Sejanus His Fall

Edited by Tom Cain

Introduction

In the winter of 1601–2 Jonson promised to turn his back on comical satire and ‘try / If Tragedy have a more kind aspect’ (Poet., Apol. Dial., 210–11). The eventual result was one of the most radical of all early modern plays, an austere dystopian tragedy which displayed the corruption of a successful tyranny without concession to social optimism or religious consolation. Sejanus provided a new way of treating the contemporary as well as the historical political scene. It is significant that Shakespeare played a leading part in it, probably as Tiberius. Not only does Sejanus carry on an implicit dialogue with his earlier Roman play, Julius Caesar (Donaldson, 2000b; Pechter, 1986), but without Sejanus it is difficult to see Shakespeare’s later Roman plays, or Measure for Measure, King Lear, and Macbeth, treating the uses and abuses of power as they did.

Despite its originality, the roots of Sejanus can be found in Jonson’s previous play, Poetaster. Both use Rome as a way of commenting on the English political scene, both deal with the corrosive effects of flattery, envy, and detraction, false accusations of treason, spies, informers, and censorship. Sejanus continues to employ satire, and opens with a Juvenalian treatment of courtly corruption that Donne or Marston would have recognized. But whereas in Poetaster slander and misinterpretation are defeated by ridicule, in the world of Sejanus the calumniators are in power, their victims helpless. ‘Comical satire’ cannot reform this society (cf. Maus, 1984, 36–7).

Some of the motivation for this change can be inferred from what is known of Jonson’s life in late 1601. He was soured by the last stages of the War of the Theatres, grieving for the death of his daughter Mary, probably in August that year (Epigr. 22), and threatened by increasing pressure on Roman Catholics to conform. It would not be surprising to find him turning in these circumstances from Augustan satire to Tiberian tragedy; but the tragic subject matter which first came so insistently, as he said, ‘into my thought / That must and shall be sung, high and aloof’ (Poet., Apol. Dial., 224–5) seems not to have been Roman. Almost as soon as Poetaster was finished Jonson may have begun work on additions to the Spanish Tragedy and expanded these further in June 1602, when he also began a new play, Richard Crookback (Henslowe, Diary, ed. Foakes and Rickert, 1961, 182, 203; see the note on Richard Crookback (lost play) in this volume, pp. 183–4).

As with Poetaster, the origins of Sejanus can be discerned in Jonson’s interest in Richard Ⅲ. Reading for Crookback would have included the Latin version of Thomas More’s History of Richard Ⅲ and Shakespeare’s Richard Ⅲ. As well as the murder of children (the subject of all the additions to the Spanish Tragedy, if these are indeed by Jonson), both describe the cynical use of false treason charges, and the relationship between a dissembling tyrant and the lieutenant he exploits and discards. Such a relationship was to be central to Sejanus, and was to be developed along comic lines in Volpone. Jonson’s heavily marked copy of More’s Richard Ⅲ survives. As Robert C. Evans notes (1995a, 160–90), More’s history invokes a world of deception and uncertainty which anticipates ‘the nightmare world of Tiberian Rome’ found in Sejanus.

Illness may have prevented completion of Crookback. In a letter to Sir Robert Cotton, probably dating from late 1602 or early 1603, Jonson describes himself as ‘a man but faintly returning to his despaired health’ (Letter 2). He was probably by now working on Sejanus, since he requests ‘some book’ which would clarify the geography of the Campania (cf. Sej., 3.669–73). Cotton was already an adviser of Lord Henry Howard, who was growing increasingly powerful in the final years of Elizabeth’s reign (Peck, 1982, 103–17). By 1605 Jonson was to see Howard as his enemy (see below), but that this was not the case early in 1603 is suggested not just by Jonson’s friendship with Cotton, but by the patronage at this time of another client of the Howard family, Robert Townshend, whose support is acknowledged in an inscribed copy of Sejanus: ‘The testimony of my affection and observance to my noble friend Sir Robert Townshend which I desire may remain with him, and last beyond marble’ (BL Ashley 3464; see facsimile below, p. 211).

