’s famous line, Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori, ‘It is sweet and glorious to die for one’s country’, Odes, 3.2.13.
171 work persuade you to. Cf. 3.2.74.
172 saving counsel advice which can or will rescue you from peril.
174 You have] F1 (you’haue)
178 dearer (1) more highly priced; (2) more precious. Playing on the opposite of Curius’s ‘cheaper’, probably with a sardonic hint at the ‘rewards’ expected.
180 face outward appearance, ‘front’ (OED, n. 10).
181 Run . . . ’em join the conspirators in all their devious plotting. For ‘maze’ in the sense of ‘a winding movement’, see Vision, 212.
184 brakes thickets. Cicero is delineating the moral landscape of the conspirators.
185 fain obliged.
189 likely likely to be ‘draw[n] in’, enticed into the conspiracy.
189–90 those . . . name Curius has obviously divulged to Fulvia, who in turn has reported to Cicero, Catiline’s veiled reference to Caesar and Crassus: ‘some others / That will not yet be named’ (1.449–50).
192 surprise ambush or other secret stratagem.
195–6 on . . . care whom I put in charge.
196 urging you spurring you on (OED, Urge v. 4a).
199–200 the time . . . vows we have no time for any vows to confirm your constancy.
200–1 The dignity . . . protesting Harris, Cat. compares this sententia to Ham., 3.2.211, ‘The lady doth protest too much methinks.’
200 The] F1; “The Q
201 SD Enter a servant] G; not in F1
203 SD He . . . Curius] this edn; He whispers with him. / F1 opposite 203–4; not in Q
203 Light ’em Show them out (probably with torchlights) (OED, Light v.2). Cf. Mac., 5.5.21–2. ‘And all our yesterdays have lighted fools / The way to dusty death.’
203 SD Despite F1’s ‘him’, the whispering is surely with all of them – Curius, Fulvia, and the Servant – since all three need to know ‘this . . . token’.
203 SD Exeunt . . . Fulvia] G, subst.; not in F1
204–8 Cicero, like Catiline (see 1.1.437–8), sees Rome’s chief weakness as ‘lethargy’: as when addressed by Sulla’s Ghost (1.1.9–10), she is lost in sleep, from which no assailing of various senses can wake her; ‘noise’ and ‘pulling’ suggest attempts to drag her into consciousness; ‘vexation’ refers to some action of disturbing her by physical means (OED, n. 2 obs.).
210 proper own (OED, a. 1), from Lat. proprius.
211 blame the gods As in 3.2.1–8.
212 wake stay awake to keep watch.
216–17 a base . . . strumpet As H&S point out, Florus calls Fulvia just that (vilissimum scortum), Epitome, 2.12.6. Cf. 3.2.222, ‘So vile a thing’.
220 lay . . . breast bear in mind.
224 rammed H&S gloss this as ‘driven home’ but, as ‘rammed thunder’ is clearly a construction parallel with ‘forkèd lightning’, it appears that Jonson has created a Latinism, meaning ‘branched’, or ‘branching’ (not recognized by OED), from ramus, branch, and ramosus, branching. He may have had in mind the passage in Lucretius, De rerum naturae (‘On the Nature of Things’), 4.132–6, describing how thunder can be produced by winds tearing through ramosa . . . nubila, ‘branching [i.e. ragged] clouds’ (133–4), and how this is a sound just like that of frondes ramique, ‘leaves and branches’ (136), being blasted by the wind in a forest.
225 Thrown hills As they did in their war with the giants. See 3.1.204 and n.
225 in the act in the process (Lat. in actu).
226 damp noxious vapour (OED, n.1 obs.). Sulla’s Ghost comes as such a vapour, 1.1.12.
230 geese According to Livy (5.47.4), when the Gauls sacked Rome in 390 BC it was the cackling of Juno’s sacred geese on the Capitol that gave warning of the impending invasion. A Jacobean audience might hear an unhistorical pun here, in that ‘goose’ could also mean ‘prostitute’.
230 SD] G, subst.; not in Q
236–8 Cf. Plutarch, Cicero, 12, ‘It was supposed also that [Antonius] was acquainted with the designs of Catiline, and was not adverse to them on account of the magnitude of his debts, which chiefly gave alarm to the nobles.’
240–4 A consulship was normally followed by a one-year governorship of a province. In advance of elections, the Senate assigned two provinces to the two consuls; after the election these were apportioned by lot. In 64 BC Cicero’s ‘province’ (243) was Macedonia, a rich territory which he passed on to Antonius, receiving in exchange the less desirable province of Cisalpine Gaul (which he soon transferred to his friend Metellus Celer). According to Plutarch, Cicero, 12, ‘by these favours he gained over Antonius like a hired actor to play a second part to himself on behalf of his country’. Antonius went as governor to Macedonia in 62 BC and was later (59 BC), though defended by Cicero, convicted of extortion during his governorship.
245 price reward (Lat. pretium). Cf. 1.1.233n.
246 Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 10.141–2, Quis enim virtutem amplectitur ipsam, / Praemia si tollas?, ‘For who would embrace virtue if you abolished rewards?’ Cf. Epigr. 66.18, ‘That virtuous is, when the reward’s away’.
246 So] F1; “So Q
247 private personal interests (OED, n. 4 obs.).
249 clients ‘In Rome a client was a free man who entrusted himself to another and received protection in return . . . clients supported their patron (patronus) in political and private life and demonstrated their loyalty and respect by going to his house to greet him each morning . . . and attending him when he went out’(OCD, cliens, 348).
250–5 He . . . / Shall . . . / Especially . . . / That . . . / Than . . . / The] F1; “He . . . / “Shall . . . / “Especially . . . / “That . . . / “Then . . . / “The Q
3.3 Editors have debated the location of this scene. Sallust and Cicero both refer to a meeting of the conspirators at the house of Porcius Laeca, and so does the play’s Cicero at 4.2.205; but H&S, following Gifford, found evidence, from line 40 onwards, of Jonson having located it in Catiline’s own house. It is true that Catiline behaves like a host – calling for lights, organizing the entertainment – but, as Warren (1969), 561–5, convincingly argues, Laeca’s presence and the need for the conspirators to avoid suspicion suggest that Jonson consistently assumed the historical location. Catiline’s strategy is to avoid meeting in his own presumably closely surveyed house and yet also to dominate any context he finds himself in. There is no historical authority for the meeting between Caesar and Catiline with which the scene opens (and which, remembering Caesar’s ‘I’ll come home to you’, 3.1.128, could argue for Catiline’s house as the location). Jonson here develops the suggestions of Caesar’s support of the conspiracy which he had given in 3.1.128–9. The scene with the women (190–224) is, like Catiline’s soliloquy which closes the scene, Jonson’s invention. Again, one stage door seems to lead to the ‘within’ (198) where Aurelia and Sempronia hold ‘council’ (191) with the women, another, through which Laeca and the conspirators enter and exit, to the outer areas of the house.
3.3 ] G; not in F1
0 SD] G; Caesar, Catiline. F1
1 grows on advances (it is getting late).
1 are for are about to have.
2 few few words (OED, a. 1g obs.).
3–7 Caesar’s argument for action rather than deliberation, much of which takes the form of sententiae, is here reminiscent of Sejanus’s ‘We shall misspend / The time of action. Counsels are unfit / In business, where all rest is more pernicious / Than rashness can be. Acts of this close kind / Thrive more by execution than advice’, Sej., 2.321–5.
3 put . . . act turn your plans into action (for ‘act’ in the sense of ‘accomplished fact or reality’, see OED, Act n. 2 obs.). For the audience, an ironic echo of Cicero’s final line in the previous scene (3.2.255).
4–5 Actions . . . / The] F1; “Actions . . . / “The Q
4 depth great significance.
6 bravest (1) most mighty; (2) most daring.
8–11 Ironically, Caesar is here unwittingly describing what we have just seen happen.
8 Say Suppose.
14 entered begun (OED, Enter v. 6b obs.).
14 slip let slip, miss.
16 Echoing (in a line marked in Q as a sententia) Seneca, Hercules Furens, 251–2, prosperum ac felix scelus / virtus vocatur, ‘prosperous and successful crime is called virtue’. Cf. Harington’s epigram: ‘Treason doth never prosper: what’s the reason? / For if it prosper, none dare call it treason’ (Epigrams, 1615, A4v).
16–17 When . . . / They’re] F1 (subst.); “When . . . / “Th’are Q
17 They’re] F1 (Th’are)
17–23, 26–7 Domenico Lovascio (2010) shows these passages to be closely modelled on the speech of a plebeian, intended to raise rebellion, in Machiavelli’s Istorie Fiorentine (1532), bk. 3, ch. 13.
18–20 Attempts . . . / Begun . . . / And] F1; “Attempts . . . / “Begunne . . . / “And Q
20 spurs pricks you on.
21 care of worry about.
22–3 For . . . / Of] F1; “For . . . / “Of Q
22–4 they . . . least Continuing his pragmatic argument that nothing succeeds like success, Caesar insists that victory, however achieved, is rarely seen as shameful and least of all does it provoke revenge. Hence no need to worry about either ‘fame’ or ‘men’.
27 Aspired Attained, reached (OED, Aspire v. 8 obs.). Cf. Rom., 3.1.108, ‘That gallant spirit hath aspired the clouds.’
28 sticks hesitates (OED, Stick v.1 15).
33 print trace (OED, n. 3b obs.).
34–5 A serpent . . . bat In a thinly disguised piece of advice to make away with Cicero, Caesar draws on a proverb, originally Greek, which has it that, to become a dragon, a serpent must eat another serpent, i.e. one can only prosper at the expense of one’s peers. Bolton & Gardner, following Gifford, cite as closer to Jonson’s usage (where Cicero is downgraded as a ‘bat’) Fletcher et al., The Honest Man’s Fortune, 3.3.27–30, ‘The snake that would be a dragon, and have wings, must eat a spider.’
35–6 consul . . . watches i.e. Cicero, who is now more fully aware of the conspiracy than Caesar realizes.
36 Sergius Catiline.
37 stir for me get up because I am leaving.
36 SD] G; not in F1
37–8 Excuse . . . then In observance of formal politeness, Catiline contradicts Caesar and calls to servants for torches to light him out. That this is countermanded by Caesar, with Catiline’s acceptance, is an indication of their wish for this meeting of theirs to remain as unobtrusive and secret as possible. But as is clear from 3.4.19–20, Caesar was seen coming away by (at least) Curius.
39 SD Exit] G; not in F1
40 bear no mind lack spirit. A Latinism in so far as Jonson makes ‘mind’ carry one of the multiple meanings of animus; an English wordplay in so far as Catiline implicitly expands Caesar’s verb ‘mind’ to ‘bear in mind’ and then reconstructs the phrase.
40 SD] G; Catiline, Avrelia, Lecca F1 (before line 40)
43 sulphurous fiery.
44 Break with them Open up to them the subject. The usage assumes ‘caution and delicacy’ (OED, Break v. 22b obs.). Cf. TGV, 3.1.59, ‘I am to break with thee of some affairs.’
45–6 Sallust, Bell. Cat., 24.4, describes Catiline’s intention viros earum vel adiungere sibi vel interficere, ‘to attach [the women’s husbands] to his cause or else to make away with them’.
51 designed encompassed as part of the plot.
52–3 clay . . . Titan Alluding to ‘a persistent tradition that Prometheus created man from clay’ (OCD, Prometheus, 1254), this adapts Juvenal’s definition, Satires, 14.34–5, of a superior youth: quibus arte benigna / Et meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan, ‘one whose heart the Titan has fashioned with beneficent skill and from better clay’.
53 SD] G; not in F1, but see massed entry at 3.3.40 SD
54–8 Laeca’s presence here indicates that the location is his house.
56 Cf. Alch., 1.3.104, ‘You must have stuff brought home to you to work on?’.
57 form give form to. As an element in the conspiracy the women are so much material (‘stuff’, 56) for Aurelia to work into shape. Despite Q’s punctuation, Catiline’s line of dismissal seems more a statement of ‘trust’ (56) than a question.
57 SD Exit Aurelia] G; not in F1
57 silver eagle See 3.3.74–82n.
58 ga’ . . . charge gave into your keeping.
58 SD Exit Laeca] G; not in F1
58 SD Enter . . . cornelius] this edn; Catiline, Cethegvs, Cvrivs, Lentv- / lvs, Vargvnteivs, Longinvs, / Gabinivs, Ceparivs, / Avtronivs, &c. F1
59 SD.2 Q and F1 do not list Cornelius as entering, but cf. 3.3.173 SH and n.
61 SH cethegus] F1; Cat. Q
61 had need had better be.
61 lose] F1 (loose)
62 occasion opportunity to act. Coming from Curius, now acting as spy, this remark, like all his interventions in this scene, is loaded with irony.
63–5 Piso . . . followers. Sallust tells, in Bell. Cat., 18–19, of Gnaeus Piso’s involvement in Catiline’s first conspiracy. In order to get him out of the way, the Senate gave him the province of Spain, where he was murdered, either by followers of Pompey or by Spaniards resenting his unjust and cruel rule.
65–6 He . . . Asia See 3.2.116–17n. Plutarch, Cicero, 14 and 18, mentions rumours, at this time, of Pompey’s return to Rome. Cf. 3.3.94. A move to recall Pompey to suppress Catiline’s forces was in fact thwarted, and he did not return until the following year.
66 we intend] F1 (we’intend)
68–72 Jonson here combines Sallust’s account in Bell. Cat., 27, of the dispatching of ‘a certain Septimius of Camerinum’ to the Picene territories and Gaius Julius to Apulia, with Plutarch’s in Cicero, 14, of Manlius as leader of impoverished veterans of Sulla’s army in Tuscany, where they had formed a colonia at Faesulae (present-day Fiesole, near Florence). Picenum and Apulia are areas of Italy east of the Apennines.
70 force an army.
71 up ready for war.
73 expect await, wait and watch, as in Lat. exspecto.
74 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
74–82 Behold . . . home Roman military units venerated their signa militaria, ‘standards’, of which the eagle was the most important. According to Pliny, Natural History, 10.16, Caius Marius, reformer of the army, first assigned eagles to legions. Jonson learned from Sallust, Bell. Cat., 59, that Catiline’s standard was said to be the eagle of Marius in the war with the Cimbri (a German tribe from north Jutland, whom he defeated and destroyed in 101 BC); and he develops its significance for Catiline from a brief mention in Cicero, In Cat., 2.6.13, of Catiline having built a shrine for the silver eagle in his own home.
75 ’Twas] F1; Was Q
76 Fatal to Rome ‘connected with the fate of Rome (Lat. fatalis)’ (H&S). But in view of Catiline’s intentions there may well also be a play, here and in 3.3.85, on the sense of ‘deadly’.
77 ominous portentous, presaging events to come.
78 I have] F1 (I’haue)
80 Of purpose Purposely.
80–2 Pledge . . .home This, like the ‘sacrament’ in Act 1, is a ritual moment with considerable theatrical impact. Whether or not it was true that Roman soldiers venerated their standards beyond all gods (cf. OCD, Standards, cult of, 1437), Catiline, who has told of having performed ‘sacred rites’ to the silver eagle, is now making his conspirators join in a kind of votive ceremony (for which there is no historical authority) in which hands are clasped in a pledge to follow it, to the death and destruction of their enemies.
82 Struck . . . home The verb operates in a zeugmatic fashion to mark the uniqueness of the ceremony: the vows should be ‘struck home’, i.e. be effective in achieving ‘death and ruin’; but they are struck ‘silently’ (unusually, as votive vows are normally vocal). Alternatively, ‘ruin’ (81) could be read as the subject of ‘Struck’.
82–3 So . . . deepest Catiline’s version of the familiar proverb, ‘Still waters run deep’ (Dent, W123), underlines the significance of this dumb-show of silent vows.
83–7 Now’s . . . it A conflation of two source passages, in both of which the burning of the Capitol (in 83 BC) and the Sibylline prophecy concerning Lentulus (cf. 1.255–60) are brought together. In Cicero, In Cat., 3.9–10, the twentieth year after the burning is said to be ‘fatal’, or ‘fated’; in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 47, the predictions of a bloody civil war in this year are elaborated.
91 careless of inattentive to.
92–3 Gallia . . . Asia The provinces which are there for the other conspirators if and when Lentulus becomes ‘king’ of Rome.
95–100 In these recriminations, as in the dialogue which follows, Jonson brings to life a brief statement by Sallust, Bell. Cat., 27, of Catiline multa de ignavia eorum questus, ‘having complained bitterly about their slackness’.
96 No . . . not ‘This is artful. Curius, who is conscious of his treachery, is quick to avert suspicion’ (Gifford).
99 be at] F1 (be’at)
105–6 Perhaps a memory of Plutarch’s famous report of Alexander the Great weeping when he realized there were no more worlds left to conquer.
108 Saturnals The week-long festival of Saturn, the Saturnalia, beginning on 17 Dec., during which special licence was given to slaves, normal conduct generally inverted, and the time spent in eating, drinking, and playing. Cf. 3.3.117–24 and also Time Vind., 28ff.
108 too long too long to wait. Cf. Cicero, In Cat., 3.4.10: ‘to Cethegus this had seemed too long to wait’ (Cethego nimium id longum videretur).
109 not a month The meeting at Laeca’s house actually took place on 6 Nov.
111 laid arranged (OED, Lay v.1 38b obs.).
112–13 Repeating Catiline’s verb, as it were in inverted commas, Cethegus activates its material senses, such as ‘laying to earth’ (OED, Lay v. 11b obs.), and so by association, if not logic, pictures the inactive conspirators as lying, virtually buried in the earth.
112 we’re] F1 (we’are)
113–14 Would . . . now Would that I had no part in the plot, if nothing is going to be done now. Cethegus’s elliptical language is both Roman and rash.
116 commodity opportunity (OED, 4 obs.).
117 minister supply.
118–22 The ardour (ironic in the case of Curius) for striking during the Saturnalia is marked by F1’s, rather than Q’s, punctuation. ‘Loosed whole’ (118) means ‘wholly relaxed’. On using slaves (120–2), see 4.2.333n.
120 Resolved Relaxed (Lat. resolvere).
127 lend him let him have. Catiline is addressing Cethegus; the ‘him’ is Lentulus.
127–8 Think . . . process ‘Consider the arrangement and method’ (Bolton & Gardner).
131 spring bring forth, produce (OED, v.1 14b obs.).
134 bravest most excellently. Cf. Ado, 5.4.119–20: ‘brave punishments’.
140 in a fleet Cf. Cethegus’s vision of ‘a navy’ to ferry those murdered in Sulla’s days, 1.1.248.
141–9 I would . . . water Jonson puts together Catiline’s plan for the firing of Rome from three sources: Cicero, In Cat., 3.6.14 for Longinus’s share; Sallust, Bell. Cat., 43 for Statilius’s; and Plutarch, Cicero, 18 for the task here given to Gabinius, of stopping up the water conduits, as well as for the storing of ‘flax and sulphur’ in Cethegus’s house.
150 ply the execution attend closely to the carrying out of the plan.
153 begirt surround.
153–5 Pompey’s . . . him Thus in Plutarch, Cicero, 18.
156 As . . . heads Asked for advice by his son, Sextus, on how to deal with the city of Gabii, the Roman king Tarquinius Superbus said nothing, but struck off with a stick the heads of the tallest poppies in his garden. Sextus took the hint, and had the chief men of Gabii put to death (Livy, 1.54).
157 up i.e. cut up (as against off).
158–9 flints . . . people Catiline is envisaging an extermination of the whole population of Rome: the hard, avaricious Senate (‘flints’) and the ‘clod’-like common people.
159 ungrateful (1) unpleasant (OED, a. 2; Lat. ingratus); (2) ungrateful towards Rome’s rulers.
161 weigh with be of equal weight with (OED, Weigh v.1 16c obs.). Cf. Tim., 1.1.149–50, ‘What you bestow in him I’ll counterpoise / And make him weigh with her.’
161 Horror] this edn; horror F1
164 Charybdis A whirlpool or maelstrom whose ‘boiling’ Odysseus narrowly escaped (Odyssey, 12).
168 We had] F1 (We’had)
168 let hindrance.
169 Th’other The other side, that of Cicero.
169 Th’other] F1 (The’other)
169 him: lost] this edn; him, lost F1, Q (state 2); him lost Q (state 1)
170 opposition obstacle. OED gives no appropriate definition; Jonson seems to have gone back to the literal meaning of Lat. opponere.
171 Remove him first Jonson underlines Curius’s cunning by making him the first to propose murdering Cicero. In Sallust, Bell. Cat., 27–8, Catiline explains that he is eager to go to the front if he could first make away with Cicero, whereupon most of the conspirators are terrified and hesitate, but Cornelius and Vargunteius offer their services.
173 SH CORNELIUS Q1 and all subsequent editions give this speech to ‘Cvr.’ which, on balance, seems to be a mistake for ‘Cor.’. Apart from the fact that giving it to Cornelius agrees with the source in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 28, Curius tells Fulvia later in this scene (214) that ‘Vargunteius and Cornelius’ have undertaken to murder Cicero, and in 3.5 these two enter to perform their task. Cornelius is not named among those entering at 3.3.58, but he could be included under ‘&c.’, as could Statilius, who is also not named but appears to be addressed by Catiline at 141 (unless Q’s comma after ‘Longinus’ is retained and Statilius is taken to be appointed in absentia). Cornelius speaks nowhere else in the scene, but then Gabinius, named as entering, does not speak at all. In plot terms Curius, while keen to appear committed to the conspiracy, would hardly volunteer for a task so likely to blow his cover.