Jonson described the 1603 version of Sejanus as one ‘wherein a second pen had good share’ (‘To the Readers’, 32–3). Some doubt is cast on just how substantial this collaboration was by Ev[erard] B[uckworth?]’s poem (‘To the Most Understanding Poet’, 2.228) which talks about ‘the author’ in the singular. If the entry in the Stationer’s Register for ‘a booke called the tragedie of Seianus written by Beniamin Iohnson’, rather than Q’s final title, ‘SEIANUS his Fall’, means that the copy licensed in November 1604 was the text of the 1603 version (Textual Essay, Electronic Edition), this too implies that it was mainly Jonson’s play, and that his revisions may have been lighter than ‘good share’ suggests. Whalley’s claim (3.130) that Shakespeare was the co-author has been plausibly revived by Anne Barton (1984, 93–4), but Chapman remains a more likely collaborator, his long poem in the 1605 edition suggesting a significant stake in the play’s fortunes. His influence may survive in particular in the recurrent emphasis on man controlling his fate: Chapman’s insistent ‘the use of time is fate’ (Hero and Leander, 3.76) could be Sejanus’s motto (cf. Sej., 1.576–81, 2.165–9, 3.495–6, 5.1–93), though the latter’s hubristic contempt for the ‘rites / Of faith, love, piety’ (2.175–6; cf. 5.69–89), which were so important to Chapman, shows how misguided is his self-reliance (cf. Chapman, Poems, ed. Bartlett, 1941, 135–7).

Date

Sejanus was ‘first acted in the year 1603 by the King’s Majesty’s Servants’, that is between 1 January 1603 and 24 March 1604, but there were few opportunities for a public performance during that time. The first four months of 1603, before the company became ‘the King’s Majesty’s Servants’, can be ruled out. Then, almost as soon as James arrived in London in mid-May, plague closed the theatres until 9April 1604. This has led most scholars to follow Chambers (ES, 3.367; cf. H&S, 9.190; Ayres, 9) in guessing Sejanus was ‘first acted’ at court during Christmas 1603–4, with the first Globe performance following after April 1604. No evidence exists, however, for a court performance, and the arguments against one are strong. The Master of the Revels preferred plays which had been tried out on the public stage (Gurr, 1996, 298–9; Astington, 1999, 216), and in the early years of the new reign he could rely more than formerly on such well-tried plays as Every Man In His Humour and Every Man Out of His Humour, both of which were performed at court the following Christmas. And even if he had been willing to risk an untried play, Sejanus would have been a highly injudicious choice, especially at Wilton, where the King’s Men gave ‘one playe’ on 2 December. The court was there in part to be near Winchester for Ralegh’s trial on 17 November, and the Master of the Revels, not to mention the company, would surely have registered the inappropriateness of performing such scenes as Silius’s trial (3.153ff.; cf. Ayres, 16–22) for the King and privy councillors directly responsible for contriving Ralegh’s sentence. The same objection holds against a performance at Hampton Court or Whitehall over the ensuing Christmas period. The passing of a month or two would not have made perceived allusions to Ralegh’s trial, whether intended or not, any more suitable for the festive entertainment of his persecutors.

A 1603 performance at the Globe needs, therefore, to be reconsidered. Four contemporary accounts of the first public performance survive. Jonson said it was received with ‘malice’ by an audience which he compared to the Roman mob: ‘in Your Lordship’s sight [it] suffered no less violence from our people here than the subject of it did from the rage of the people of Rome’ (Sej., Dedication, 3–5). This sounds very like the same performance as that confounded by the ‘people’s beastly rage’ which Ev[erard] B[uckworth] witnessed in ‘the Globe’s fair ring’ (‘To the Most Understanding Poet’, 1–5). William Fennor similarly described Sejanus as having been ‘condemned . . . without just trial by a multitude’ (his italics), a word he repeats:

With more than human art it was bedewed,

Yet to the multitude it nothing showed;

They screwed their scurvy jaws, and looked awry,

Like hissing snakes adjudging it to die;

When wits of gentry did applaud the same.

(Fennor, Descriptions, 1616, sig. B2)

Much later Francis Osborne recalled that as a boy he had been part of that multitude: ‘I amongst others hissed Sejanus off the stage, yet after sat it out, not only patiently, but with content, and admiration’ (Osborne, True Tragicomedy, c. 1654, 1b).