173 SH cornelius] this edn; Cvr. F1
173 my province Plutarch, Cicero, 16, says that Catiline commissioned ‘Marcius and Cethegus’ to kill Cicero. He seems to have confused names but, faced with the confusion, Jonson here makes dramatic use of his Cethegus’s eagerness to kill, and to do it his own way, later giving an excuse very much in tune with his character for backing out. See 3.5.4.
174–6 He shall . . . dead A Senecan construction, based on Hercules Furens, 642–4, where Theseus anticipates that Hercules will make Lycus pay with his life for his crimes: lentum est dabitdat; hoc quoque est lentumdedit, ‘“Shall pay” is slow – he pays; that, too, is slow – he has paid.’
175, 176 He’s] F1 (He’is)
176 only peerless.
177 world’s soul animating principle of the world (Lat. anima mundi). Cf. Volp., 1.1.3, ‘Hail the world’s soul, and mine.’
179 holds good quarter has a good relationship with (OED, Quarter n. 17).
180 clientele being in the relation of a client (OED, 1 obs., cites this as the earliest instance). From Lat. clientela. See 3.2.249n.
181 visitation . . . ‘hail’ See 1.1.198–9n. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 28, has the assassins determined to get access to Cicero sicuti salutatum, ‘as if for a ceremonial call’. These took place soon after sunrise, hence ‘in his bed’ (183).
181 ‘hail’] Bolton & Gardner; haile F1
184 SD] G; not in F1
187 tumult riot, public disturbance.
188 Miss of him Failure to kill him (OED, Miss n. 8). While this ‘him’ refers to Cicero, the second ‘him’ in the line refers to Cethegus, who has stormed out.
189 SD Exit Vargunteius] G; not in F1
189 SD Enter . . . them] F1 (To them. Sempronia, Avrelia, Fvlvia.) F (To them / in margin)
190 council] F1 (counsell)
191 SD The grouping at this point has to allow for (1) Aurelia reporting to Catiline on the women’s ‘counsel’, and (2) Curius secretly reporting the conspirators’ plans to Fulvia.
191 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
192 action . . . passion Longinus turns Sempronia’s ‘action’ from the intended political meaning to a sexual sense of ‘activity’ (193). Cf. Volp., 2.2.47. The play on words here has been excellently explicated by Bolton & Gardner as a ‘play on agere and pati, “to do” and “to undergo” . . . held, from Roman times to Jonson’s own, to be the opposite or complementary states which between them included all human physical and moral experience. In the philosophical sense, then, Longinus’ words are a paradox; in the common sense a slur; and in both an insult to Sempronia, who thought herself an intellectual but had a reputation for licentiousness.’
194 Your wise Fatness A mock title. Longinus was known as fat; cf. 3.3.235 and Cicero, In Cat., 3.16.
195 SHCet.’ in Q and F1 (see Collation). But Cethegus has exited, and the context makes it clear that the speaker is Catiline.
195 SH] Wh; Cet. F1
197 consequence importance.
198 you’ve] F1 (you’haue)
201 hang still remain inactive (OED, Hang v. 17b obs.).
201 the fever . . . accident a state of anxiety (Lat. febris) about what might happen (Lat. accidere).
204 stays is waiting for you.
208 Laugh . . . down Curius’s ‘sitting up’ (i.e. staying up so late) gives Sempronia the chance of a bawdy wordplay on the name of an obsolete card game (OED, Laugh v. 1d). Cf. News NW, 227–8.
212 respect consider (OED, v. 2 obs.).
213–20 Sallust, Bell. Cat., 28, mentions that Curius hastened to report to Cicero through Fulvia the danger threatening him; but the afterthought about Caesar is Jonson’s own.
213 SD] F1, opposite lines 213–14 (Curius whispers / this to Fulvia); not in Q
217 suffer make possible.
224 duty the service due to her. Cf. LLL, 4.2.142, ‘I forgive thy duty.’
225 SD Presumably Aurelia and Sempronia exit through one door, to the ‘banquet’ (204) within, and Fulvia, escorted by Lentulus, as well as the other conspirators, through another.
224 SD] G; not in F1
225 ministers agents. Catiline’s outburst of revulsion here – from the means he has to use to achieve his ends – parallels, and contrasts with, Cicero’s in the previous scene, 3.2.214–22.
225 for practice in their scheming.
228 To down to (i.e. to the lowest of the low).
229 rooms particular places assigned to them (OED, Room n. 11 obs.).
234 stale . . . stalk A fowling metaphor in which ‘stale’ means ‘decoy’. Cf. New Inn, where in The Persons of the Play, 16, Frank is ‘set up as a stale’. A more general sense is also implied, of ‘person used as a tool or cover for sinister designs’ (OED, Stale n.3 5). Cf. Case, 5.4.7, ‘Was he your fittest stale?’
236 Cimber In In Cat., 3.6 Cicero refers to Publius Gabinius Capito as ‘Cimber Gabinius’. According to Paulys Real-Encyclopädie (1912, 7.col. 431), Cimber here is not to be taken as a cognomen but as the proverbial term for the most savage enemies of the Romans, the Cimbri (see 3.3.74–82n.).
237 pioneers foot soldiers who prepare the way for the main body of the army, digging trenches, etc. Cf. Ham., 1.5.163, ‘A worthy pioneer’.
240 betray Replacing Q’s more vigorous verb, ‘strangle’. Cf. 3.3.45–6n.
240 betray heady] F1; strangle headstrong Q
240 easy (1) not difficult to get on with; (2) compliant, credulous. Both senses suggest the opposite of ‘headstrong’.
241 on returns of in exchange for. They buy sex by robbing their husbands in order to ‘lend’ the money to impecunious lovers.
243 So sought, so sorted ‘So carefully recruited and given assignments’ (Bolton & Gardner).
245 vent’ring counsels advice to be bold.
246 lord master, superior.
247 brethren . . . teeth The allusion is to either or both of two Greek myths: Cadmus and the founding of Thebes, and Jason and the Golden Fleece. Both heroes slay a dragon and from its teeth, sown in the earth, spring a tribe of soldiers who, in internecine war, fight each other to death. See Ovid, Met., Books 3 and 7.
250 But Even only. Catiline is envisaging the kind of indiscriminate slaughter which Shakespeare dramatizes in the Cinna scene of JC (3.3), and it is particularly sinister that this seems to include, as victims, also those who support him.
251 Resolve Dissolve, melt (Lat. resolvere). Cf. Ham., 1.2.130, ‘Thaw and resolve itself into a dew’.
255 who will those who will serve.
256 clay the human body as distinguished from the soul (OED, n. 4). Used in a similarly disparaging sense in Und. 47.52: ‘my Christmas clay’. Cf. Cym., 4.2.4, ‘clay and clay differs in dignity’.
256 dare not am so bold as not to. In his resolve to kill all who are against him and despise those who are not, Catiline’s choice of words seems to favour the former: they are ‘souls’ against the ‘clay’ of the latter; they ‘will not serve’ (‘serve’ here in the sense, as in Lat. servire, of ‘being a slave or bondman’: OED, v.1 1b), while the others are as good as ‘slaves’.
258 tarry . . . name continue to be identified with me (OED, Tarry v. 4 obs.).
259 after-ages not recorded in OED, but a common Jonsonian formation: cf. ‘after-times’, Epigr. 56.11, and 95.20.
260 thinking for intending, planning.
262 example the supreme precedent.
263–4 The Gauls, the Moors, and the Carthaginians all at various times tried and failed to bring about the destruction of Rome.
264 emulous actuated by the spirit of rivalry.
264 length of spite long period of hostility. Referring to the three Punic Wars, 264–241 BC, 218–201 BC, and 149–146 BC, at the end of the last of which Carthage was utterly destroyed.
265 SD] G; not in Q
3.4 Things are now happening quickly. Fulvia, seen leaving Laeca’s house in the previous scene, has reached Cicero’s and has just given an account of what Curius told her. From a mere mention in Plutarch, Cicero, 16, that ‘Fulvia reported this to Cicero by night’, combined with Cicero’s own account, in In Cat., 1.4.10, of strengthening the guard on his house and barring the door, Jonson develops Cicero’s reaction in this brief scene.
3.4 ] G; not in F1
0 SD] G, subst.; Cicero, Fvlvia, Qvintvs. F1
2 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
3 savers saviours.
5 SD] G; not in F1, but see massed entry at 3.4.0 SD
6 engineers On metrical grounds Gifford’s emendation, ‘enginers’ (a once-common spelling variant of ‘engineers’, stressed on the first syllable) seems preferable to Q and F1 ‘engines’. The metaphor, carried into line 7 with ‘machine’, might, as Bolton & Gardner assume, be of siege warfare (though OED, Machine n. 2, gives 1656 as the earliest date for ‘machine’ in the sense of ‘military engine, siege-tower’). But ‘engineer’ was also commonly used to mean ‘plotter’ (cf. 5.3.125n.; Sej., 1.4, ‘No, Silius, we are no good engineers’; and Epigr. 115.31, where ‘An engineer in slanders of all fashions’ is probably Inigo Jones); and Jonson is more likely to be using ‘machine’ in the transferred sense of Lat. machina: device or stratagem.
6 engineers] G (enginers); engines F1
10–11 Not . . . me Cf. JC, 2.2.126–9. On clients, see 3.2.249n.
13 praetors See 1.1.471n.
15–16 This was historically Cicero’s chief problem, as it is in the play: the suspicion that he was exaggerating the danger of the conspiracy – or even inventing it; cf. 3.1.53 and 4.2.15–20.
18 provide exercise foresight.
18 not I do not.
18 SD] G; not in F1
19–20 Was Caesar . . . so Cf. 3.3.219–20. In preparation for Cicero’s attitude to Caesar in 5.6, Jonson makes sure that we know that Cicero knows of Caesar’s involvement with Catiline.
23 figures rhetorical forms of expression.
24 ever and anon time and time again.
25 mended improved on.
27 gentle An ironic play on at least two meanings of the word: (1) well-born; (2) mild, tender; perhaps also (3) of the gentler sex.
29 unbated unabated, undiminished (cf. 3.1.55n.).
32 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
34 What . . . have? As there is no reply to this question, it may well be an aside, Cicero thinking out loud about Crassus, whom – we know from 3.1 – he has reason to be suspicious of.
40 To another] F1 (To’another)
41 SD] G, subst.; not in Q
3.5 The scene, following in time immediately upon the previous, takes place before dawn, outside Cicero’s house, with the Porter speaking (at least initially) from inside the stage door through which Cicero, Quintus, and Fulvia just exited, and with Cicero and his companions entering, and speaking from, ‘above’. Dramatizing one sentence in Plutarch, Cicero, 16, ‘The men came at daybreak, and as they were not permitted to enter, they fell to railing and abuse at the doors, which made them still more suspected’, Jonson develops the situation in a faintly comic vein, with Cethegus having backed out in a huff and Cicero lecturing the frustrated assassins, rather than having them apprehended. That Cicero brings powerful friends to act as witnesses is later made clear (4.2.237–9).
3.5 ] G; not in F1
0 SD Vargunteius’s reference to ‘them’ (2) makes it clear that he and Cornelius have not come alone. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 28, refers to them going cum armatis hominibus, ‘accompanied by armed men’.
0 SD] G, subst.; Vargvnteivs, Cornelivs, Porter, / Cicero. Cato, Catvlvs, / Crassus. F1
3–4 He . . . way Cf. 3.3.173n.
5 more Probably ‘more than one’, but could also mean ‘more than a friend’, i.e. a client.
8 revelation a disclosure which amounts to betrayal. OED does not give this meaning, but admits ‘betray’ for the verb (Reveal v. 2b obs.) with 1640 as the earliest example. But cf. TNK, 3.6.114, ‘if you reveal me’.
10 SD] this edn; not in F1, but see massed entry at 3.5.0 SD
10 SD QUINTUS It would seem that Quintus is also present in this scene, since he is addressed by Cato in 38–9. Cicero would have to enter at this point since, when he starts speaking, he has clearly heard Vargunteius announce himself and Cornelius as ‘friends’.
11 All’s one It makes no difference.
12 instant pressing, urgent (Lat. instans).
13 SD] F1, opposite lines 13–15; not in Q
13 he i.e. Cicero himself, speaking here in the third person.
16 Cethegus He is expected by Cicero, to whom Fulvia will have repeated what Curius told her, 3.3.214–5.
18–31 This speech knits together a number of separate passages from Cicero’s published speeches, In Cat., 1 and 2.
21 Leave to be Cease being.
22–4 Cf. In Cat., 1.2.6: ‘The eyes and ears of many shall watch you, although you may not know it, as they have done heretofore’.
24 her the commonwealth’s.
25–6 Be . . . perpetual Cf. In Cat., where Cicero speaks of his own implacability (Ne illi vehementer errant, si illam meam pristinam lenitatem perpetuam sperant futuram: ‘Surely [the conspirators] are very much mistaken if they think that that former leniency of mine will last for ever’, 2.3.6), and the indignation of the wider community (‘the senate, the equestrian order, the Roman people, the city, the treasury, the taxes, all Italy, all the provinces, foreign nations’) and of the gods: ‘In a contest and battle of this kind, even if the hearts of men fail them, would not the immortal gods themselves compel these many great vices to be overwhelmed by these most notable virtues?’ (In Cat., 2.9.25).
27 such . . . cause a case (Lat. causa) like yours, when summoned to justice. ‘Calling’, in the legal vocabulary of the phrase, seems to be the equivalent of Lat. advocans.
28 attempts conspiratorial enterprises (OED, Attempt n. 3a obs.).
29–31 It doth . . . basely Cf. Cicero on the hangers-on to the conspiracy: ‘I do not know why, if they cannot live honestly, they should wish to perish disgracefully’ (In Cat., 2.10.21).
32 You . . . Marcus Jonson is not afraid to hint at the slight absurdity of Cicero’s attempt to convert by eloquence in this situation.
32 They are] F1 (they’are)
33–4 prove this practice have proof of this conspiracy.
34–5 let . . . / To prevent . . . / From.
37 abused (1) misrepresented; or (2) falsely used (OED, Abuse v. 3 or 4, both obs.).
37 SD] G, subst.; not in Q
40 The] F1; “The Q
41 SD] F1, opposite lines 41–3; not in Q
42–4 ] ’Tis . . . / And . . . As] F1; “’Tis . . . / “And . . . / “As Q
44 SD] G, subst.; not in Q
45–80 Reacting to the thunder and lightning, the Chorus also registers the progress of the action towards crisis, realizing through the voice of the people of Rome the effect of Cato’s call to ‘raise the city’ (39). Sallust, Bell. Cat., 31, tells how the precautions taken against the conspiracy changed the mood of the city to terror, gloom and, questioning, to the point where even the women, ‘throwing aside haughtiness and self-indulgence, despaired of themselves and of their country’. Jonson here takes the mood rather than verbal details from Sallust, as the voice of Rome proceeds from fear of omens in nature and of internal and external chaos, to self-examination and self-castigation.
46 rising engaging in a hostile action.
47 sons of earth The mythological race of giants were, according to Hesiod, sons of Ge (earth). On their war with the gods, see 3.1.204n.
52 threat (archaic form of) threaten.
53–4 These lines seem to reflect Sallust’s description, Bell. Cat., 31.2, of a general apprehensiveness in which neque loco neque homini cuiquam satis credere, ‘people did not trust any place or any human being’.
54 order social class (Lat. ordo).
54 amazed terror-stricken (OED, a. 3 obs.).
55 ports city-gates (Lat. porta).
56 their mother Rome. Cf. Catiline on Rome as (step)mother, 1.1.87–91.
60 plagues afflictions, calamities.
64 Th’evil] F1 (The’euill)
64 suffer it experience its effects.
65–6 that . . . virtue From Sallust, Bell. Cat., 11, ambitio . . . quod tamen vitium propius virtutem erat, ‘ambition which, though it is a vice, is close to virtue’. A main theme in Sallust is that Rome has declined because ambition has turned into avarice.
67–8 And has caused Rome, as she now is, to be incapable of ransoming herself (‘no price’) from inevitable destruction, i.e. Roman ambition – expounded in lines 69–74 as desire for ever more possessions – has become destructive of Rome as she was when truly great. A difficult clause, its syntax is made a little easier by Gifford’s emendation of Q’s and Ff’s ‘selfe’ to ‘self’s’.
67 self’s] G; selfe F1
70–2 ends . . . desiring H&S follow Harris, Cat. in seeing a model for these lines in Lucan’s De bello, 2.657, on the restless energy of Caesar, nil actum credens, cum quid superesset agendum, ‘who thought nothing done as long as there was something left to do’. But Jonson’s lines (which insist on the emphasis of a full stop after ‘begins’) make the idea serve the main theme of the Chorus: ambition as self-destructive because insatiable.
71 filled satisfied or satiated (OED, Fill v. 10b obs.).
77–8 cast . . . up Either (1) reckon up, or (2) give up, abandon (OED, Cast v. 83 (cast up h obs.)), or both.
78 prevent forestall (OED, 5 obs.). What forestalling would have meant is defined in lines 79–80, with ‘past’ (79) suggesting, apart from its temporal meaning, ‘past repair’.
4.1 Plutarch, Cicero, 18, relates that ‘there happened to be at Rome two ambassadors of the Allobroges, a nation which especially at that time was in bad condition and oppressed by the supremacy of Rome’. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 40–41, describes them and their role in revealing and thwarting the conspiracy. Jonson has invented this scene of their meeting with Cicero and his companions, as an economical way of introducing the Allobroges and at the same time establishing the lack of courage in the body of senators, Cato’s fearlessness, and Cicero’s diplomacy. The imaginary location seems to be a street on the way to the temple of Jupiter Stator, where the Senate is to meet.
4.1 ] F1 (Act IIII.)
0 SD Enter . . . allobroges] this edn; Allobroges. F1
0 SD ALLOBROGES Following Plutarch, Jonson presumably envisages two ambassadors, the smallest number to suggest the collective representativeness which his speech headings indicate. Only one of them (singular: Allobrox) need speak. The Allobroges were a Celtic tribe of central Gaul (modern Savoy and Dauphiny), annexed to Rome since 121 BC, for a long time reluctantly and rebelliously so, but eventually romanized during the Empire. Lentulus describes them and their grievances in 4.3.40–53.
0 SD Thunder and lightning] this edn; not in F1
0 SD The thunderstorm, which Romans would fear as a portent of evils to come, marks the continuity with the last scene of Act 3. Juvenal satirizes the ‘quaking and trembling’ of men in such fear in Satires, 13.223–4. In a city of strict sumptuary laws (if not on the Jacobean stage) a senator would be recognized by the broad purple stripe woven into his tunic (see 1.1.277n.).
0 SD Divers . . . trembling] F1, in margin; not in Q
1 SH first allobrox] this edn; not in F1, Q; Allobrox Bolton & Gardner
3 Upbraid i.e. reproach Rome for.
3 them i.e. ‘these men’ (1).
4 affrights actions causing terror.
7–11 Cf. the discussion of the proper Roman reaction to such a thunderstorm in JC, 1.3.45–56.
8–9 stand . . . out meet . . . with bravery.
9 like beasts In Ovid’s Met., 1.84–5, man’s distinction from beasts is in his standing erect, looking up to heaven. Cf. Cato’s insistence on ‘stand[ing] upright’, 4.1.32.
11 Such low cowardice would not be justified even if the whole world were collapsing.
13 superstitious fools men so foolish as to hold false beliefs (Lat. superstitiosus).
14 plain complain (of).
15 a . . . Senate a Senate whose authority rests only in clothes.
16 tyrants] F1 (tyrannes)
18 blows inflates.
18 prick sword (OED, n. 15).
19 bold and wretched Echoing Juvenal, Satires, 8.122, fortibus et miseris, ‘at once brave and miserable’.
20–3 These lines also draw on those in Juvenal, Satires, 8.121–4 which warn against outrages on a subjugated people (Libyans): though plundered of gold and silver, they will still have their arma, ‘weapons’ (whereas ‘arm’, 22, is the limb wielding the weapon).
21 this i.e. the sword, but also the sententious couplet that follows, declaring a kind of guerilla war.
23 SD] G; Cato, Catvlvs, Cicero, Allobroges. F1
24 urge See 3.2.196 and n.
26 confidence of boldness deriving from.
29–32 just . . . unfeared A reimagining of the fearlessness of the just man in Horace, Odes, 3.3.7–8, who would remain impavidus, ‘unfeared’ (i.e. undismayed) even if the vault of heaven cracked and fell upon him.
35 habits clothes. ‘If archaeology had been studied for costumes on the Elizabethan stage, these would be the bracae or trousers which had given to southern Gaul the name of Gallia bracata’ (H&S).
35, 44 SHs] this edn; All. F1
36 sue to petition, appeal to.
39 forbear have patience with (OED, 2 obs.). Cicero’s polite way of saying ‘go away’ strikes the Allobroges as ‘sweetness’ (46).
40–1 Fabius Sanga . . . use In the Roman system of patronage, the general who conquered a foreign people usually became their patron, i.e. looked after their interests in Rome. Such ‘patronage’ was hereditary; Quintus Fabius Sanga descended from the conqueror of the Allobroges, Quintus Fabius Maximus (Allobrogicus).
42 on . . . word Cicero gives his own word as Consul.
43 Dispatch A speedy answer.
44 SD] G; not in F1
46 more greater. Cf. Epicene, 1.2.17, ‘That’s a more portent.’
47 place official position (OED, n. 14b).
47 boist’rous rough and violent (i.e. in behaviour and speech) (OED, Boisterous a. 9b). Cf. R2, 1.1.4, ‘the boisterous late appeal’.
47 moods dispositions, tempers.
48 practiseth makes use of.
49 unfit ill-fitting. The image is of authority as a garment too large for ‘ignorant greatness’ who therefore resorts to blustering and hectoring in order to appear to fill it out. As an image of tyranny, cf. Mac., 5.2.20–2, ‘Now does he feel his title / Hang loose about him, like a giant’s robe / Upon a dwarfish thief.’
50 discerned recognized as different.
51 sulphurous The word is used earlier of Sempronia (‘She has a sulphurous spirit’, 3.3.43). Sulphur is literally employed by the conspirators: 3.3.145, 4.2.374 and n.
52 contumelies harsh, abusive, haughty language.
53 good and great A common Jonsonian collocation, embodying a favoured ideal. Cf. the dedication to Epigr., addressed (like Catiline) to Pembroke: ‘In thanks whereof, I return you the honour of leading forth so many good and great names as my verses mention on the better part, to their remembrance with posterity’ (11–13).
55 equal just, fair (Lat. aequus).
56–9 Such men not only help bestow favour and success upon the cause they support, but enhance their own reputations, turning the needs of just men into an occasion for their own [i.e. the benefactors’] praise.
56–9 Such . . . / They . . . / Then . . . / In] F; “Such . . . / “They . . . / “Then . . . / “In Q
59 SD] G; not in F1
4.2 ] G; not in F1
4.2 This scene is based on the accounts in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 31, and Plutarch, Cicero, 16, of the meeting of the Senate which Cicero called immediately upon the abortive attempt to assassinate him, i.e. in the morning of 8 Nov. The early part is enlivened by the asides and the undercutting strategy of Caesar and Crassus; the arrival and exit of Catiline produce dramatic moments; but the scene as a whole is dominated by Cicero’s long speech – the downfall of the play on the Jacobean stage – which follows very closely In Cat., 1.
0 SD] this edn; THE SENATE. F1
0 SD other senators Conspirators of senatorial rank are present; see 4.2.211–23. Jonson expects a single direction, ‘THE SENATE’, to enable the reader to envisage the scene and its participants. Onstage the entry would have been similar to that in Chapman’s Caesar and Pompey, 1.2: ‘Enter some bearing axes, bundles of rods, bare, before two Consuls . . . Senators . . . following. The Consuls enter the degrees [i.e. seats ranked according to status]’; though in this case only one Consul is present (see 378–9). Some form of seating would have been necessary, if only for the anti-Catiline demonstration, 82–8.
1 SH] F1 (Prae.)
1 SH Bolton & Gardner give this speech to Flaccus, one of the two praetors named by Cicero at 3.4.13. As its function is ceremonial and its language formulaic, and as the scene requires a large number of characters onstage, it could be taken by any actor not otherwise engaged.
1 Fathers Senators. See 4.2.6n.
2 the house . . . Stayer The temple of Jupiter Stator on the Capitoline Hill. Cicero chose this for the meeting (as stated in In Cat., 2.12, senatum in aedem Iovis Statoris convocavi) rather than the Curia, the Senate House in the Forum, because it was vowed to the sovereign god of the Romans in his aspect as supporter (Stator, ‘Stayer’) of the city.
4 frequent full, well-attended (Lat. frequens). Cf. Sej., 5.100, ‘a frequent Senate’.
5–6 Which . . . hers A translation of the formulaic phrase, quod felix faustumque sit, with which a consul opened an address to the Senate. Another version appears in Sej., 5.521–2: ‘Fathers conscript, may what I am to utter / Turn good and happy for the commonwealth’.
5 What] F1; Which Q
5–6 What . . . hers] in roman type, Q (state 1); italics, Q (state 2), F1
6 conscript fathers Lat. patres conscripti (or patres et conscripti: patricians and newly elected members), the traditional form of address to, and description of, the Senate as a body.
7 that if.
11 pierce ’em make its way to reveal them (i.e. ‘the dangers’).
11–12 the voice . . . morning i.e. the thunderstorm in 3.5.
13 instruct furnish (Lat. instruere).
14 stark] F1; dead Q
15 A line truer to history than to the telescoped time scheme of the play.
16–18 but . . . seemed Closely translating Cicero on the Senate’s reluctance to believe his story of incredible crimes being plotted, In Cat., 3.4: quoniam auribus vestris propter incredibilem magnitudinem sceleris minorem fidem faceret oratia mea.
16 wanted lacked.
17 so incredible] F1 (so’incredible)
18 make make up, invent.
20 given out reported
22 envy See 3.1.2n.
25 not . . . since For dramatic reasons Cicero may be exaggerating the speed of events, but Senate sessions could be held between dawn and sunset.
25 yet since] F1, Q (state 2); sithence Q (state 1)
27 lose] F1 (loose)
29–30 But . . . all This elliptical argument, where ‘it’ means ‘the loss of my life’ and ‘all’ is ‘all lives’, is illuminated by the probable source passage in In Cat., 1.11, where Cicero sees that his own death would cum magna calamitate rei publicae esse coniunctam, ‘be part of a major disaster for the republic’.
31 those i.e. those lives.
31 then fall die in the general destruction of Rome.
31 SD] this edn; not in F1
32 let you alone leave it to you, Cicero. Cf. TN, 3.4.153, ‘Nay, let me alone for swearing.’
32 artificer trickster (OED, 6 obs.).
32–4 Plutarch, Cicero, 14, says that Cicero ‘deliberately let a bit of the breastplate show by loosening a portion of his tunic from his shoulders, showing off the danger to the onlookers’. Dion, Roman History, 37.29, reports that ‘partly for his own safety and partly to arouse prejudice against his foes’ Cicero was ‘careful to allow people to see’ the breastplate. Cicero himself declares in Pro Murena, 52, that he wore armour not to protect himself but to show citizens how their consul was placed in metu et periculo, ‘in fear and danger’.
33 gorget peers] F1 (gorget’peeres)
33 gorget a piece of armour for the throat (OED, n. 1 obs.).
33 peers (1) looks out; or (2) appears (aphetic form; cf. F spelling ‘’peers’). Probably a blending of both senses, common at the time, into ‘appears to be looking out’ (OED, Peer v.2).
36 got in admitted to Cicero’s house.
37 so so long as.
38 carry . . . constantly stick to the same false story confidently (OED, Constantly 1b obs.). Cf. Volp., 4.4.3–4: ‘Is the lie / Safely conveyed amongst us?’
39 I’ve] F1 (I’haue)
43 mad madden.
44 SD] this edn; not in F1
45 intelligence communication.
46 his wife Cf. 3.2.110n. Plutarch, Cicero, 20, has Terentia urging her husband to act against the conspirators.
46 him himself.
47 them i.e. the guards (whose presence ‘without’ Quintus is reporting). Their arrival onstage – ‘this muster’ (50) of as many extras as were available – is obviously meant to mark the seriousness of Cicero’s concern for his own, and the Senate’s, safety.
48 SD Exit Quintus] this edn; not in F1
49 depart not from do not abandon (OED, Depart v. 11).
49 SD] F1 (Quintus Cicero / brings in the / Tribunes, and / guards.), opposite 45–7; not in Q
53–4 he . . . province See 3.2.240–4n.
59 mean lowly.
63–6 An almost literal translation of Quintus Cicero’s description of Catiline in De Petitione Consulatus, 9: natus in patris egestate, educatus in sororis stupris, corroboratus in caede civium, cuius primus ad rem publicam aditus in equitibus Romanis occidendis fuit. ‘Confirmed’ (65) means, like corroboratus, ‘firmly established’. That Cicero does not need to name Catiline in this speech, but merely to deliver a curriculum vitae, suggests the state of alarm in Rome; it also makes Catiline’s delayed entry the more effective.
64 Advancing his state by prostituting his sister.
65–6 ent’ring . . . gentry making his entry into political life by murdering members of the equestrian class (i.e. in Sulla’s proscriptions).
67 study inclination (OED, n. 1 obs. From Lat. studium).
67 custom habit.
69 field of riot sphere of dissipation.
71–3 I saw and felt the signs of his wickedness (‘mischiefs’: see 1.1.44n.) but could or would not at first draw the terrible conclusions from them. A close translation of Cicero’s words on Catiline in Pro Caelio, 7.14, cuius ego facinora oculis prius quam opinione, manibus ante quam suspicione, deprehendi, ‘whose villainy I discovered with my eyes before I believed it, through my hands before I suspected it’.
75 manners moral conduct (OED, Manner n.1 4b obs.).
76–7 No . . . / Lose] F1 (subst.); “No . . . / “Loose Q
79 Convince him prove him guilty (OED, v. 4 obs.; Lat. convincere). ‘Him’ and ‘his’ refer in this line to Catiline, in the rest of the speech to Caesar.
81 sentences maxims (Lat. sententiae).
81–2 look / Toward ‘have regard to (Latin spectare ad)’ (Bolton & Gardner).
82 SD Enter catiline] G; not in F1
82 SD Catiline . . . him] F1, opposite 83–4; not in Q
85 keep aside sit beside him.
85 SD This anti-Catiline demonstration is later (4.2.295–307) described by Cicero. According to Plutarch, Cicero, 16, ‘none of the senators would sit down with him, and all moved from the bench’. Cf. the moment in Sej., 5.596 SD, when ‘The Senators shift their places.’
86 face appearance; see 3.2.180n.
87 modesty sense of propriety (Lat. modestia).
88 strangeness coldness, absence of friendly feeling (OED, n. 2 obs.).
90 strange unfriendly, hostile (OED, a. 11 obs.). Caesar’s sceptical echo of Catiline’s query may be part of his strategic attempt to drive Cicero ‘mad’ (see 4.2.43).
98 place See 4.1.47n.
100–2 One . . . tongue-man Cicero was of course famous for his oratory (‘tongue-man’ is a derisive coinage). For Catiline, who is about to be demolished by it, to sneer at his eloquence is ironic.
102 lewd wicked (OED, a. 5 obs.).
109 caesar . . . down?] placed in round brackets, F1
109 Will . . . down Caesar is apparently wondering whether Catiline will give up and leave at this point.
111 furies . . . Ate ‘Not the tragic conception of them as avenging goddesses who punished, but rather as powers of mischief who led men blindly’ (H&S). Cf. Iliad, 19.91, where Ate is ‘the eldest daughter of Zeus, . . . flitting through men’s heads, corrupting them’.
113–14 A powerful re-creation of Sallust’s statement, Bell. Cat., 15.5, ita conscientia mentem excitam vastabat. Igitur color ei exsanguis, ‘so cruelly did conscience ravage his overwrought mind. Hence his pallid complexion’.
116–402 These lines are a close, often verbatim, translation of In Cat., 1, the speech which Cicero delivered to the Senate on 8 Nov. 63 BC and later edited and published. Where this source text helps to clarify Jonson’s choice of a word or phrase, it is given in brackets.
116 Whither at length How far, in the end. H&S somewhat unfairly criticize this as a ‘crude’ translation of Cicero’s famous opening, Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, one which fails to appreciate the use of ‘tandem’ in urgent questions (implying something like ‘for heaven’s sake’). But Jonson’s Cicero is at this point already well launched on his attack and does not need a strengthener.
117 licence abuse of freedom; disregard of law.
119 the palace the Palatine Hill (the chief of the seven hills of Rome and the site of temples and aristocratic houses). Jonson is translating (‘misleadingly’, H&S) Cicero’s nocturnum praesidium Palati, ‘nightly guard kept on the Palatine’ (In Cat., 1.1.1).
121 concourse . . . men rallying of all loyal citizens (concursus bonorum omnium: In Cat., 1.1.1).
124 strike thee nothing not impress you.
124 counsels plans (consilia: In Cat., 1.1.1).
125–6 bound . . . knowledge restrained by the fact that everyone knows about it.
128 conscience internal conviction (OED, 1 obs.).
128 to the right rightly.
131 O . . . manners Cicero’s famous lament, O tempora, o mores! (In Cat., 1.1.2), is recalled by Jonson in various contexts, both comic and tragic, throughout his work (Donaldson, 1977, 157–60). For ‘manners’, see 4.2.75n.
133, 157, 216 council] F1 (counsell)
134 Partakes . . . cares takes part in our debates (fit publici consili particeps: In Cat., 1.1.2).
136–7 And we, brave fellows as we are, think we are doing our duty to the Republic as long as we avoid this man’s sword and madness. The irony in Jonson’s ‘good men’, here and in 138, becomes clearer if read against the fortes viri of the text he has rendered almost literally, Nos autem fortes viri satis facere rei publicae videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitamus (In Cat., 1.1.2).
139 coercion application of force.
142 grave authoritative (OED, Grave a. 1 obs.) (vehemens et grave: In Cat., 1.1.3).
142–3 The state’s . . . Senate The Republic does not lack the law, nor the Senate the authority to enforce it (non deest rei publicae consilium neque auctoritas huius ordinis: In Cat., 1.1.3).
143–4 we . . . ourselves It is we consuls (with the power and responsibility this office entails) that are lacking (nos, nos, dico aperte, consules desumus: In Cat., 1.1.3–4).
145 This twenty days For twenty days now (vicesimum iam diem: In Cat., 1.2.4).
145 that decree i.e. the decree conferring upon the consuls absolute power to act. It is passed by the Senate towards the end of this scene; see 457–8n. In Cicero’s metaphor, here as in In Cat., 1.2.4, it becomes a sword left in its ‘sheath’ (147).
149 confidence audacity (non ad deponendam, sed ad confirmandam audaciam: In Cat., 1.2.4). Cf. 4.1.26.
150 desire Pronounced as a trisyllable.
151–4 seem . . . treachery By omitting a ‘not’ before ‘seem’ (non dissolutum videri, ‘not to seem remiss’: In Cat., 1.2.4) Jonson has given a new turn to a sentence which, in terms of vocabulary, he translates closely. This appears intentional, since Jonson’s entire sentence remains in the conditional (‘I could desire . . . But then I should . . .’), whereas In Cat., 1.2.4, with rather less logic in the relation between clauses, moves to an indicative ‘but now I condemn myself’ (sed iam me ipse . . . condemno).
151 main momentous (OED, a. 5 obs.).
155 jaws . . . Etruria narrow passes of Etruria (in Etruriae faucibus conlocata: In Cat., 1.2.5). Etruria (or Tyrrhenia) was a region of central Italy and home to the Etruscans, covering part of modern Tuscany, Latium, Emilia-Romagna, and Umbria, and extending southwards to Rome. The headquarters of Catiline’s army was at Faesulae (modern Fiesole, near Florence); see 3.3.71–2.
155 Etruria] F1 (Hetruria)
160 make just doubt ‘justifiably wonder’ (Bolton & Gardner).
163 were] F1; bee Q
163 meal and batch sort. The image is of baking: the same flour and batch of loaves. Cf. EMI (F), 1.2.70, ‘o’your own batch’. Cato’s interjections are sourceless.
168 But shall That he will not.
169–75 Cf. In Cat., 1.2.6: ‘As long as anyone will dare to defend you, you will live, and you will live as you live now, surrounded by many competent guards whom I have set so that you may not be able to move against the state [ne commovere te contra rem publicam possis]. The eyes and ears of many shall watch you, although you may not know it, as they have done heretofore.’
171 at a hand closely.
171 oppressed blocked, hemmed in (obsessus: In Cat., 1.2.6).
172 least commotion even a small disturbance, insurrection.
173 shall still that will continually.
174 spial observation, watch (OED, 1 obs.).
179 break out is revealed.
181, 291 lose] F1 (loose)
183 lictor Here the word is apparently used in a transferred sense (cf. 1.474n). Cicero, In Cat., 1.3.7, describes Manlius as audaciae satellitem atque administrum tuae, ‘tool and lackey in your wild scheme’. On Manlius, see 3.3.68–72n.
185 Or Either.
186–200 The events referred to here stem from the source rather than the play and fit somewhat awkwardly into the time scheme of the latter.
187 fifth . . . November 28 Oct. The Roman system was to date the days before Kalends (the first of any month), Nones (the seventh of March, May, July, and Oct.; the fifth of other months), and Ides (the fifteenth of the months mentioned; the thirteenth of others). Behind Jonson’s dating lies Cicero’s phrase in ante diem v Kalendas Novembris (In Cat., 1.3.7). H&S see this as a ‘crudely literal adoption of the Latin’; but De Luna (1967, 37–8) argues that Jonson deliberately rendered the phrase as awkwardly as he did in order to suggest to his audience ‘the notorious Fifth of November’ of the Gunpowder Plot.
188 order body of leading citizens (optimates; cf. In Cat., 1.3.7).
188 which my caution which caution of mine. Not in Jonson’s source, and so ‘a minor touch to elevate his hero’ (H&S).
190 but that.
192 strengths protecting forces (meis praesidiis: In Cat., 1.2.7).
193 rede decision, plan. Together with ‘public’, the meaning approaches the source’s res publica, the Republic (commovere te contra rem publicam non potuisse: In Cat., 1.2.7).
193 rede] F1 (reed)
197 Praeneste A stronghold in the Hernican mountains, some twenty miles south-east of Rome, which Sulla had sacked and colonized with veterans.
198 Where] F1, Q (state 2); And Q (state 1)
199 Made good Secured.
202–3 with . . . in Jonson’s play on prepositions translates three verbs – referring to what Catiline does, attempts, and plans – in the source (Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas: In Cat., 1.3.8).
205 circumstance circumlocution, beating about the bush (OED, n. 6) (non agam obscure: 8). Cf. Discoveries, 1434, ‘in obscure words or by circumstance’.
205 Laeca’s house Cf. headnote to 3.3.
206 shop workshop.
206 mint place of fabrication.
207 Among your sword-men Jonson seems to have misunderstood his source, which locates Laeca’s house inter falcarios, ‘in the street of the scythemakers’ (In Cat., 1.4.8).
210 convince thee prove you guilty. The assumption that speaking would mean denying is clearer in the source (Convincam, si negas, ‘I will prove it, if you deny it’: In Cat., 1.4.8). Jonson’s ‘this’ could either refer to Catiline’s speaking, or (as the punctuation here adopted suggests) point forward to what Cicero sees.
212 clime region of the earth. The question is a general ‘where in the world are we?’ (ubinam gentium sumus?: In Cat., 1.4.9).
217 spoil destruction (OED, n. 8 obs.).
219 Follow . . . ambition Travel around the whole world, and you won’t find ambition to match theirs. Cicero (In Cat., 1.4.9) claims that the conspirators’ plan extends to the destruction of the whole world: de orbis terrarum exitio cogitent.
221 as as I would.
222 Whom Those whom. Latin syntax is applied to English vocabulary in 222–3 (translating quos ferro trucidari oportebat, eos nondum voce volnero: In Cat., 1.4.9).
228 offices tasks to be performed.
230 thou affirmed’st] F1 (thou’affirmd’st)
231 let See 3.3.168, which is echoed here.
233 Three . . . crew See 3.3.173n. (Cf. duo equites Romani, ‘two Roman knights’, In Cat., 1.4.9).
236 Your . . . dismissed Almost as soon as your gathering (‘convent’ = meeting: OED, n. 1) broke up. Cf. In Cat., 1.4.10: coetu vestro dimisso.
237 clients Here means simply ‘followers’ but with an ironic edge, since the murder plot was based on Vargunteius being, in the formal sense, a ‘client’ of Cicero’s.
239 of good place prominent citizens (summis viris: In Cat., 1.4.10).
241 His spirits Either (1) Catiline’s vital power or energy (OED, Spirit n. 16b); or (2) his tutelary spirits (OED, 3c), in which (likely) case cf. Ant., 4.3, where Mark Antony is being abandoned by his guardian spirit.
243 ports city-gates.
246 sink cesspool. Cicero’s phrase is magna et perniciosa sentina rei publicae: In Cat., 1.5.12–13, ‘the Republic’s huge flow of deadly sewage’, and Sallust also uses sentina to denote those who flocked to Catiline (Bell. Cat., 37.5).
249 a wall i.e. the city-wall (inter me atque te murus: In Cat., 1.5.10).
249–50 stop / To do give up the idea of doing (OED, Stop v. 38) (num dubitas . . .?: In Cat., 1.5.13, ‘surely you are not hesitating’).
251 thou’rt thou wert.
253 ‘Whither’ . . . ‘to exile?’] this edn; Whither . . . to exile? F1
254 ask . . . it if you ask my opinion, I advise it (si me consulis, suadeo: In Cat., 1.5.13).
256 without outside.
256 knot small group of associates (OED, n.1 18). Cf. JC, 3.1.117, ‘So often shall the knot of us be called / The men that gave their country liberty’.
257 note mark, brand (OED, n.2 7). (Quae nota domesticae turpitudinis: In Cat., 1.6.13.)
259 close hidden.
262 lewd fact evil deed (OED, Fact n. 1c obs.).
264 Within . . . baits Cf. Forest 4.6–12.
265–6 Before . . . torch Whom you have not provided with a weapon for his violence and a way to indulge his sexual appetite. Cf. In Cat., 1.6.13: cui tu adulescentulo quem corruptelarum inlecebris inretisses non aut ad audaciam ferrum aut ad libidinem facem praetulisti? ‘To what youth whom you had ensnared by the allurements of your seduction have you not furnished a weapon for his crimes or a torch for his lust?’ The latter refers to the practice of slaves lighting their masters home at night. ‘[R]age’ can have a range of meanings, including sexual passion (OED, n. 6b), but in this particular construction, where it corresponds to the source text’s audacia, with ‘lusts’ (266) corresponding to libido, ‘rage’ seems to signify violent action (OED, 3 obs.).
266 not held] F1 (not’held)
267 Thy latter nuptials i.e. Your marriage to Aurelia. See 1.1.32–4 and 114–7.
269–71 lest . . . revenged i.e. your crimes are of an order of heinousness which, in a well-governed state, should not be allowed to exist or, if they do, go unrevenged. Hence, to name them would be a slur on Rome (ne in hac civitate tanti facinoris immanitas aut exstitisse aut non vindicata esse videatur: In Cat., 1.6.14).
271 fortunes financial ruin.
272 hang are suspended, i.e. the thought of ruin come ‘next Ides’ is hanging over Catiline (ruinas fortunarum tuarum quas omnis proximis Idibus tibi impendere senties: In Cat., 1.6.14).
272 next Ides i.e. when interest on loans falls due for payment.
275–81 Stood’st . . . malice The reference is to what came to be known as the first Catilinarian conspiracy, in which Catiline allegedly plotted with Autronius and Publius Cornelius Sulla – elected consuls, but soon unelected because of their electoral malpractice – to murder the two newly elected consuls and others on the Capitol on 1 Jan. 65 BC. The details are obscure and Catiline’s involvement is doubtful; see Hardy (1924), chap. 2. Jonson follows In Cat., 1.6.15, but seems also to have in mind a passage, 1.5.11, in which Cicero accuses Catiline of wanting to kill him in the Campus Martius (in campo) at the last consular elections. Jonson appears to have taken Cicero’s in comitio (1.6.15) as a reference to the elections, comitia centuriata, held in the Campus Martius (see 3.1.1, headnote); hence ‘in the field’ (275) and ‘Upon the day of choice’ (277). The Comitium, situated north of the Forum at the foot of the Capitoline Hill, was the chief place of political assembly in republican Rome.
280 the mere fortune nothing but fortune, i.e. an intervention by the goddess of chance or luck, important in Roman religion (non . . . sed Fortunam populi Romani obstitisse: In Cat., 1.6.15). Most sources suggest that it was Catiline’s impatience that betrayed and so thwarted the conspiracy, on 31 Dec. 66 BC.
283–4 declined . . . body avoided (OED, Decline v. 12 obs.) by making a slight body-movement (parva quadam declinatione et, ut aiunt, corpore effugi: In Cat., 1.6.15). ‘[A]s we say’ could, as in the source’s ut aiunt, be attached to this phrase, but Q punctuation, as well as the grammar and sense of the sentence, suggests that it applies to the (obviously metaphorical) wresting of the dagger from Catiline’s hand (285).
287 can . . . it you won’t give up keeping your dagger at your side. Cicero’s point is that Catiline keeps trying to stab him.
287 which i.e. the dagger.
287–8 how . . . not I don’t know how you have dedicated it or with what rites you have consecrated it (Quae quidem quibus abs te initiata sacris ac devota sit nescio: In Cat., 1.6.16).
290 fix plunge. (Not in OED; translating defigere in the phrase rendered almost verbatim: quod eam necesse putas esse in consulis corpore defigere: In Cat., 1.6.16).
291 lose this way abandon this way of speaking.
293 owing thee your due.
294 SH The Q and F speech heading, ‘Cat.’, is ambiguous, but this line is clearly Cato’s, part of his ongoing commentary, not Catiline’s.
294 Tantalus or Tityus Two mythical figures who appear together in Odyssey, 11 and Met., 4, suffering dreadful punishments in Hades, Tantalus for killing his son Pelops and serving him up to the gods, Tityus for assaulting Lato, mother of Apollo and Artemis.
295 erewhile a short time ago (paulo ante: In Cat., 1.7.16).
296 Of . . . frequency Out of such a numerous assembly (ex hac tanta frequentia: In Cat., 1.7.16).
299 Riss Rose (obsolete form; see also 5.5.215).
299 Riss] F1 (Riss’)
299 consular men ex-consuls (consulares: In Cat., 1.7.16). These ranked next to the consuls and the consuls-designate as the most important members of the Senate.
302 shambles slaughter-house.
306 need necessary (OED, n. 5).
310 if . . . word if this is the word you are waiting for (si hanc vocem exspectas: In Cat., 1.8.20).
311 A line of implied stage directions.
312 Dost . . . voices Are you waiting for them to authorize my decision by speaking (quid exspectas auctoritatem loquentium: In Cat., 1.8.20).
314 suffer it allow it to be uttered without objecting to it (cum patiuntur, decernunt: In Cat., 1.9.21). Cf. the proverb, ‘Silence gives consent’ (Dent, S446).
315, 321 they are] F1 (they’are)
316 Prove . . . honest If you should prove free from reproach. This is not a possibility ever expressed in In Cat., 1.
319 discourse reason (OED, n. 2 obs.). (Translating ratio, in aut ratio a furore revocarit: In Cat., 1.9.22.)
323 th’Aurelian Way An important highway up the western coast of Italy, into Etruria and so towards Faesulae.
323 th’Aurelian] F1; the Aurelian Q
324 Set down Agreed.
324–5 unto . . . before Cf. 3.3.74–82. As this is the morning after the nightly meeting of the conspirators, Cicero’s statement (translated from In Cat., 1.9.24) is inconsistent with the eagle’s appearance in 3.3.
329 ‘What] Bolton & Gardner; what F1
330 looked for awaited, or expected (quem exspectari . . . sentis: In Cat., 1.11.27).
331 intestine war civil war. Cf. 1H4, 1.1.12–13, ‘the intestine shock / . . . of civil butchery’.
331 he’s] F1 (he’is)
332 the caller-out the one who summons (evocatorem: In Cat., 1.11.27).
333 men . . . mischief well-known desperadoes. Jonson wisely leaves out Cicero’s unfounded accusation that Catiline was evocatorem servorum, i.e. planning to call on the slaves to rise – a perpetual Roman nightmare, and one which Catiline refused to contemplate, even after the Senate had declared him a traitor (cf. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 44).
334 prince leader (OED, 2 obs.) (principem coniurationis: In Cat., 1.11.27).
338 punishment.’] Bolton & Gardner; punishment. F1
342 fencer swordsman, but in the Roman context, gladiator (unius usuram horae gladiatori isti ad vivendum non dedissem: In Cat., 1.12.29). Cicero’s intention is abuse, gladiators being either prisoners of war and condemned criminals, or, if professional fighters, slaves or virtual bondslaves to games-promoters.
343 this grave order i.e. the Senate (in hoc ordine: In Cat., 1.12.30).
344 soft censures feeble (expressed) opinions (OED, Censure n. 3) (mollibus sententiis: In Cat., 1.12.30). In Pro Murena, 51, Cicero speaks of senators not wanting to take firm measures against Catiline, either because they saw nothing to fear or because they were afraid of everything.
349 his heart shine his intentions to be conspicuously clear (OED, Heart n. 7 obs.; Shine v. 6).
350 fondly foolishly.
352–69 led . . . head Cicero here assumes that all the Catilinarians will follow their leader and leave Rome, a strategic mistake that could have been fatal, and that he is cautiously to refer to in 5.3.37–40.
353 blown together collected. The verb looks forward to ‘shipwrecked’, prompted by In Cat., 1.12.30, ceteros undique conlectos naufragos adgregarit, ‘attaches to himself shipwrecked people whom he has collected from here, there and everywhere’.
358 Where Whereas (OED, conj. 12b obs.).
364 are . . . heat feverishly toss to and fro (cum aestu febrique iactantur: In Cat., 1.13.31).
370 wall See 4.2.249n.
372–3 to circle . . . weapons In In Cat., 1.13.32, the two plans to surround (‘circle in’ and ‘girt’) officials and institutions are more clearly and specifically aimed at the centres of law and government in Rome. Jonson’s ‘the Praetor’ is there tribunal praetoris urbani, i.e. the tribunal in the Forum at which the senior of the eight praetors, praetor urbanis, tried cases within the city of Rome. Jonson’s ‘the court’ – a word he uses for ‘senate’ in 4.2.437, and also in Sej., 3.470 – is the Curia (obsidere cum gladiis curiam), i.e. the Senate House (cf. 4.2.2n.).
374 balls missiles (OED, Ball n.1 5). Jonson is translating malleolos, fire-darts used in sieges (In Cat., 1.12.32). Looking for allusions to the Gunpowder Plot, De Luna (1967), 63, finds it significant that Cicero’s text contains ‘no suggestion of explosives or modern ordnance’ and, in particular, no mention of ‘sulphur’, which she claims (though OED does not support this) ‘was used almost interchangeably for gunpowder after 1605’. But the ‘flax and sulphur’ laid in at Cethegus’s house (3.3.145–6; see 3.3.141–9n.) have a source in Plutarch, and Jonson seems to have taken care to make all his incendiary terms applicable to Roman conditions.
378–9 my . . . abroad Antonius had gone to lead the army against Catiline’s forces, though, as we learn in 4.6.3–7, he had an illness (possibly diplomatic) and handed the command to Petreius.
381 gentlemen of Rome the equites (tantam in equitibus Romanis virtutem: In Cat., 1.13.32). In the late Republic they were the moneyed, non-political, and mainly non-senatorial section of the upper class.
382–3 These lines are not so much ‘Jonson’s insertion’ (H&S) as a return to an earlier passage, In Cat., 1.8.21, where Cicero referred to equites Romani and the other citizens standing around the Senate whose hands and weapons he had only with difficulty kept away from Catiline. The point is to suggest that the Senate is surrounded by people baying for the blood of Catiline, ‘these’ in line 381 indicating a gesture towards this imagined crowd offstage.
383 parricide murderer of a parent or near relative (as in 1.32), but also – as with Latin parricida – of a ruler. Here it could refer to Catiline as murderer of Cicero as Consul and of ‘conscript fathers’; the word parricidium could also, both in English and in Roman Latin, denote a traitor to his country, and does so in In Cat., 1.13.35.
386 oppressed suppressed, put an end to (OED, Oppress v. 3 obs.). The line is a literal translation of omnia patefacta, inlustrata, oppressa, vindicata esse videatis: In Cat., 1.13.32.
387 this omen i.e. what Cicero has prognosticated in his long sentence beginning ‘I here promise’ (376). ‘[I]n Roman belief, to declare something an omen was tantamount to making it one’ (Bolton & Gardner).
390 that . . . sacrament Cf. 1.487–508 and 3.2.49.
391–402 The prayer to Jupiter (as in the source) confirms the choice of his temple for this meeting of the Senate; cf. 4.2.2n. It points the inseparability of religion and politics in Roman life.
393 With . . . first Exerting the same propitious influence as you did in founding Rome. This compresses, and shifts the meaning of, the corresponding clause in In Cat., 1.13.33, which appeals to Jupiter qui isdem quibus haec urbs auspiciis a Romulo es constitutus, ‘who was established by Romulus with the same auspices as this city’, i.e. it rehearses the traditional belief that Romulus vowed to raise a temple to Jupiter.
397 complices (1) confederates; (2) associates in crime (OED, Complice 1 obs. and 2).
398 th’offence] F1 (the’offence)
398 offence . . . men Referring to the conspirators collectively as that which is hostile to loyal citizens (homines bonorum inimicos: In Cat., 1.13.33), whereafter a parenthesis (in Q) specifies their criminality.
403 high elaborately rhetorical.
405 He’s] F1 (H’has)
407 grave dignified.
409 order See 3.5.54n.
412 Cato’s reply (413–5) helps to explain this line: ‘the best way’ for Cicero’s eloquence would be to speak well of Catiline and his ancestry, yet he always speaks ill.
418 his preservation him to preserve (i.e. save) it.
419 Hercules Cf. Caesar on Cicero as a ‘Herculean actor’, 3.1.98–100 and n.
419 Atlas See 1.1.86n.
419 inmate See 2.1.116n. and 3.1.174.
421 burgess’ . . . Arpinum Cicero was the son of a rich and well-connected eques (see 4.2.381n.), but not of senatorial rank, living in Arpinum (modern Arpino), a hill-town in the Liris valley, south-east of Rome. Catiline’s sneer is double: a ‘burgess’ – inhabitant of a borough; Latin municeps – is neither a proper Roman nor of high rank. It is also unfair, as citizens of Arpinum (a free town, or municipium, since 90 BC) enjoyed full citizenship, with the right to vote, in Rome. Juvenal, Satires, 8.237–8, contrasts the high-born Catiline unfavourably with Cicero in the same terms: hic novus Arpinas, ignobilis et modo Romae / municipalis eques, ‘born at Arpinum, of ignoble blood, a municipal knight new to Rome’.
425 prodigy monster (OED, 2b obs.).
426 run thrust or forced out (OED, v. 47 a); cf. F1 ‘forc’d’.
426 forced] F1; runne Q
427 the first . . . heap The primal chaos, as described by Ovid, Met., 1.7, rudis indigestaque moles. The use of ‘indigested’ in the sense of ‘formless, chaotic’ (OED, Indigested a. 1) often implies an echo of Ovid’s description.
429 head person (with reference to some quality or attribute, here impudence) (OED, Head n. 7a).
432 SD] F1, opposite 432–3; not in Q
433 SH ‘Chorus’ here in Q and F1 seems to mean many of the Senators onstage, probably excepting Caesar and Crassus, and any senatorial conspirators. Gifford has ‘Omnes’, Bolton & Gardner ‘Senators’. In 5.3.196 the SH for a similarly collective voice is ‘Sen.’ To mark the continuity of Catiline’s speech, F1 puts the Chorus’s line, as well as Cato’s two interruptions (437, 440–41), in brackets.
433 chorus . . . Consul!] placed in round brackets, F1
435–40 Catiline’s scorn of Cicero closely echoes Caesar’s of Metellus in Lucan, De bello, 3.134–7. ‘Vanam spem mortis honestae / Concipis: haudinquitiugulo se polluet isto / Nostra, Metelle, manus; dignum te Caesaris ira / Nullus honor faciet . . .’, ‘“In vain do you hope for an honourable death: never,” he said, “shall my hand be defiled by cutting your throat, Metellus; no honour shall make you worthy of Caesar’s anger”’.
437 cato . . . traitor!] placed in round brackets, F1
440–1 cato . . . mouth!] placed in round brackets, F1
441 portentous monstrous.
441 it i.e. a ‘title’ bestowed on Cicero by ‘this flattering Senate’ (438).
442 look thee dead kill you by looking at you (like the fabled basilisk; cf. The Duchess of Malfi, 3.2.87–8, ‘if I could change / Eyes with a basilisk’); or, look to see you dead.
444 I’m] F1 (I’am)
446–51 Catiline’s departing threat of fire is quoted in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 31.9, incendium meum ruina restinguam, ‘I will put out my fire by general devastation’; but Jonson builds up its dramatic impact through the interjections of Catulus and Cato.
446 put out driven out, with the implication (1) of being dismissed, turned out of senatorial office, but also, in view of what follows, (2) of being extinguished. The logic which emerges from the unsaid and the hiatus in 446–7 is that his rage – his fire – will only be put out by the burning of Rome; or, as he develops the idea, his funeral pyre will be fuelled by the ‘timber’ of Rome. Cf. Catiline’s threat in his earlier altercation with Cato, 3.1.219–21 and n.
448 pile heap of combustibles on which a body is burnt (OED, n.3 3d).
449 matter timber, wood. Cited as ‘a Latinism’ in OED, n.1 1b (Latin materia). Cf. Und. ‘To the Reader’, 2–3, glossing the classical term silva, as ‘works of diverse nature and matter congested, as the multitude call timber-trees, promiscuously growing, a “wood” or “forest”’; and ‘materia’ in the Epigraph to Discoveries called ‘Silva’.
449 screech-owl Commonly referred to as a bird of ill omen, Cf. New Inn, 3.2.10; Queens, 158; The Duchess of Malfi, 4.2.166.
450 imperfect incomplete, but also, as in the ‘imperfect speakers’ of Mac., 1.3.70, with the meaning of ‘evil’ (OED, a. 3 obs.).
451 – the] this edn; The F1
451 the common fire i.e. the conflagration of Rome.
452 SD] G, subst. (Rushes out of the Senate.); not in F1
453 He’s] F1 (H’is)
457–8 See . . . consuls The Roman formula for declaring a state of national emergency, known as senatus consultum ultimum. In Bell. Cat., 29.2, senatus decrevit darent operam consules ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet, ‘the Senate voted that the consuls should take heed that the commonwealth suffer no harm’, Sallust also explains that this conferred upon the consuls supreme power: unlimited jurisdiction at home and in the field; but he does not mention that the situation was unprecedented. ‘Never before had this extreme decree been passed merely in anticipation of a state of war, and in reliance upon unproved statements of a magistrate’ (Hardy, 1924, 55).
459 ’Tis . . . need Caesar and Crassus are now apparently anxious to be seen to support Cicero rather than Catiline.
460–1 But . . . Fulvia Jonson invents this public mention of Curius and Fulvia, which, while dramatically convenient, is politically ‘questionable’ (H&S) and, in terms of plot, renders problematical the appearance of Curius among the conspirators in 4.3.
462 They . . . reward This, rather than the salvation of Rome, is of course what they were after, but Cicero sees the ‘reward’ as a matter of realpolitik. Cf. 3.2.246 and n.
463 ministers agents (in effect, informants). Cf. 3.3.225.
463 SD] this edn; not in F1
465 ring hollow sound false.
466 appear prove to be.
466 prove ’em put them to the test.
469–78 Plutarch, Cicero, 20, discusses Cicero’s suspicions of Caesar and his unwillingness to act on them for fear of Caesar’s friends and power (though this is in relation to the trial of the conspirators, as in 5.6).
473 Hydra Cf. 3.1.98–100n.
474 ’prove approve.
478 SD] G; not in F1
4.3 ] G; not in F1
4.3 This scene, of Catiline’s last appearance in Rome, is set an undefined location (presumably not Catiline’s house) on the day of his disastrous confrontation with Cicero in the Senate. It is based on Sallust, Bell. Cat., 32, 34, and 39. In the Jacobean theatre, with the conspirators entering by one stage door as the senators leave by the other, Catiline’s opening abuse, ‘this state-cat’, would be directed at a barely offstage Cicero. Would senatorial conspirators exit and re-enter, or simply cross the stage into a new scene?
0 SD] F1 (Catiline, Lentvlvs, Cethegvs, Cv- / rivs, Gabinivs, Longinvs, / Statilius.)
1 discovered made known (with the implication of ‘betrayed’) (OED, Discover v. 6).
2 state-cat ‘Cat’ was a term of contempt for a human being, expressing, it seems, a general revulsion (cf. ‘Cats’ in Cor., 4.2.36); it was also a slang term for a prostitute (OED, n. 2a, b). In Latin, feles, cat, could also mean a thief. Whatever the specific implication here, the term gives Cethegus a metaphor to develop in his own way (3–4).
3 He had] F1 (He’had)
4 I had] F1 (I’had)
5 of calling back for retracting.
7 you had] F1 (you’had)
7 yesternight i.e. at the meeting in Laeca’s house.
10 mature make ready. Cf. Bell. Cat., 32.2, insidias consuli maturent, ‘he instructed [his associates] to bring the plots against the consul to a head’.
14 bleed a life give my life-blood.
15 ensigns standards, banners.
17 draw . . . on create hostile feelings against. Cf. 3.1.2.
21 Massilia Modern Marseilles, an originally Greek city, at this time part of Transalpine Gaul and in a league of friendship with Rome. Cicero rated it superior to the rest of the world for culture and good government (Pro Flacco, 63).
21–2 give . . . fortune bow to fate (translating Bell. Cat., 34.2, fortunae cedere).
23 stand . . . faction hold out against so powerful an intrigue (OED, Faction n. 4b obs.). The phrase is clearer in the light of Bell. Cat., 34.2, where Catiline claims to be falsely accused and leaving quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, ‘since he was unable to stand the intrigues of his enemies’.
25 contention struggle (Bell. Cat., 34.2, contentio).
26 the support of any action to vindicate. Catiline claims to be putting the good of Rome before his own good name.
28 my better genius the spirit who influences me for good.
32 Give . . . eyes Fortune was traditionally represented as blind. Cf. The Duchess of Malfi, 1.1.477–9.
34 them i.e. Fortune’s eyes. Anything that Curius says is of course weighted with irony, including his farewell sententia (35).
35 A] F; “A Q
37 I am . . . creature I am your entirely obedient servant.
37 SD] G; not in F1
44 I have] F1 (I’haue)
39 Umbrenus Sallust, Bell. Cat., 40, describes Lentulus’s use of Publius Umbrenus, who ‘had carried on business with the Gauls’ and knew many of their leading men.
40 resiant resident (OED, a. 1a obs.).
41 great usuries instances of charging exorbitant interest. In Bell. Cat., 40.3, the Allobroges complain of avaritia magistratuum, ‘the avarice of the magistrates’; and extortion was a common complaint against provincial governors.
45 they are] F1 (they’are)
46 still . . . change always on the look-out for (political) turmoil. Cf. 4.1.0 SDn. Horace, Epodes, 16.6, refers to the Allobrox as novisque rebus infidelis, ‘disloyal [to Rome] in time of political revolution’.
47 in . . . with at present hating.
49 society political alliance.
50 The rather for All the more because of.
50 seat geographical location (OED, n. 17 obs.).
51 they abound] F1 (they’abound)
51 horse cavalry. A collective plural (OED, n. 3b).
52 Which is the only thing our army is short of.
53 coming inclined to meet our advances. Cf. Volp., 3.7.127, ‘If you were absent, she would be more coming.’
54 Sempronia’s house i.e. the house of Decimus Brutus. See 4.4.74–5n.
55 confirm ’em more make more certain of their support.
56 store large number; i.e. it will do them good to see how spirited we are, and how many.
57–61 Would . . . sitting Jonson re-creates, in the idiom he has found for Cethegus, Sallust’s statement that, during these preparations, Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum, ‘constantly complained of the inaction of his associates’, and even said that he would himself impetum in curiam facturum, ‘make an attack upon the Senate House’ (Bell. Cat., 43.3–4).
59 I ha’] Q; I’ha’ F1
59 genius to inclination for (OED, 3a obs.). Cf. EMO, 2.1.89, ‘’Tis against my genius.’
62 mar spoil. Cethegus shows some self-knowledge.
62 SD] G; not in F1
4.4 ] G; not in F1
4.4 Cicero’s meeting with the Allobrogian ambassadors – a crucial step in his attempt to provide the Senate with proof of the seriousness of the situation – had to be kept strictly secret and so is likely to have taken place in his own house. The meeting receives a brief mention in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 41; Jonson’s fleshes this out from Felicius, Sallust folio, col. 506 B–C, from where he draws the substance of Cicero’s address to the Allobroges and of their reply.
0 SD] G; Cicero. Sanga. Allobroges. F1
1 Sanga See 4.1.40–1n.
4–13 They . . . conquered A sympathetic expansion of Sallust’s account, Bell. Cat., 41, of the Allobroges’ deliberations.
10 sounded spoke of.
12 They are] F1 (They’are)
13 Translating Bell. Cat., 41.4, vicit fortuna rei publicae. The goddess Fortuna actively aiding the Republic is a common theme; cf. 4.2.280n.
14 was who was.
14–16 agent . . . state Cf. 4.3.39n.
15 negotiation business transactions (Lat. negotiatio).
17 th’ambassadors] F1 (subst.); the’Ambassadours Q
18 firm steadfast, resolute.
19–20 deserve / Of have just claims for reward from.
20 SD] G; not in F1
20–40 Both Cicero’s brief soliloquy and his speech to the ambassadors are verbally very close to Felicius, Sallust folio, col. 506 B–C.
21 discovery bringing to light.
22 manifest . . . traitors proving the guilt of these traitors beyond doubt. Verbatim from Felicius, coniuratos manifeste convincere posset.
23 Be . . . Jupiter Cicero’s prayer is being answered; cf. 4.2.391–402n.
23 SD] G, subst.; The Allobroges / enter. F1, opposite 23–4; not in Q
24 Confederates Allies (of Rome) by treaty (Lat. confoederatus).
26 careful patron patron who is attentive to your interests.
30 advise caution (OED, v. 5 obs.).
36 hazard . . . air risk exchanging certainties for uncertainties. As in Felicius: incerta pro certis captare, which echoes Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum, 83.1, where Metellus warns Bochus that to become an enemy of the Roman people means incerta pro certis mutare. For ‘air’ in the sense of something unsubstantial, OED has only one entry (Air n. 1b), dated 1692.
37 voice Either (1) what the Catilinarians have said (i.e. promised) (cf. OED, n. 9 obs.); or (2) vote. In the context of contrasting certainties with uncertainties, (1) seems more likely. The corresponding phrase in Felicius is little help: parvo commodo ingentia pericula subire, ‘to undergo great dangers for small profit’.
38–40 Loud . . . / With . . . / All] F1; “Loud . . . / “With . . . / “All Q
38 laid suppressed.
39 raised started.
40 A sententia either from Felicius or from his source in Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum, 83.1 (cf. 36n., above), which is here closer to Jonson’s text: omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum aegerrume desinere; Metellus declares that ‘it was always easy to begin a war but very difficult to end one’. Both Sallust and Felicius make the point that the beginning and the end of a war are not in the control of the same man. Cf. Dent, W39.11.
41–3 These Senate decrees are reported in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 36.
43–51 And . . . knowledge Jonson here pieces together Cicero’s account of anti-Catiline activities from several passages in Sallust: Catiline and Manlius being declared traitors, from Bell. Cat., 36; Quintus Metellus Celer’s suppression of disturbances in Picenium, Bruttium, and Apulia, from Bell. Cat., 42; security arrangements in Rome and rewards to informers, from Bell. Cat., 30. What Cicero does not say is that not one person, slave or free citizen, came forward to inform on the conspirators, a point made in Bell. Cat., 36.5.
47 detect inform against (OED, 2 obs.).
53 vindicate punish (OED, 1c obs.) (Lat. vindicare).
54 practice conspiracy. See 3.1.51n. The distinction made – or rather not made – by Cicero in 54–5 is between evil deeds (‘fact’: cf. 1.1.27n.) and the intention (‘purpose’) to commit them.
56 hand direction.
63 If . . . designs As long as your wishes agree with my plans.
64 SH As in 4.1, only one Allobrox speaks, though at least two Allobroges are present.
64–71 The Allobrox’s speech closely follows, in part translates, Felicius, col. 506 C.
64, 74, 103, 107 SHs first allobrox] this edn; All. F1
66 defection falling away from allegiance.
67–71 These lines translate Felicius literally, sed eos non esse tam fortuna miseros, aut voluntate perditos, ut P. R. multis laboribus collectam amicitiam subito effunderent.
71 precipitate themselves come suddenly to ruin or destruction (OED, v. 2 obs.) (Lat. praecipitare, reflected in Q spelling).
71 precipitate] F1; præcipitate Q
72 this What ‘this’ refers to is suspended until 77ff. F marks the digression with brackets.
73–7 When . . . chief.] placed in round brackets, F1
75 Decius Brutus Decimus Brutus (Consul in 77 BC) was the husband of Sempronia; Sallust, Bell. Cat., 40.5, mentions that Umbrenus conducted the Allobroges in domum D. Bruti, and that Brutus himself was away from Rome.
76 Sempronia –] this edn; Sempronia. F1
76 instruct inform (with the implication of reminding).
77 a chief a leading figure, i.e. either (1) in the conspiracy (which is an exaggeration); or (2) in the house (as she was known as an assertive woman).
78 affection disposition.
79 put on pretend. In Sallust, Bell. Cat., 41, Cicero’s verb in the context is simulare.
80 give report.
83 prevent forestall. See 3.1.185n.
84 You’ve] F1 (You’haue)
84 dispatch official dismissal (given to an ambassador after completion of his errand) (OED, n. 2 obs.).
85 for because of.
88 of . . . decline in order to avoid.
90 They’ve] F1 (They’haue)
93 engage pledge.
95 Those i.e. the letters.
95 pretend hold out as pretext (OED, v. 6) (Lat. praetendere).
101–2 Ill . . . / And] F1; “Ill . . . / “And Q
104 We’re] F1 (We’are)
105 confidence assurance.
107 SD] G; not in F1
4.5 Prepared for by Cicero’s plotting, this scene in Sempronia’s house is based on Sallust, Bell. Cat., 44, which, however, gives only the bare facts of the meeting between the Allobroges and the conspirators left in Rome. Jonson is responsible for introducing Sempronia as a proto-feminist, as well as Cethegus at his impatient and bombastic best, and so creating moments of comic relief in the midst of looming disaster.
4.5 ] G; not in F1
0 SD] G; Sempronia, Lentvlvs, Cethegus, Gabi- / nivs, Statilivs, Longinvs, Vol- / tvrtivs, Allobroges. F1
6 gravity weighty dignity.
7 their many cautions the circumspectness of their conduct.
8 Fitting their persons Appropriate to their function (as ambassadors).
12–13 Thucydides . . . ambassadors Sempronia is flaunting her knowledge of Greek (cf. 2.1.40ff.), but it is faulty. Thucydides is the fourth-century-BC writer, author of the history of the Peloponnesian War but not of the definition of ambassadors which Sempronia attributes to him. H&S traced it to the Florilegium Ethico-Politicum (1610), 1.49, which states that to be an ambassador you must act as a spy: Legationes specie, speculatorem agas.
13 SD] G; not in F1, but see massed entry at 4.5.0 SD
14 scout spy.
17 exquisite accomplished (with, in the context, a somewhat oxymoronic effect).
19 smock-treason Compounds with ‘smock’, suggestive of loose conduct in women, are common in seventeenth-century dramatic texts. Cf. ‘Smock-secrets’ in Mag. Lady, 4.7.41.
21 cobweb-bosoms bosoms which, like cobwebs, are both frail and ensnaring.
21 other i.e. other kind of treason.
25 wild Hippolytus Hippolytus refused the amorous advances of his stepmother, Phaedra, who in revenge told his father, Theseus, that he had assaulted her. Fleeing from Theseus’s anger, Hippolytus was torn to pieces by his own stampeding horses on the sea shore. Marlowe, Hero and Leander, 77, also calls Hippolytus ‘wild’.
25–6 prove . . . over suffer death in every limb.
26–7 ere . . . it i.e. before I’d trust a woman with wind, supposing I could catch it (let alone a secret). Playing on ‘wind’ as both speech and flatus (OED, n.1 11b obs., 10) and traditional ideas about women as gossips: cf. Proverbs, 27.15–16.
30 for your heart despite all your courage.
31 tongue or carriage speech or conduct.
31 Calypso The nymph who rescued Odysseus when shipwrecked and detained him on her island for seven years (Odyssey, 5). A backhanded compliment to Sempronia as a Greek scholar.
31 SD] G; not in F1, but see massed entry at 4.5.0 SD
32 Mercury The patron god of the movement of people and messenger of the gods. In Discoveries, 1334–5 Jonson defines him as ‘the president of language’ and ‘deorum hominumque interpres’.
33 SD] G, subst.; not in F1, but see massed entry at 4.5.0 SD
35–6 prophecy . . . Sibyl’s A Jonsonian touch to remind us of Lentulus’s obsession; cf. 1.1.255–86.
36 SH GABINIUS As stated in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 44, Gabinius has been in charge of bringing the Allobroges to the meeting.
38 partake participate.
39 and here too i.e. in my own house.
42 a moment of importance. Cf. Ham., 3.1.86, ‘enterprises of great pitch and moment’.
49 if they were i.e. if they were hurt.
49–51 Capaneus . . . down Capaneus was one of the seven heroes who marched against Thebes. He scaled the walls, defying Zeus, and was struck dead by a thunderbolt. Jonson’s source here is Statius, Thebais, 10.935–9, where it is stated that, had the hero’s limbs been consumed a little more slowly, potuit fulmen sperare secundum (939), ‘he could have expected a second thunderbolt’ (cf. 51).
51 bolt] F1; charge Q
54–5 the world . . . ours Jonson uses the same conceit in his poem in the 1623 Shakespeare folio: Shakespeare’s death has left the stage mourning ‘like night, / And despairs day, but for thy volume’s light’ (‘Shakes. Beloved’, 5.636–40, lines 79–80).
58 SH] F2 (sem.); sen. Q, F1
58 bear me hard may find me hard to put up with.
59 right justice.
60 SH first allobrox] this edn; All. F1
61 admire marvel at (Lat. admirari).
62 prevent the Consul i.e. forestall any attempt of Cicero’s to come to an agreement with the Allobroges.
67 i’the way on your way back.
68 association alliance (Bell. Cat., 44.4, societatem confirmarent).
68–9 This . . . you Sallust, Bell. Cat., 44.3, mentions that Lentulus sent ‘a certain Titus Volturcius of Crotona’ to accompany the Allobroges.
70–2 Lucius Bestia . . . Cicero The first and last we hear of Bestia since his appearance in Act 1. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 43.1, has Lentulus arrange for Bestia, tribunus plebis, to convoke an assembly of the people and denounce Cicero, throwing on him belli . . . gravissimi invidiam, ‘the blame for a most injurious war’ (cf. 3.1.2 for ‘envy’), as soon as Catiline’s army was ready for action.
74 freemen men free of political oppression. Cf. JC, 3.2.20–1, ‘Had you rather Caesar were living, and die all slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live all freemen?’ There is irony in Lentulus presenting ‘ourselves’ as models of ‘freemen’: cf. the title-page ‘proposition’ of Chapman’s Caesar and Pompey: ‘Only a just man is a freeman.’
74 SD] G; not in F1
4.6 The point of this scene is to show Cicero’s net closing on the conspirators: two separate armies moving to trap Catiline’s force; an ambush laid to secure the incriminating letters carried by Allobrogian ambassadors; the chief conspirators in Rome facing arrest. Jonson takes his facts, and some language, from Sallust, Bell. Cat., 59 and 57. The summoning and instructing of the two loyal praetors is described in Cicero, In Cat., 3.5.
4.6 ] G; not in F1
0 SD] G; Cicero. Flaccvs. Pomtinivs. Sanga. F1
1 I cannot . . . to I cannot doubt that the war will.
2 for because of.
3–11 This follows Bell. Cat., 59 closely, both on Antonius’s gout (pedibus aeger) and Petronius’s military experience, especially his ability to address each of his soldiers by name.
3 my colleague Antonius, my fellow consul; see 4.4.41–2.
4 affected afflicted.
8–10 tribune . . . years Petreius’s ladder of promotion is verbatim from Bell. Cat., 59.6: annos triginta tribunus aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor. A praefectus was an officer in the army; a legatus had semi-independent command; a praetor could command an army.
13 They have] F1 (They’haue)
14 ask their braveries require them to be brave.
14 necessities situation of hardship. Catiline’s army had no hope of either escape or reinforcements.
16 manage management (OED, n. 5 obs.).
17 worthy patriot Jonson is an early user of ‘patriot’ in this positive sense, ‘One who disinterestedly or self-sacrificingly exerts himself to promote the wellbeing of his country: OED, n., 2, citing Volp., 4.1.95–6 as first usage (‘such as were known patriots, / Sound lovers of their country’). Sej., 4.290 actually predates this: ‘What are thy arts – good patriot, teach them me’; see Cain’s note to this passage. The ironical question in the translators’ preface to the King James Bible (1611), ‘Was Catiline therefore an honest man, or a good patriot?’, is not likely, however, to be a reference to Jonson’s play.
19 their . . . Gallia them from moving, as they intended, into (Transalpine) Gaul.
19 SD] G; not in F1, but see massed entry at 4.6.0 SD
20 train hath taken stratagem has succeeded (OED, Train n.2 1b; Take v. 11). Bolton & Gardner read the phrase, anachronistically, as a metaphor ‘from the ignition of a train of gunpowder leading to the main charge’, and it may well have struck Jacobean readers as such. Cf. the character Trains in Devil.
21 Mulvian Bridge Pons Mulvius, which carried the Via Flaminia across the Tiber some two miles north of Rome.
21 Mulvian] this edn; Miluian F1
26 tumult serious fighting (Lat. tumultus), cf. 3.3.187.
27 SD] G; not in F1
31 sense apprehension (of why they have been summoned).
31–2 Prodigal . . . / Feel] F1; “Prodigall . . . / “Feele Q
33 that . . . not so that they will not be able to escape (OED, Start v. 6 obs.).
33 not.] F2; not, F1, Q
34–5 A state’s . . . women The F1 reading (‘A state’s anger’, replacing Q’s ‘A state’) irregularizes the metre but specifies the misogynistic sentiment somewhat: fools and women are beyond the law, in that they are not important enough for punitive measures to be taken against them.
34–5 A . . . / Should] F1; “A . . . / “Should Q
34 state’s anger] F1; State Q
35 knowledge notice (OED, n. 4 obs.).
36 care See 1.1.59n.
38–9 undergo . . . fate endure the ill-will caused by exposing so many great men.
43 hear ill ‘am ill spoken of’ (H&S). Translating the Latin idiom male audio; for its opposite, bene audio, cf. Alch., 1.1.24, ‘I do not hear well.’
43 SD] G; not in F1
4.7 Here, for once, speech gives way to action. Jonson draws out the key points in Sallust’s account of the ambush at the Mulvian Bridge, Bell. Cat., 45: the double-dealing of the Allobroges and the readiness of Volturcius to save his own life at the expense of his conspirators’. Historically, the Allobroge envoys left Rome on the night of 2 Dec., and the public exposure and arrest of the conspirators (5.3) took place the following day.
4.7 ] this edn; not in F1
0 SD] G, subst.; Praetors, Allobroges, Vol- / tvrtivs. F1
1 SH first allobrox] this edn; All. F1
6 SD Sallust (Bell. Cat., 45.4) has Volturcius defend himself, sword in hand, against superior numbers (gladio se a multitudine defendit); theatrical economy presumably reduces this to a token fight.
8 stands out who refuses to yield.
13 upon . . . life on the condition that my life is saved.
15 I’m] F1 (I’am)
17 favour leniency, mitigation of punishment (OED, n. 3b obs.); cf. MV, 4.1. 382–3, ‘that for this favour / He presently become a Christian.’
19 Again the success of a political manoeuvre is attributed to the gods. Cf. 4.2.391–402.
19 SD] G; not in F1
20–71 The Chorus continues and advances the self-examination by the people of Rome begun at the end of Act 3. As H&S point out, the main thought here is taken from a passage in Felicius’s Historia, col. 503 A (though not, as H&S state, a marked passage). The plight of ‘the careful magistrate’ is at the heart of this pro-Ciceronian poem of Jonson’s, as it is in Felicius’s O condicionem miseram administrandae Reipublicae; but Jonson deals with the topic through the eyes, ears, and mind of the people, who, with the case of Catiline as a catalyst, analyze their own confusion, readiness to judge on insufficient evidence, fickleness, and adherence to a blame culture.
21 Like . . . mists i.e. Where you hear before you see.
22 surprise attack suddenly and without warning.
23 resists! opposes (such an attack).
30 airs things which people say (OED, Air n. 9 obs.; ‘popular air’; Lat. aura popularis).
31 censure judge (with the implication of criticizing). Cf. Discoveries, 699–700, where Jonson deplores ‘that iniquity’ of the vulgar, ‘to censure their sovereign’s actions. Then all the counsels are made good or bad by the events.’
37 best mood ‘most correct opinion’ (Bolton & Gardner).
41 doom judgement.
44–51 The Chorus rehearses the catch-22 situation which Cicero found himself in vis-à-vis Catiline: blamed first for exercising too much power and then for exercising too little. Cicero makes the same point in 5.3.34–8. Cf. Felicius, col. 503 A.
44 One while At one time.
46–7 for . . . abused of exercising malice and abusing power.
48 he i.e. Catiline.
50–1 charge . . . go blame Cicero, who let him go, for our distress (OED, Harm n. 2 obs.).
53 wander fall into error (OED, v. 3b).
54 the careful magistrate Cf. other passages on the subject at 3.1.102–3; 3.2.250–5, 4.1.45; and Dedicatory Epistle, 11n.
55 mark target.
60–4 The perverse sets of opposites in these lines form Jonson’s closest approach to verbal echoing of Felicius (cf. 60, ‘call their diligence, deceit’ with non diligens consul, sed crudelis vocabitur, col. 503 A).
63 the price what they are after.
69–70 those . . . To a state where we.
70–1 brook . . . crimes Cf. Alch., Prologue, 13–14.
70 brook bear with.
5.1 A scene made up of one long speech, Petreius’s address to his soldiers, to be matched and contrasted with Catiline’s address, in 5.4, to his army. The final act moves between two imaginary locations: Rome and, as in this scene, the neighbourhood of Pistoria, where Catiline, intending to escape with his army into Transalpine Gaul, is being trapped between two Roman armies, one led by Quintus Metellus Celer and the other by Antonius, who, suffering (diplomatically: see 4.2.378–9n.) from gout, has handed command to Petreius. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 59, briefly refers to Petreius’s exhortations to each of his men, but his speech here is taken from Felicius, who seems to have invented it. It follows this source (in Sallust folio, cols. 544, 546), at times verbatim, in defining, first, the causes for which the battle is to be fought and, second, the three sorts of soldiers in Catiline’s army. On the latter subject Jonson at some points draws directly on Cicero’s list of five categories of men attracted to Catiline, In Cat., 2.8.18–2.10.22, which, however, seems also to have been Felicius’s source.
5.1 ] F1 (Act V.)
0 SD] Bolton & Gardner, subst.; The Armie. Petreivs. F1 (The Armie. / in left margin); Petreivs. The Armie. Q
2 Consul Antonius. See 5.5.200n. and 201n.
3 Kept Being kept.
5–10 We . . . years A close translation of Felicius, col. 544 C, Agitur nunc milites, non quam late, aut quam magnifici Pop. R. fines futuri sint: sed ut quae multis maiorum nostrorum laboribus, victoriis, multis annis parta sunt.
10 purchasing gaining (OED, Purchase v. 4 obs.).
11–19 Again, this highly emotive rhetoric of causes is very closely patterned on Felicius, col. 544 C–545 A, Non estis nunc de gloria, de vectigalibus, aut pro sociorum iniuriis (pro quibus semper Pop. R. exercitus certare consuevit) sed pro nostra R. P. dimicaturi, pro deorum immortalium templis, pro fortunis omnium, pro aris atque focis, pro coniugum vestrarum ac liberorum anima, pro libertate, pro salute denique totius orbis terrarum.
15 raised high, lofty.
16 fires hearths.
21 thrust out Either (1) expelled (from Rome) (OED, Thrust v. 1b); or (2) plunged into (i.e. these crimes) (OED, 7). Possibly influenced by Cicero’s use, in this context, of the verb iactare (to fling or toss), In Cat., 2.9.20.
23 made rich i.e. by acquiring property through Sulla’s proscriptions.
24 expense wasteful expenditure (OED, 1a obs.). Cf. Shakespeare, Sonn., 129.1.
25–6 t’expect . . . proscriptions A direct translation of Felicius’s novas tabulas a Catilina & locupletum proscriptiones expectant (col. 546 A–B). Tabulae novae, ‘new bills’, implying the cancellation of debts, was the political programme with which Catiline attracted the debt-ridden. In his speech to the people, In Cat., 2.8.18, Cicero puns on the phrase in order to indicate what his ‘new bills’ would mean.
28 pause hesitation (i.e. arising from fear). Felicius’s Petreius, echoing Cicero, In Cat., 2.18, does not consider these veterans worth fearing: eos tamen minime pertimescendos puto.
30–1 so . . . cause are ‘as little equal to yours as is their small number or unworthy cause’ (Bolton & Gardner). Jonson’s version of Felicius’s virtute vobis & numero pares esse non poterunt (col. 546 B).
32–49 The descriptions of the iniquities and excesses of ‘The second sort’ (32) and ‘The rest’ (44) follow Felicius (col. 546 B and C), who here echoes In Cat., 2.22–3.
32 city-beasts Coining this compound as an antithesis to ‘citizens’ (33), Jonson sharpens Felicius’s afterthought: si cives sunt potius quam pecudes, ‘if they are citizens, rather than beasts’.
33–4 who . . . own Translating Felicius, qui dum bona nostra sperant, effunderunt sua, with ‘let fly’ (34) rendering effunderunt, ‘fling forth, or waste’.
35 whelmed swamped. Literally from Felicius, obruti [vino]. The two kinds of excess which follow (‘swelled . . . whoredoms’, 35–6) are there in Felicius but imaged more concretely by Jonson. For ‘hourly’, see 1.351n.
40 Watching Doing guard-duty. From Felicius, vigilando.
41 exercise their youth employ themselves when young. Literally from Felicius, eorum iuventutem exercuere.
42 gamesters See 2.1.184n. As in Felicius’s alia ludere (546 C), the game-playing is probably, but not necessarily, amorous.
43 The point, that this ‘sort’ wish the state more harm than they are able to put into action, is made by both Cicero and Felicius, but Jonson’s formulation is closer to Cicero’s magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra rem publicam quam arma laturi, ‘they seem to me more likely to attack the republic with wishes than with arms’ (In Cat., 2.8.18).
43 to you] F1; to’you Q
45 fencers For this as a derogatory term see 4.2.342n.
46 murderers . . . parents Both Cicero (In Cat., 2.10.22) and Felicius place parricidae (which could also mean ‘traitor’; cf. 4.2.383n.) among Catiline’s followers.
46–7 all . . . Italy Jonson takes the ‘plague’ from Felicius (totius Italiae pestes), but where his source simply sums up this ‘sort’ as facinorosi, ‘criminals’, Jonson returns to the idea of a Roman ‘sink’, or cesspool. Cf. 4.2.246n.
51 weapon] Bolton & Gardner; weapon? F1, Q
52–5 H&S trace the reference here to the myth of Perseus, who, after cutting off the head of the Gorgon Medusa, flew with it over the Libyan desert, where the blood drops falling on the sand turned to poisonous snakes. Lucan’s De bello, on which Jonson draws at other points in the play, contains a particularly graphic version of the story (9.624–733), in which the barren Libyan land ‘drank in poison from the slime of the dripping head of Medusa’ (697).
54 inhabitable uninhabitable. Though not recorded in OED, formed from inhabitable, as Latin inhabitabilis. Cf. R2, 1.1.64–5, ‘Even to the frozen ridges of the Alps, / Or any other ground inhabitable’.
56–66 Petreius’s peroration is apparently sourceless. While it draws on both Classical and Christian notions – that ‘the best death’ (60) is in battle for your country echoes Horace (see 3.2.165–6n.); and the phrase ‘tents of rest’ (61) has a biblical ring – it concludes, like Cicero’s major speeches, by trusting the cause of the Senate and people of Rome to the gods.
57 upon our party on our side.
60 writ recorded (i.e. in ‘eternal memory’).
65 eagles See 3.3.74–82n.
67 SH ] Bolton & Gardner; Arm. F1
67 SD] G; not in F1
5.2 In Rome, a politically significant scene devised by Jonson to show how events have made it politic for Caesar and Crassus to abandon the cause of Catiline and to appear to support Cicero.
5.2 ] 1739; not in F1
0 SD] F1 (Caesar, Crassus.)
1 looked . . . of expected this from. ‘[T]his’ refers to Lentulus’s fatal blunder of trying to use the Allobroges.
2 gave ’em came to the conclusion that they were. Cf. Crassus at 4.2.453.
3–9 But . . . writ Plutarch, Cicero, 15, tells of Crassus receiving letters, delivered at midnight by an unknown man, one of which, unsigned, was addressed to him and warned him to quit the city. He immediately took this, together with the rest (unopened), to Cicero, ‘desiring to acquit himself somewhat of the blame which he bore on account of his friendship with Catiline’. Jonson adds Crassus’s suspicion that it might be a trick of Cicero’s.
6 he . . . him The pronouns refer to Cicero, but – like the ‘they’ and ‘their’ of this dialogue – are kept vague, as if to convey caution and unease.
8 among so many i.e. when so many are to be killed.
10–12 I . . . before Suetonius, Divus Iulius, 17, mentions that Caesar gave Cicero information about Catiline (thereby preventing Curius from getting his reward as informer).
10 plied him kept on at him. Cf. MV, 3.2.276, Shylock ‘plies the Duke at morning and at night’.
11 Thick with intelligences With numerous (OED, Thick a. 5) pieces of information (especially applied to the communication of spies or secret agents: OED, Intelligence n. 6b obs.).
11 they’ve] F1 (they’haue)
13 state-bridges political situations where one is precariously balanced, as on a narrow bridge, between two factions. Possibly prompted by the fact that Lat. pons, ‘bridge’, could also mean the gangway by which voters at the comitia passed into the enclosure and to the ballot boxes.
15 take . . . part take the part of one who stands (OED, Standing vbl n. 11), i.e. join the safe Ciceronian faction.
17 these . . . men Cicero’s decision to arrest the chief conspirators (4.6.27–33) has obviously been rapidly effected and become generally known.
18 SD] G; not in Q
5.3 The location is now the Temple of Concord in the Forum, where, the morning after the coup at the Mulvian Bridge, Cicero has called the Senate to a meeting. The scene evolves from an intimate conversation (apparently begun offstage and offering a sudden new light on the matter of the preceding scene) into a public occasion. Cicero’s unwillingness to accept accusations brought against Caesar by two men who were his enemies is the subject of Bell. Cat., 49. Sallust there tells how Caesar was hated by Catulus because Caesar had defeated him in the election for the office of pontifex maximus, and by Piso because of his accusations in Piso’s trial for abuse of provincial powers. Jonson suppresses these motivational details, condensing them into one phrase, ‘their grudge’ (7); but, where Sallust (unlike Plutarch, Cicero, 20) has no doubt that the accusations are ‘false’, the play so far has made Caesar’s innocence less clear-cut and Cicero’s apparent high-mindedness here more ironic. The Senate meeting which follows is largely taken from Cicero, In Cat., 3. This was in fact a speech addressed to the popular assembly, in which Cicero gave an account of the meeting of the Senate (immediately after its conclusion) and of the measures taken by the magistry for the safety of the state. Jonson’s adaptation of this source realizes the dramatic potential in the confrontations with the individual conspirators.
5.3 ] 1739; not in F1
0 SD] this edn; Cicero, Qvintvs, Cato. F1
1 wrought to be induced (by insidious means) to do (OED, Work v. 14).
5 speak show, manifest (OED, v. 29). Cf. Mac., 4.3.160–1, ‘And sundry blessings hang about his throne / That speak him full of grace.’
9 circumstance evidence.
11 carry support, give validity to (OED, Carry v. 41).
12–13 I . . . me Cicero protesting too much?
16–17 Cicero apologizes to Cato for giving him the task of bringing forth Lentulus and having the other conspirators taken away. Jonson seems here to be remembering Sallust, Bell. Cat., 46.5, ‘The consul himself took Lentulus by the hand, because he was praetor, and led him to the Senate, bidding the rest follow under guard.’ As Jonson then develops the scene, we must assume that this request (which a director may well wish to cut) is countermanded by the arrival of the Senators, and that Cato either remains onstage or at most makes an exit and quick re-entry, since he is there to read the letters, and Lentulus is brought before the full Senate only at line 82 and after three of the other conspirators.
18 SD Bolton & Gardner, following Gifford, add ‘Exeunt’ to line 17 and make what follows into a new scene. But Cicero clearly remains onstage; his speech is continuous. and so is the scene, its assumed location being the Temple of Concord. Cicero presumably pauses briefly between lines 2 and 3 of his speech to allow for the entry of the senators and to assume the formal attitude and tone for addressing the Senate.
17 SD] this edn; THE SENATE F1
18–19 What . . . Senate For this formula, see 4.2.5–6n.
18–19 What . . . Senate] Wh; italicized in Q, F1
20 break open. A Roman letter would be a sheet of papyrus rolled, tied with a string (linum), and secured with a seal (signum).
20 view them round pass them around and consider them. Jonson is drawing on both the literal and the transferred meanings of Lat. circumspicere: (1) look round upon; (2) examine, or ponder.
21–3 A reflection of In Cat., 3.3.7, which makes much of Cicero having left unopened the letters recovered from the Allobroges, thus taking the risk that he would be humiliated if they did not contain the incriminating evidence he expected.
23 diligence conscientiousness (Lat. diligentia).
23 contemned scorned.
23 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
24 weapons . . . house In In Cat., 3.3.8, we learn that the Allobroges had told Cicero of the store of arms in Cethegus’s house, and that the praetor (Sulpicius) whom he sent there ‘brought out a very large number of daggers and swords’.
25 SH FLACCUS The SH in Q and F1 (Prae., for praetor: see Collation) suggests that either Flaccus or Pomtinius, or both, could be speaking. Pomtinius is assigned a major speech in 5.5.3–16.
25 SH flaccus] this edn; Prae. F1; Pomtinius Bolton & Gardner
27 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
28 care anxiety.
30 face appearance. Caesar and Crassus are now anxious to distance themselves from the conspiracy.
33 my faith belief in me. The contrast of great crimes and small belief comes from In Cat., 3.2.4., where Cicero’s account of the conspiracy propter incredibilem magnitudinem sceleris minorem fidem faceret, ‘because of the incredible greatness of the crimes found small faith’.
34–44 These lines are a close translation of In Cat., 3.2.4, but Jonson’s Cicero is even cleverer than Cicero’s at both admitting and yet also minimizing the fact that his policy in ‘casting Catiline out’ misfired when the rest of the conspirators did not follow as he had expected: see 37–8, ‘when . . . not’, and 40, ‘that . . . thought’. Cf. 4.2.352–69n.
35 envy . . . word hostility provoked by the words ‘cast out’ (and the deed they signify). Translating In Cat., 3.2.3, non enim iam vereor huius verbi invidiam.
39 fury and] F1 (fury’and)
40 stayed . . . thought dwelt in my mind. Cf. OED, Stay, v.1, 16+b.
42 met . . . eyes perceived their treason. Verbatim from In Cat., 3.2.4, cum oculis maleficium ipsum videretis.
43 think for consider. The underlying verb in In Cat., 3.1.4 is providere, to foresee and provide for.
44 hands handwriting.
45 safe secured, kept in custody (OED, a. 10).
46 the Allobroges] F1 (the’Allobroges)
46 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
47–65 This episode dramatizes Cicero’s narrative, In Cat., 3.4.8. There Volturcius is described as in magno timore, ‘abject terror’. Here his passage from denial (48–9), through confession with attempt at amelioration (52–3), to letting go in a speech chopped up by fear (55–62), is all Jonson.
49 for to.
52 truly I] F1 (truely’I)
54 Senate’s . . . word Volturcius is being given a promise of immunity, echoing In Cat., 3.4.8, fidem publicam iussu senatus dedi.
55–62 The ‘fear and interruptions’ spelled out by F1’s SD are indicated in Q by the punctuation.
58 Servants Slaves. In In Cat., 3.4.8, Lentulus’s letter urges Catiline ut servorum praesidio uteretur, ‘to rally the slaves to his support’, which he steadfastly refused to do.
63 SH] this edn; All. F1 (also 94, 96, 103)
65 urged . . . horse urgently requested of us some immediate support in the form of cavalry. Cf. 4.3.51n. and 5.3.101.
67 SD] F1, opposite 66–8; not in Q
68 hundred hundredth. An obsolete use of the cardinal as ordinal.
68 fencer See 4.2.342n.
69 arms Cicero is setting the stage for Cethegus by a somewhat heavy pun on the heraldic and military meanings of the word.
69 SD] G; not in F1
70–81 The confrontation with Cethegus is described in In Cat., 3.5.10, but in very different terms: he ends up silent, ‘paralyzed and smitten by his guilty conscience’. Jonson has created a scene not without black humour and accordant with Cethegus’s indomitable character and verbal inventiveness. The insouciance of lines 72–6 recalls the way Barabas recounts his pursuits in The Jew of Malta, 2.3.172ff., and it is tempting to hear in line 76 an echo of the lines ‘And now and then, to cherish Christian thieves, / I am content to lose some of my crowns’ (175–6), ‘And now and then one hang himself for grief’ (194), as well as of Spencer Junior’s ‘And now and then stab, as occasion serves’, from Marlowe’s Edward II, 2.1.43.
75 helm helmet.
77 paper written document (OED, Paper n. 2 obs.). Jonson would know that it was not made of paper. Cf. 5.3.20n.
83 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
83 Reach Hand.
83–4 I . . . all Statilius is given equally short shrift in In Cat., 3.5.10 (confessus est).
84–108 Cicero, In Cat., 3.5.10–12, gives more space to Lentulus, even – in lines which clearly impressed Jonson – quoting his dialogue with this highest-ranking conspirator.
86 Lentulus’s grandfather was Publius Cornelius Lentulus, princeps senatus (see 3.1.115n.) from 125 BC; as recalled in 5.3.163–6, he was wounded in the fighting which led to the death of Gaius Sempronius Gracchus in 121 BC.
87–8 so . . . citizens Jonson’s translation of In Cat., 3.5.10, qui amavit unice patriam et civis suos is close but also inventive: instead of Cicero’s one verb, amavit, he applies ‘loved’ to ‘fellow citizens’ and by ‘did so only embrace’ strengthens the point of the earlier Lentulus’s unique devotion to his country.
87 only embrace] F1 (only’embrace)
87 country, and] F1 (countrey’, and)
88–90 Was . . . foul The image and idea come from In Cat., 3.5.10: quae quidem te a tanto scelere etiam muta revocare debuit, ‘surely [this seal], though mute, should have called you back from from such a crime’. For ‘fact’ (89) as ‘crime’, cf. 1.1.27n.
90 foul –] F1 (foule —)
92 argue prove (OED, v. 3).
94 Last night Volturcius showing his willingness to collaborate. The interaction between characters in this scene exceeds anything suggested in the source.
103 Spies? Lentulus realizes the double-dealing of the Allobroges.
103–7 You . . . last Lentulus obviously expounded this habitual topic of his to the Allobroges when talking apart with them, 4.5.36–55. The theatre audience heard it from Catiline, 1.255–60 and 3.3.83–7.
108 were who were.
109–10 Cethegus explodes into sarcasm, triggered by the reference to Lentulus’s praise of him (cf. 4.5.56).
111–13 Besides . . . others Jonson here returns to Sallust, Bell. Cat., 47, where it is Volturcius who produces this list of names.
111 your agent i.e. Umbrenus; see 4.3.38–9 and 4.4.14.
113 you i.e. Lentulus, whose position Volturcius, over-anxious to please the Senate (cf. Cicero’s ‘peace’, 118), is now helping to make impossible.
114 I’ve] F1 (I’haue)
117 Cimber i.e. Gabinius. See 3.3.236n.
119 visor mask (i.e. of innocence). Cf. 3.1.171n.
125 engineer plotter (OED, n. 1 obs.). Cf. 3.4.6n. In In Cat., 3.3.6, Cicero summons Gabinius as omnium scelerum improbissimum machinatorem, ‘the arch-villain behind all these crimes’.
125 engineer] F1 (enginer)
125 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
125–38 Show . . . told you The Gabinius episode dramatizes a single sentence in In Cat., 3.5.12: Gabinius deinde introductus, cum primo impudenter respondere coepisset ad extremum nihil ex eis quae Galli insimulabant negavit, ‘Gabinius was then brought in, and though at first he began by answering impudently, in the end he denied none of the charges which the Gauls brought against him.’
127 Neither . . . know Gabinius’s double negatives in Q (see collation) are less elegant but more expressive of his intransigence.
127 Neither . . . know] F1; Nor I will not know Q
127 head disposition (OED, n. 7).
128 it This probably refers to the letter which Gabinius refuses to acknowledge as his. Eating it, like eating the impudent speech which he has ‘vented’ (129), i.e. uttered, both symbols of his plotting, would be an appropriate punishment.
130–5 Acting within the law was a fundamental concept in Roman thinking. There is a similar play on what is lawful (licet) in Martial, 2.60.3–4, where a young adulterer questions the legality of his threatened punishment (castration).
134–5 Th’inquiring . . . / Unto] F1; “Th’inquiring . . . / “Vnto Q
136–7 Take . . . not Cicero might seem the more appropriate speaker of these lines; but, unless the SH is an error, they point to Crassus’s eagerness to dissociate himself from the conspirators, as do previous interjections of his in this scene (30, 67).
141 stink Thus Jonson in Epigr. 59 on spies ‘Who, when you’ve burnt yourselves down to the snuff, / Stink, and are thrown away.’
142 bridges These were often spoken of as favourite stations for Roman beggars. See Juvenal, Satires, 4.116; 5.8–9; and 14.134. There is a Vicelike wit in Cethegus’s vision of the heroes of the Mulvian Bridge becoming discarded spies and begging on the very bridges that their diligent spying (‘active industry’, 143) has helped to save from destruction by the conspirators.
145 cloud multitude (OED, n. 7) For ‘cloud of witnesses’, cf. Hebrews, 12.1, which as a subtext emphasizes by contrast the conspirators’ intransigence, or ‘boldness’ (146): ‘Wherefore seeing we also are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us lay aside every weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset us’ (AV; ‘cloud of witnesses’ also in Geneva Bible). De Luna, 1967, 276–8, points out that the phrase figured prominently in documents recording the trial of Father Garnet for involvement in the Gunpowder Plot.
148–87 Cicero’s speech moves back and forth across In Cat., 3 and 4, bringing together a number of passages and beginning, 148–53, with an almost literal translation of 3.16.
149–51 feared . . . rashness Lentulus was known as lethargic (‘sleep’, 150), Longinus as fat, and Cethegus as rash; cf. 3.3.194, 233–5, and 5.4.14–5. Here Jonson translates In Cat., 3.7.16, non mihi esse P. Lentuli somnum nec L. Cassii adipes nec C. Cethegi furiosam temeritatem pertimescendam.
151 he i.e. Catiline.
154–60 The source of these lines on the Allobroges is a passage in In Cat., 3.9.22, where Cicero argues that the gods have guided them and him and saved the city.
157 they the conspirators.
160 neglecting disregarding (In Cat., 3.9.22, neglegerent).
162 When Catiline had returned to Rome (as Lentulus’s letter, entrusted to the Allobroges, called on him to do).
162–72 This . . . complices A close translation of In Cat., 4.6.13, in which Cicero, speaking to the Senate, puts the heinousness of Lentulus’s plans into a historical context.
163–6 grandfather . . . spoil See 5.3.86n.
166 he i.e. Lentulus.
167 Ruffians] F1 (Ruffins)
169 Th’other . . . of The non-senatorial (as against ‘us’ senators, 168).
169 th’other] F1 (The’other)
172 complices accomplices. Originally meaning simply an associate or comrade, by 1600 the word had acquired the predominant sense of ‘an associate in crime’. The prefix ‘ac’ ‘may have arisen from the indefinite article, a complice, or by assimilation to accomplish’ (OED, Complice n. and Accomplice n.).
173–83 The vision of horrors summoned up by Cicero is closely based on one of the most powerfully emotive passages in his fourth speech against Catiline (In Cat., 4.6.11–12); we are spared only Cicero’s aspectus Cethegi et furor in vestra caede bacchantis, ‘the sight of Cethegus in frenzied bacchic revels upon your slain bodies’.
174–6 city . . . flame While this might evoke the Gunpowder Plot, it is a virtually literal translation of In Cat., 4.11, hanc urbem, lucem orbis terrarum atque arcem omnium gentium, subito uno incendio concidentem.
177 buried covered over. The verb is no doubt chosen for the implicit irony of the country being ‘buried’ with unburied corpses and as echoing, in 177–8, the play on forms of the verb sepelire, ‘bury’, in the source passage where Cicero sees sepulta in patria miseros atque insepultos acervos civium, ‘pitiful and unburied heaps of citizens lying on the grave of our country’ (4.6.11).
180 purple Senate It is possible that, as H&S suggest, Jonson may have misunderstood his source’s reference to purple when it envisages Lentulus as king, purpuratum esse huic Gabinium, ‘with Gabinius as his chief courtier (i.e. clad in purple)’ (In Cat., 4.6.12). But, with the idea of successful conspirators (‘those’) forming Lentulus’s Senate, purple makes perfect and powerful sense, the colour suggesting at once a Roman senator’s tunic and the blood ‘those’ would be steeped in.
184 invade your sense assault, either (1) your hearing (‘sense’ then meaning ‘that one of the senses which is indicated by the context’ (OED, n. 1e obs.); cf. Cor., 2.2. 115–16, ‘the din of war gan pierce / His ready sense’); or (2) your senses (‘sense’ then a collective singular, OED, 6b).
188–92 But . . . scene A boldly self-reflexive move in a play so dominated by Ciceronian ‘oration’ (190): Cethegus seizes on the theatrical aspect of ‘spectacle’ (186) and imagines a play different from the one he is in, a play where Cicero’s ‘part’ (188) is literally cut in the first ‘scene’ (192).
190 defeated spoiled (OED, Defeat v. 3 obs.).
194 free custody a Roman alternative to imprisonment, in which the culprit was detained in the home of a trustworthy citizen who would then be held responsible for him.
196–201 The allotment of custodians seems to be Jonson’s own.
200–1 Publius . . . Aedile Lentulus is placed in the custody of a relative who is also an ally of Cicero’s. Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther was to become Consul in 57 BC and then to work hard to restore Cicero from exile. Aediles were the lowest rank of elected magistrates; their chief responsibilities were the upkeep of the city, the control of prices, and the management of the public games.
204 put off divest himself of. A magistrate could not lawfully be imprisoned.
206 SD Plutarch, Cicero, 19, says that Lentulus laid down his robe with the purple hem, the symbol of his office, before the Senate.
206 offence . . . religion A religious aspect of the praetorship was the right to conduct major auspices. It is appropriate that Caesar, as pontifex maximus, raises this point. Without mentioning Caesar, Cicero, In Cat., 3.6.15, says of Lentulus’s resignation that ea nos religione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo liberaremur, ‘this would enable us to punish [him] as a private citizen, without religious scruples’.
207 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
209 were the lights provided the information that led (OED, Light n. 6 c).
211 treasure treasury (OED, n. 3 obs.).
213 favour’s well leniency is quite sufficient (OED, Well a. 11 obs.).
216–17 Let . . . thanks This is reported in In Cat., 3.6.13.
220–1 Whose . . . commonwealth An almost literal translation of Cicero’s account of the praise given him, In Cat., 3.6.14: quod virtute, consilio, providentia mea res publica maximis periculis sit liberata. ‘[C]ounsel’ (from consilium) here means ‘judgement, sagacity’ (OED, n. 3 obs.).
221–2 without . . . force Again a direct translation of Cicero’s own terms of praise, In Cat., 3.10.23: Rome rescued sine caede, sine sanguine, sine exercitu, sine dimicatione (‘tumult’, 221).
226 fortitude moral courage (Lat. fortitudo).
227 civic garland A crown (corona civicus) made of oak leaves, given for saving the life of a fellow citizen in war. According to Cicero, In Pisonem, 6, it was Lucius Gellius Publicola, not Cato, who proposed this honour.
227 garland] F1 (gyrland)
228 father . . . country According to In Pisonem, 6, Quintus Catulus suggested this title of honour (parens patriae). Cf. Jonson’s poem to Lord Monteagle, who was regarded as the saviour of parliament from the Gunpowder Plot: ‘My country’s parents I have many known, / But saver of my country thee alone’ (Epigr. 60.9–10).
229–30 public . . . him A unique honour which, Cicero points out in In Cat., 3.6.15, mihi primum post hanc urbem conditam togato contigit, ‘I was the first civilian to receive since the founding of Rome’. Jonson echoes this in line 236, with ‘of the civil robe’ rendering togato.
231–3 The phrasing of the prayer adapts that in In Cat., 3.6.15, quod urbem incendiis, caede civis, Italiam bello liberassem, ‘because I had saved Rome from burning, the citizens from massacre, Italy from war’.
231–3 ‘For . . . massacre’] Bolton & Gardner; lines in italics, F1
239 you’ve] F1 (yo’haue); you’haue Q
240–50 A truly Ciceronian periodic sentence, modelled on In Cat., 3.12.
240 come . . . grateful are no less pleasing (OED, Grateful 1) (translating non minus nobis iucundi atque inlustres, 3.1.2).
245–6 we . . . joy we can feel pleasure at our preservation, but are unable (because lacking consciousness) to rejoice at being born. Translating (reversing the order of the two clauses) sine sensu nascimur, cum voluptate servamur (3.1.2).
247 posterity descendants (Cicero’s posteros).
252 added . . .fasti ‘registered in the calendar as a historical event’ (H&S). Fasti was the name of the old Roman calendar which indicated special days for festivals, observances, and public and legal business.
252–65 This episode is from Sallust, who, in Bell. Cat., 48.3–9, discusses the truth or falsehood of the charge against Crassus and the mixed motives behind senators’ refusal to believe Tarquinius.
252 SD] G, subst.; not in F1
255 varlet rogue.
258 up close in prison (as in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 48.6: in vinculis).
260–1 crassus . . . prove.] in parentheses, F1
260 By yours Sallust says that some senators believed Tarquinius’s accusation to have been instigated by Cicero, and that he himself heard Crassus assert afterwards that ‘this grave insult was put upon him by Cicero’ (Bell. Cat., 48.8–9).
262 credit Either (1) authority (OED, n. 2b obs.); or (2) high estimation (5b).
264 tracts and courses course of events. ‘[T]racts’ here means the course or continuity of something (OED, Tract n.3 2 obs.).
266–81 This episode is based on Suetonius’s account, Divus Iulius, 17, of how Caesar, being accused by Lucius Vectius and Curius of complicity with Catiline, stipulated ‘no reward’ (276) to Curius as proof of the Senate’s belief in his own honesty.
266 libel document (OED, n. 2 obs.; from Lat. libellus, which has a range of meanings from ‘small book’ to ‘written accusation’).
268 throw it] F1 (throw’it)
273 private motion ‘Lat. privilegium, a bill relating to an individual’ (Bolton & Gardner).
277–8 think . . . honest think my reputation for honesty to be be very dubious and uncertain. ‘Untimely’ here – possibly under the influence of Lat. intemperans, intemperate, profligate – seems not to be a temporal determinant. Cf. Claudius on Hamlet’s killing of Polonius as ‘what’s untimely done’, Ham., 4.1.40.
281 contentment satisfaction.
281 SD] G; not in F1
5.4 Location: Catiline’s camp near Pistoria. Catiline’s address to his soldiers, extracting heroism from an impossible situation, and inspired by Roman ‘virtue’ (49) unlike any other speech of his, forms his last appearance in the play. It derives, sometimes verbatim, from Sallust, Bell. Cat., 58.
5.4 ] this edn; not in F1
0 SD] Bolton & Gardner, subst.; The Armie. Catiline. F1 (The Armie. / in left margin); Catiline. The Armie. Q
4 prowess courage.
5 Habitual or natural Acquired by habit or inherent by nature (Bell. Cat., 58.2, natura aut moribus).
6 in act in action (i.e. battle).
7–9 Catiline’s sententia is a direct translation of Bell. Cat., 58.2–3, Quem neque gloria neque pericula excitant, nequiquam hortere; timor animi auribus officit.
7–9 Whom . . . / ’Tis . . . / Keeps] F1; “Whom . . . / “’Tis . . . / “Keepes Q
7 glory or] F1 (glory’or)
8 t’attempt to seek to influence.
10 warn you remind you of (Bell. Cat., 58.3, pauca monerem).
11 give . . . counsels explain to you the reasons for the decision I have arrived at (i.e. his battle policy). Translating Bell. Cat., 58.3., uti causam mei consili aperirem.
12 point plight (OED, n.1 24 obs.).
15 sleepiness sluggishness. Lentulus’s hallmark.
19 wait lie in wait for (OED, v.1 1 obs.).
22 corn and victual grain and provisions of any kind.
23 of need necessarily.
23 remove change our position.
23–4 whither . . . passage the sword must both point and clear our way to wherever we go, i.e. as in Bell. Cat., 58.7–8, Quocumque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est, ‘Wherever we decide to go, we must cut our way with our swords.’
27–9 think . . . now An almost literal translation of Bell. Cat., 58.8–9: memineritis vos divitias, decus, gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dextris vostris portare.
29 want Either (1) are deprived of; or (2) miss (OED, v. 2f or g, both obs.).
29–30 with . . . swords The heroic and hubristic assertion that the soldiers carry the fates themselves in their hands, and teach them with their swords (i.e. control them), is Jonson’s addition to the source.
31 give the blow conquer (i.e. give the coup de grâce).
31 safe to secure for. The line translates Bell. Cat., 58.9, Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta erunt.
31 to us] F1 (to’vs)
33 free towns Lat. municipia. After the enfranchisement of Italy in 89 BC all communities that were not coloniae became municipia.
34 Where Whereas (OED, conj. 12b obs.).
38 the great ones the politically powerful (Lat. optimates).
43–4 There is in you more compulsion towards victory than in your opponents, since you are fighting for your own cause, they for that of others (i.e. as in Bell. Cat., 58.11–12, pro potentia paucorum, ‘to uphold the power of a few men’).
45 He’s] F1; “Hee’s Q
45 trusts . . . armed flees when he has a sword in his hand.
46–8 Methinks . . . spectacle This vision of the battle to come as a theatrical performance with death, furies, and gods as an audience, is not in Jonson’s source text.
46 waiting looking forward to.
47 heaven at] F1 (heauen’at)
47–8 at . . . For free (i.e. suspending all other activity) to watch.
49 envy our virtue begrudges our bravery (translating Bell. Cat., 58.21, si virtuti vostrae fortuna inviderit, but, unlike the source, identifying Catiline with his soldiers: ‘our virtue’).
50–3 yet . . . estate This peroration is all Jonson’s.
50 care take care (OED, v. 2b).
53 While she puts us to the test, fear for her own power.
5.5 Back to Rome, where the final scene takes the form of a Senate meeting into which, around the presiding figure of Cicero and within the context of the opposition between Caesar and Cato, all the material necessary for the denouement of the Catilinarian conspiracy has been compacted. The fate of the chief conspirators is debated and decided; they are taken to be executed; and the heroic death of Catiline in battle is narrated. Jonson’s main source is Sallust, Bell. Cat., 50–60.
5.5 ] this edn; not in F1
0 SD] this edn; The Senate. F1
1, 2 SHs] G, subst.; Sen. F1 (also at 79, 148, 149, 151)
3 bethink you of consider (OED, Bethink v. 8c).
5–13 Some . . . rescue A free and lively version of Sallust’s account of attempts being made to rescue the conspirators, who were in custody. The Republic had no police force, and powerful individuals provided themselves with friends, clients, and servants who, when needed, could be armed and virtually serve as a private army.
5 clients See 3.2.249n.
5 freedmen slaves who have been emancipated.
6 make head start an insurrection (OED, Head n. 52a).
6 bawds While most commonly used of pandering in sexual contexts, the term could also refer to one who ‘panders to any evil design’ (OED, Bawd n. 1b).
8 artificers craftsmen.
11 Chosen and exercised Picked and trained (translating Bell. Cat., 50.2, lectos et excercitatos).
11 attemptings attacks.
12–13 prove . . . rescue try to rescue him.
18 next designed elect. Silanus was consul designatus at the time and so entitled to speak first in debates.
19 sentence opinion (OED, n. 1 obs., from Lat. sententia), with a suggestion also of a judicial sentence, as again at lines 28 and 30.
20–6 Silanus’s speech is Jonson’s creation, from Sallust’s brief statement (Bell. Cat., 50.4) that ‘he had recommended that they be put to death’ (supplicium sumundum decreverat). Its fervour makes his later near-recanting (see 5.5.97–8 and n.) the more remarkable.
25 article moment. When used of time, the literal sense – from Lat. articulus, ‘joint’ – is a ‘nick’ joining two successive periods (OED, n. 2).
25 eye tinge (OED, n. 9 obs.). This sense – rather than ‘point’ (Bolton & Gardner) or ‘minute portion’ (Harris, Cat.), neither definition recorded in OED – suggests that Silanus is thinking of the smallest possible amount of light as against utter darkness (as in the dungeon where executions take place). Cf. ‘an eye of green’ in Temp., 2.1.55.
27 SHs] G, subst.; Sen. Q
28–78 Caesar’s speech is a condensed version of that attributed to him by Sallust, Bell. Cat., 51.
29 doubtful uncertain, ambiguous (Bell. Cat., 51.1, res dubiis).
35 to . . . cause in relation to the case before us.
36 fact crime. See 1.1.27n.
37 Weigh . . . with See 3.3.161n.
38 passion feelings. Sallust’s Caesar contrasts passion (lubido, an older form of libido) with intellect (ingenium) and then cites instances in the history of Rome where adherence to the latter has preserved her dignity (Bell. Cat., 51.1–6).
41 devise consider a plan (OED, Devise v. 5b).
43 I advise limiting ourselves to such penalties as the law has established (rendering Bell. Cat., 51.8, eis utendum censeo quae legibus comparata sunt).
44 alter upon humour change policy, motivated by an excited state of public feeling (OED, Humour n. 5c).
45 they offend] F1 (they’offend)
46–7 their fame . . . same they are as little known as they are great.
49–50 So . . . licence Translating Bell. Cat., 51.13–14, Ita in maxuma fortuna minuma licentia est. ‘[L]icence’ here means ‘freedom of action’.
51 nor . . . hate neither favour nor hate.
56 or grace either favour (‘use . . . hatred’ translates Bell. Cat., 51.16, gratiam aut inimicitias exercere).
57 manners See 1.1.583n.
57 his modesty] Q; modestie F1
60 abhorring from abhorrent to (Lat. abhorrens ab; but Jonson here goes one stronger than Sallust, where Silanus’s verdict is simply found aliena, ‘foreign’ to Rome: Bell. Cat. 51.17).
61–2 Since . . . death Unlike Jonson’s Caesar, Sallust’s at this point discusses at some length the Porcian and other laws which provide that Roman citizens, even when found guilty of serious crimes, are not to lose their lives but be permitted to go into exile. He also emphasizes and exemplifies (e.g. by Sulla’s proscriptions) the danger of setting a precedent which could be used by tyrants.
62 give assign.
63 vain unnecessary (Bell. Cat., 51.19, supervacaneum).
68 The line translates Bell. Cat., 51.20, ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse, with ‘care’, as in 1.1.59, meaning ‘sorrow’.
72 states possessions, property (OED, State n. 36 obs.).
72 confiscate confiscated.
74 severed Either (1) kept apart from each other; or (2) ‘kept distant’ (Bolton & Gardner) (less likely, since it would simply repeat ‘far off’).
75–6 have . . . people have their case presented either to the Senate or to a popular assembly. Sallust’s Caesar, Bell. Cat., 51.43, advises just this: neu quis de eis postea ad senatum referat neve cum populo agat.
77 mulcted punished by a fine (or by other means, see OED, which quotes this example, Mulct v. 1).
78 that . . . guard (the towns) which were responsible for keeping the rebels imprisoned.
79 A line to show the Senate’s readiness to be swayed by rhetoric.
80–96 Cicero’s speech is largely made up of selected lines from his fourth speech against Catiline, delivered to the Senate on 5 Dec. 63 BC.
80–1 Fathers . . . me Literal translation of the opening of In Cat., 4.1.1, Video, patres conscripti, in me omnium vestrum ora atque oculos esse conversos.
81 censures See 4.2.344n.
82 Either Both (with plural verb: OED, Either a. (pron.) 1b obs.). Here probably also under the influence of the source’s uter, since the whole sentence is a near-literal translation of In Cat., 4.4.7, Uterque et pro sua dignitate et pro rerum magnitudine in summa severitate versatur.
83 answering befitting (OED, Answer v. 28 obs.).
87 The other bonds The other (Caesar) urges imprisonment (OED, Bond n.1 1 b). Cf. the source text’s vincula, ‘imprisonment’, plural of vinculum, ‘bond’: In Cat., 4.4.7.
88 found . . . plague are devised (i.e. would serve) as a uniquely appropriate affliction (i.e. punishment). The vocabulary here reflects the source text (In Cat., 4.4.7): ‘found out’ for inventa sunt; ‘for the more singular plague’ for ad singularem poenam.
91 act decide to carry out (Lat. agere).
93 an even face ‘equanimity’ (Bolton & Gardner).
96 immature premature (i.e. death would always find him ready) (OED, a. 1 obs.) (Lat. immaturus).
97–8 Fathers . . . required Jonson is kinder to Silanus than Plutarch, who, in Cicero, 21, declares that Silanus changed his mind in the belief that Caesar’s proposal was carrying the day, and weakly explained that he had never meant to advocate the death penalty but instead imprisonment, as being the extreme punishment for a Roman senator. But according to Suetonius, Divus Iulius, 14.1, Silanus merely ‘gave a milder interpretation to his proposal, since it would have been humiliating to change it’.
99–147 This . . . done Cato’s speech is a compressed version of that attributed to him in Bell. Cat., 52. Sallust’s Cato frames his argument within an attack on the moral decline of the age, but Jonson’s concentrates on the urgency of the issue at hand: the life or death of the conspirators.
103 common facts regular crimes.
106 is happened has happened. A once-common use of the auxiliary with this verb.
106 wait wait for.
108 subtilly subtly. An old form, which here, with deliberate ambiguity, has the sense of either ‘ingeniously’ or ‘craftily’. Spelling and metre indicate that it is trisyllabic.
109–13 Cato points out, as in Bell. Cat., 52.13, that Caesar’s argument against the death penalty – that death is not the worst punishment but ‘the end of evils, and a rest / Rather than torment’ (66–7) – is based on a scepticism which turns fundamental Roman beliefs into mere fiction (‘a pretty fable’, 109). While Jonson finds the idea in Sallust, his wording here may nevertheless recall that of Marlowe’s Faustus: ‘Come, I think hell’s a fable.’ Mephistopheles: ‘Ay, think so still, till experience change thy mind’ (Doctor Faustus, A-text, 2.1.130–1). Cf. the image Petreius paints to his soldiers, of what will happen to Catiline’s army: ‘all their host / Tormented after life’ (5.1.62–3).
109 things A way of avoiding calling what is ‘delivered’ (i.e. ‘told’: OED, Deliver v.1 11 obs.) either ‘tales’ or ‘truths’. In Bell. Cat., 52.13 a pronoun, ea, ‘those’, serves the same purpose.
111 ill evil.
118 where i.e. in the small free towns, where.
119 vain counsel useless recommendation (Bell. Cat., 52.16, vanum . . . consilium).
120–2 if . . . fear him Cato (here very close to the source text) misses no opportunity to turn Caesar’s argument into a sign of his complicity with the conspirators.
121 In . . . men when all men are so frightened. A Latin construction, rendering the source’s in tanto omnium metu, Bell. Cat., 52.16.
125 as as if.
127–8 Jonson translates Cato’s adherence to traditional Roman virtues, including his misogyny, quite literally: Non votis neque suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur; vigilando, agundo, bene consulundo, Bell. Cat., 52.29.
129 From which (virtues) they (the gods) will be reluctant to withdraw their presence and help (OED, Forsake v. 4).
134 turn become.
135–9 Oh . . . ’em Jonson’s Cato, like Sallust’s (Bell. Cat., 52.26–8), turns his oration into a dialogue of two voices, one ignominiously representing his audience of senators.
141 than than that which.
143–5 to . . . error to have realized that you made an error in being slow to act. The point of 142–5 is that under other circumstances he would have been willing to let the Senate hesitate and then learn the hard way, from experience, whereas the circumstances are now such that the experience would be death and destruction, with no time for learning – a point he also made at 105–6.
143 repaired this fault corrected this error (i.e. of sparing these men).
144 t’have] F1 (to’haue)
146–7 let . . . done Cato’s punch-line (including ‘done’, meaning ‘finished’) is Jonson’s invention.
148–51 This chorus of voices, including that of Silanus recanting his near-recantation (150), is the dramatic equivalent of Sallust’s statement, Bell. Cat., 53.1, that ‘a decree of the Senate was passed in accordance with [Cato’s] recommendation’.
149 are all] F1; all were Q
151 Go forth Proceed.
152 I’m] F1 (I’am)
153 SD Enter . . . letters] G, subst.; not in F1
153–9 The letter episode is based on Plutarch, Cato Minor, 24, a passage devoted to the sexual trespasses of Cato’s sisters and wife. Jonson brings it in as an anticlimax in Cato’s suspicions of Caesar: whoever actually sent the letter, Cato cannot be sure that Caesar is not telling the truth, and so, immediately upon his victory in the Senate, Cato is here made to look not a little ridiculous. Possibly Jonson also wants to remind us of the network of relationships within the Roman aristocracy which underlies the events of the play. The writer of the letter (157–8), Servilia, was for many years Caesar’s mistress and also one of the most powerful women of her generation. Half-sister of Cato, she was at this time married to Silanus, the consul-elect (another reason for not broadcasting the letter); Brutus and Cassius, who were to lead the assassination of Caesar in 44 BC, were, respectively, her son from her first marriage and her son-in-law (married to a daughter from her marriage to Silanus; another daughter married Lepidus, the triumvir). Caesar was at this time married to Pompeia, a granddaughter of Sulla.
153 SD He . . . exits] this edn; not in Q
159 discover it At this point the ‘letters’ have dwindled into singular. The source has only ‘a small letter’ brought in for Caesar. For ‘discover’, see 4.3.1n.
159 Hold thee Here! Take it! (OED, Hold v. 15b; ‘thee’ is the dative.) Cf. AWW, 4.5.41, ‘Hold thee, there’s my purse.’
159 drunkard A puzzling invective here, but true to the source. Presumably ‘adulterer’ would shame Cato as much as Caesar.
160–1 You’ll repent . . . Cicero Here, as in line 152 above, Jonson is following Suetonius, Divus Iulius, 14.2, in having Caesar continue to oppose the Senate’s resolution vis-à-vis the conspirators. To those with knowledge of Roman history this line is ominous and Pomtinius’s response ironical: Cicero had to repent the ‘rashness’ of having the conspirators executed immediately, which was a violation of the citizen’s right to trial and to appeal to the people in capital cases. Though approved by Senate and people in the first moment of panic, the action was of questionable legality and was soon to be held against Cicero. By 58 BC the Senate had declared him an exile.
161, 162 SH pomtinius] Bolton & Gardner; Prae. F1
161 SD Cicero’s ‘Hold [i.e. ‘Stop it!’], friends!’ (162) and his rejection of ‘violence’ (163) indicate that a serious fracas is taking place, Pomtinius representing – for the sake of theatrical economy – the anti-Caesar feelings. There is no source for him as the initiator of violence; but according to Suetonius, Divus Iulius, 14.2, the knights guarding the Senate drew their swords against Caesar as he persisted in his opposition; and Plutarch, Caesar, 8, reports (and doubts) a story that they would have killed him but for Cicero refusing to give the nod of approval. Sallust, Bell. Cat., 49.4, reports a similar attack on Caesar but assigns it to the earlier Senate meeting (here 5.3).
162 public people (of Rome).
164 SD Exit Pomtinius.] this edn; not in F1
165 Spinther’s house See 5.3.200–1 and n.
166 SD At this point Jonson has to dramatize a scene which, in his sources, involves a great deal of perambulation. In Plutarch, Cicero, 22, ‘Cicero went with the Senate to the conspirators, who were not all in the same place . . .  He first took Lentulus from the Palatine and led him through the Via Sacra and the middle of the Forum, with the men of highest rank in a body around him as his guards, . . . to the prison’, where he also took ‘every one of the rest in order and had them put to death’. Jonson’s solution is to avail himself of the conventions of continuous staging and unlocalized settings, to create by repetition a sombre ritual. The fiction of the stage representing the Senate House dissolves, and Cicero – surrounded by as many of the senators as would not be needed for doubling in this cast-expensive scene – moves in turn to each of the three ‘houses’, represented by stage doors, from which each of the conspirators is brought forth for a last speech, walked across the stage with Cicero, and taken away to be strangled by the executioners. That Gabinius and Statilius, sent to separate houses (5.3.197–8), now emerge from the same door may suggest that three doors (as at Blackfriars) was the limit of what the stage could offer. If there were only two doors at the Globe (cf. Gurr, 2001; Fitzpatrick, 2002), the third entry could be from the same door as the first or second, audience imagination continuing to supply the appropriate location. As the executions were performed in the Tullianum, the underground cell of the prison of Rome (gruesomely described by Sallust, Bell. Cat., 55.3–6; and see Introduction), it is tempting to suggest that it was through the trap-door that the prisoners were taken offstage and that the executioners kept re-emerging. As the text assumes continuity of performance, with Cicero confronting each conspirator as he enters and finally receiving Petreius’s report, there seems to be no justification for dividing lines 166–283 into three separate scenes, as done by Bolton & Gardner.
166 SD Enter . . . guarded] this edn; not in F1
166 sad grave (OED, a. 4 obs.).
166, 173, 184 ] lines indented, F1
169–71 i.e., according to an unrepentant Lentulus, it is only a matter of recent ill-fortune that it is he, and not Cicero, that is being killed. The exchanges between Cicero and the doomed men are entirely Jonson’s invention.
171 SD] this edn; not in F1
173 SD] this edn; not in F1
175 ‘He was once’ i.e. ‘He is dead’, but to say this would have been to use a word of ill omen. Cethegus, however, pretends to take it as an incomplete sentence and a jumping-off point for a final attack on Cicero.
175 ‘He was once.’] Bolton & Gardner; He was once. F1
177–9 that . . . into In Cethegus’s inchoate argument that his own baseness makes Cicero even more base (‘this worm’, 178), ‘him’ (178) refers to himself and ‘his’ (179) to Cicero.
179 moved i.e. to anger.
180 Justice] F1; “Iustice Q
181–3 Cethegus represents his ignominious death – by punitive strangling instead of bellicose sword fight – as a bad joke, the kind of ‘trick’ played by the goddess Fortune (cf. 4.2.280n.). Here she is not just fickle but a ‘whore’ with the fates acting as her ‘bawds’, much as in John, 3.1.60–1, ‘France is a bawd to Fortune and King John, / That strumpet Fortune’, whereas in the 1 Player’s speech, Ham., 2.2.451–55, the ‘gods’ are asked to ‘take away her power’ from ‘strumpet Fortune’. Cf. also Lear, 2.4.48, ‘Fortune, that arrant whore’.
182 which who.
183 by a] F1 (by’a)
184 else i.e. if, instead of letting me sleep, the gods sentence me to some punishment in the underworld. Cf. 5.5.109–13 and n.
184 SD] this edn; not in F1
186 rude For Gabinius’s particular rudeness see 5.3.129–36.
186 SD] this edn; not in F1
186–7 take ’em . . . you This line evokes the horror – not less for not being seen – of the executions. Plutarch, Cicero, 22, tells how, as Cicero was leading the prisoners to their death, there were ‘people the while shuddering at what was doing and passing by in silence, and chiefly the youth, who felt as if they were being initiated with fear and trembling in certain national rites of a certain aristocratic power’.
188 SD] this edn; not in F1
190 call . . . Consul call Rome happy because you are Consul. The line echoes the poem De suo Consulato, which Cicero wrote to glorify his Consulship, O fortunatam natam me consule Romam, and which Juvenal quotes when writing of Cicero’s eloquence as his undoing, Satires, 10.122.
191 parent . . . country See 5.3.228 and n.
193 dwell linger, hang.
194 lay . . . old store up for a time when they are old.
196 such a year some year in the future.
196 fasti Roman calendar. See 5.3.251n.
197 SD] G; not in F1
200 Consul Antonius. See 5.1.2n.
201 victory . . . him According to Roman usage Antonius, though claiming to be too ill to take part in the battle (cf. 5.1.3), was entitled to the honour of the victory, because Petreius was his inferior officer.
204 the conquest . . . black even victory is clouded with sorrow.
205 House of Concord The location of the Senate meetings in 5.3 and 5.5. We are to imagine that the scene continues and concludes in the open, outside the prison.
206 happy fortunate.
208 spread extend.
209 it . . . it the tale would demand that he did so.
210–69 Petreius functions as the Messenger (Nuntius) in classical tragedy, reporting the offstage catastrophe and death(s). Catiline’s final battle is described in Sallust, Bell. Cat., 59–61; but the style of Petreius’s speech, with its elaborate similes and supernatural presences, is in the epic tradition, modelled on Lucan, whose language is sometimes echoed, interwoven with lines entirely Jonson’s own, to render the heroism of Catiline’s ‘brave bad death’ (269). For dramatic effect, historical events have been telescoped: the battle did not take place until early Jan. 62 BC, nearly a month after the execution of the conspirators in Rome.
210 straits difficulties of choice (since Catiline was trapped between two enemy armies) (OED, Strait B. n. 2b obs.).
212–13 it . . . choice In attributing Catiline’s choice to ‘Fate’, Jonson rejects Dion Cassius’s idea that he decided to attack the stronger of the two armies trapping him because he thought ‘Antonius would let himself be beaten in view of his part in the conspiracy’ (37.39).
214 peised counterbalanced (OED, Peise v. 3c obs.).
214 peised] F1 (paiz’d)
215 riss rose (cf. 4.2.299n.), here in the sense of taking up arms. For the darkness identified with Catiline’s action, cf. Sulla’s Ghost, 1.1.61–2, ‘Let . . . day / At showing but thy head forth, start away’, and the darkened morning of the conspirators’ meeting in Act 1.
215 riss] F1 (riss’)
217–18 hide . . . wings i.e. bring chaos and confusion everywhere.
218 quarry Either (1) intended prey; or (2) pile of dead bodies (OED, n.1 3c or 2 obs.). The latter is more likely if, as Harris, Cat. suggests, ‘make the world her quarry’ is an echo of De bello, 7.46, fatisque trahentibus orbem, ‘fate drawing the world to its destruction’ (as the soldiers demand the signal for battle).
219 stay delay.
220 Echoing a passage in Lucan, De bello, 7.129–33, in which a battle between Pompey and Caesar ‘must decide what Rome was to be’ (et quaeri, Roma quid esset, 132).
220 be inquired] F1 (be’enquir’d)
222 form formation.
223 came on advanced.
223–7 the face . . . come For 226–7, cf. De bello, 7.129–30, Multorum pallor in ore / Mortis venturae, ‘many faces bore the paleness of the death that was to come’; while the description of Catiline’s face as an allegory of his own actions, 223–5, is a Jonsonian particularizing of De bello, 7.130, faciesque simillima fato, ‘faces very much like doom’.
229 precipitate See 4.4.71n.
230 himself i.e. Catiline.
232–6 Without distinct verbal echoes, the image – of one death having on the battle the effect of the breaching of an isthmus and unleashing the forces of two previously separated seas – recalls how the death of Crassus precipitates Caesar and Pompey into the civil war in De bello, 1.100–6.
238 Piety . . . field A possible echo of the pseudo-Senecan Octavia, 160, where sancta Pietas extulit trepidos gradus, ‘holy Piety with trembling steps withdrew’ (from the imperial palace). But the vision of the battle as an arena with the furies as overwhelmed spectators, 236–9, is all Jonson’s. Cf. 1.1.70–2n. and 5.4.46.
239–40 in . . . was Echoing De bello, 6.147–8, where we hear of one soldier qui nesciret, in armis / Quam magnum virtus crimen civilibus esset, ‘who did not know what a great crime valour is in a civil war’.
244 Enyo Greek goddess of war, here identified with war itself.
247 Pallas-like As it did to Pallas, son of the Arcadian king Evander, when, fighting for Aeneas, and so for Rome-to-be, he rallied his troops (Virgil, Aeneid, 10).
248–9 his troops . . . trunks From Sallust, who reports, as a sign of the boldness and resolution of Catiline’s army, Bell. Cat., 61.2–3, Nam fere quem quisque vivos pugnando locum ceperat, eum amissa anima corpore tegebat, ‘almost every man covered with his body, when dead, the position he had taken when alive at the beginning of the battle’.
249 they’d] F1 (they’had)
251 Collected . . . fury Gathered all his rage. Literally from De bello, 1.207, totam dum colligit iram (describing Caesar crossing the Rubicon).
253–5 Libyan lion . . . wounds The simile is from the same passage in De bello, 1. 205–12, with ‘careless of wounds’ rendering securus volneris, 212.
257 it . . . it i.e. death.
258–64 A close imitation of Claudian, Gigantomachia, 91–101, where the story of Minerva’s fight with the giant Enceladus is told: a source Jonson uses again extensively in Gold. Age.
259 Medusa, a charming and beautiful daughter of the Gorgons, enjoyed an encounter with Neptune in Minerva’s sacred temple. To punish her for this offence, Minerva turned the locks of Medusa’s hair into snakes, covered her body with scales, and ensured that whoever she looked at would turn to stone: a power Medusa retained even after Perseus had cut off her head (cf. 5.1.52–5n.). Perseus used the severed head as a weapon, mounting it on the aegis of Minerva, and brandishing it towards his adversaries: thus ‘holding forth’ (ostendens, Gigantomachia, 92).
264 was . . . feared had become that which he feared. Translating Gigantomachia, 101, Quod timuit iam totus erat.
266–9 yet . . . parts This owes something to Sallust’s last, half-admiring look at Catiline, found among a heap of slain enemies, ferociamque animi, quam habuerat vivos, in voltu retinens, ‘and retaining in his looks the fierce spirit which had animated him when alive’, Bell. Cat., 61.4–5; but, where Sallust has the dying man ‘still breathing slightly’ (paululum etiam spirans), Jonson gives us his still moving hands as emblematic of his rebellion. Cf. also his ‘sluggish hands’, 1.1.79–82n.
269 parts i.e. of the body.
269–70 A brave . . . country The sentiment of the oxymoron ‘brave bad’ is articulated in Florus, Epitome, 2.12.12, which Jonson echoes: ‘Catilina . . . pulcherrima morte si pro patria sic concidisset, ‘a glorious death, if he had fallen in battle for his country’.
271 ere The F1 spelling (also in Q) suggests that Jonson meant ‘ere’, ‘prior to this’, rather than ‘e’er’, ‘ever’ (though the latter is a possible reading). The point – a traditional eulogy both made and negated – is much the same in either case.
273 A line to celebrate the self-effacing ‘virtue’ of the Roman commander, and one which could reflect ironically on Cicero himself.
274 the immortal] F1; th’immortal Q
278–80 Only . . . thoughts Echoing Cicero’s peroration in In Cat., 4.23, where, in return for saving Rome, he asks only that the memory of this occasion, and the whole of his consulship, remain in vestris fixa mentibus, ‘fixed in your minds’.
280–3 conscience . . . first Cf. the Chorus’s wish at 2.1.378, and also Epigr. 98.10–12, ‘And study conscience more than thou wouldst fame. / Though both be good, the latter yet is worst, / And ever is ill got without the first.’ The source is Pliny, Epistles, 1.8.14, Praeterea meminimus quanto maiore animo honestatis fructus in conscientia quam in fama reponatur. ‘Conscience’ (280) here combines the later modern meanings of both ‘consciousness’ and ‘conscience’; ‘study’ (281), as in Lat. studere, means ‘apply oneself to’, or ‘aim to achieve’.
282–3 Though . . . / And] F1; “Though . . . / “And Q
283 SD] G; not in F1
285–93 ] F1; not in Q
287–92 The ‘principal tragedians’ in the original 1611 King’s Men presentation of Catiline were all experienced Jonsonian actors. Three had taken leading roles in the five plays by Jonson the company had previously presented: EMI (1598), EMO (1599), Sej. (1603), Volp. (1606), and Alch. (1610). They were Richard Burbage (1568–1619), also a lead actor in many of Shakespeare’s plays, and Henry Condell (d. 1627) and John Heminges (c. 1566–1630), who in 1623 were to serve as the two co-editors of Shakespeare’s First Folio. Heminges ceased acting in 1611, and Catiline would have been one of the last plays in which he appeared. Burbage probably took the part of Cicero in this ill-fated presentation. Heminges’s apprentice, Alexander Cooke (or Cook; d. 1614), and John Lowin (c. 1576–1653) had performed in three of the Jonson plays previously presented by the King’s Men: Sej., Volp., and Alch. William Ostler (d. 1614) had been one of the Children of the Chapel who acted in Poet. in 1601; he was one of the three players who presented Britain’s Burse in 1609, and he had performed with the King’s Men in Alch. in 1610; in the year of Catiline’s performance, he was hailed by John Davies of Hereford as ‘Sole king of actors’ (The Scourge of Folly, 1611, Epigram 205). The young Richard Robinson (c. 1595–1648) was associated with female roles and may have played the part of Sempronia in Catiline; he is referred to as ‘A very pretty fellow’ in Devil (2.8.64 and n.), where he may have taken the part of Wittipol. John Underwood (d. 1624) had been a boy player at Blackfriars from 1600 to 1608, acting in Cynthia (1600) and Poet. (1601); as a sharer with the King’s Men, he too had performed in Alch. in 1610, as had Nicholas Tooley (1583–1623) and William Ecclestone (c. 1591–c. 1624).
288 Richard] F1 (Ric.)
288 John] F1 (Ioh.)
289 Alexander] F1 (Alex.)
289 Henry] F1 (Hen.)
290 John . . . John] F1 (Ioh. . . . Ioh.)
291 William] F1 (Wil.)
291 Nicholas] F1 (Nic.)
292 Richard] F1 (Ric.)
292 William] F1 (Wil.)
For the See more
In piety of us all, and for whose virtue See more
Not heaven itself from thy See more
And ’twere impiety to think against them. See more
With his prodigious rhetoric. But I hope See more
[Aside] See more
The commonwealth, yet panting underneath See more
Make all past, present, future ill thine own, See more
That hath See more
Most noble Consul! Let us See more
What age is this, where honest men See more
Except the gods, that See more
Why, he does make and breed ’em for the people, See more
Especially in such an envious state See more
Who’s that? It is the voice of Lentulus. See more
I still have known you no less true than valiant, See more
However great we are, honest and valiant, See more
Were we not better to fall, once, with See more
We do redeem ourselves to liberty See more
Free, free! See more
Hence comes that wild and vast expense See more
Or safe at Rome, depending on See more
To vent it anywhere; ’twas such a secret, See more
Troubles me somewhat and is worth my fear. See more
Did crack, we should stand upright and unfeared. See more
It is some men’s malice. See more
Caesar and Crassus, if they be ill men, See more
Great See more
Decreed to me. See more
Become a mistress. See more
This day, to us and all See more
These men were truly See more
Too oft to dignify the magistrates. See more
That sooner will accuse the magistrate See more
This magistrate hath struck an awe into me See more
And make See more
Such were the great See more
And fortitude I have, See more
Shouldst have heard these or other words as fatal. See more
Cinna and Sulla dead. Then, bold Cethegus, See more
I love these See more
But Quintus Catulus and Piso both See more
So, now there’s no See more
Let not this trouble you, Caesar; none believes it. See more
Where are the public executioners? See more
Silanus, you are consul See more
Somewhat modest. See more
And then Petreius, his lieutenant, must See more
You say See more
Meet and not yield. The Furies stood on hills See more
Some of his fierceness, and his hands still moved, See more
Coming from thence. See more
[To himself] See more
Hourly some fatal mischief to the public. See more
With hourly whoredoms, never left the side See more
The commonwealth owes him a See more
He presently take arms, and give a blow See more
If we can See more
Report it to the Senate. See more
Madam. See more
A pretty one. See more
It is, methinks, a morning full of fate! See more
And all the See more
Traitor! See more
Somewhat modest. See more
And fortitude I have, See more
It shall be in – See more
And a vain dream, out of See more
I’ll use no See more
Called both my brother and friends, shut out your See more
As strong as he doth heaven? And was I, See more
She has a See more
The flax and sulphur are already laid See more
And Flaccus and Pomtinius, the See more
Manlius at Faesulae is by this time See more
Is there a beauty here in Rome you love? See more
Could my Aurelia think I meant her less See more
That he went hence alive, when those I meant See more
Here I begin the See more
And then to take See more
To make their See more
The fire you speak of: See more
The night See more
Honoured and loved. It were a noble life See more
I’ll send you aid. See more
What is that same Umbrenus, See more
Did teach me, madam. See more
As these for me: dull, stupid Lentulus, See more
Conscience and See more
Let night grow blacker with thy plots, and day, See more