Contrary to what is often asserted (e.g. Chambers, ES, 3.367; Ayres, 9), there were a few days during May 1603 when all these men could have seen Sejanus at the Globe. Aubigny, attending James I on his progress south, would have reached London by 7 May (True Narration, 1603, sig. F4). The theatres were just then reopening, having been closed almost continuously since 19 March (Acts of the Privy Council, ed. Dasent, 32, p. 449). On 9 May they were ‘beginning to play again by the King’s licence’ (Henslowe, Diary, 1961, 225), albeit only for a short time, since on 17 May, when James issued a warrant for the patent reconstituting the former Lord Chamberlain’s Servants as the King’s Majesty’s Servants, they were only to resume playing ‘when the infection of plague shall decrease’ (Chambers, ES, 2.208–9).

If the long plague closure had begun by 17 May, there remains a week or less, between 9 and 16 May, when Sejanus could have been performed at the Globe. The dispatch with which this would mean Aubigny visiting the theatre is not an objection. He had stayed in London eighteen months earlier with his brother, the Duke of Lennox, when the War of the Theatres was in full swing, and when he may have met Jonson (Acts of the Privy Council, 32, 22 Nov. 1601; CSPV, 25 Nov. 1601). Aubigny and Lennox were both keen patrons of the theatre, though Aubigny’s own company, ‘Lord Awbenyes players’ have always been implausibly identified as the ‘Duke of Albany’s’, the latter being one of Prince Charles’s titles (see e.g. Gurr, 1996, 408–9). The Stuart brothers are, indeed, the most likely courtiers to have pushed James, who was not himself greatly interested in such matters, to move so quickly to issue the patent for the King’s Men.

Although the company did not become the ‘King’s Majesties Servants’ until a few days later, it is likely that, looking back in 1616, Jonson would have credited his first play performed under the new regime to the King’s Men, whose precise date of reconstitution under that name he may never have known anyway. If Sejanus was performed in that week, it was probably only once, and even then incompletely. That, at least, is the implication of Osborne’s ‘hissed . . . off the stage’ and the other references to the audience response, which all sound more extreme than hissing at the end of the play. In these circumstances, the second performance that Osborne admired can hardly have been in the same week; nor could Sejanus have been repeated on the tour the company made between June and November, when they are recorded in the West and Midlands (Barroll, 1991b, 107–9). The large cast (at least 27 speaking parts in Act 5, many impossible to double, plus attendants and musicians) would have made touring it impracticable. The later performance which Osborne sat patiently through probably took place between 9 April 1604 and November, when the play’s entry in the Stationer’s Register suggests it was no longer wanted for performance.

Northampton and the Privy Council

What caused the violent audience reaction? Some spectators were simply ‘not moved’ (‘To Him that Hath So Excelled on This Excellent Subject’, 2.227), perhaps a reaction to the unyielding pessimism of the play, or those aspects which relate it to the ‘academic Senecan drama’ of the day (Barish, Sej., 2). Yet boredom does not fully explain such strong hostility, and those angry enough to hiss the play off the stage were more likely those who saw contentious reference to the present ‘in some speech enweaved’. Accusations were made by ‘great ones’ that in performance Sejanus alluded not only to contemporary ‘faults’ but to contemporary ‘men’ (‘For his Worthy Friend, the Author’, 2.224; cf. Discoveries, 952–6). If, as is suggested below, the ‘men’ were believed to include the lately buried Queen Elizabeth, such a furious rejection of the play becomes understandable.

A hostile political reaction to the 1603 performance is often supposed to have led to the summons of which Jonson told Drummond: ‘Northampton was his mortal enemy for brawling, on a St George’s Day, one of his attenders; he was called before the Council for his Sejanus, and accused both of popery and treason by him’ (Informations, 251–2). Lord Henry Howard, soon to become Earl of Northampton, had by early 1603 manoeuvred himself into a position of influence over James, and could already have been viewed as a potential Sejanus by such established courtiers as Lennox and Aubigny. But Howard’s accusations are more likely to have been prompted by Q’s publication in 1605 (cf. Dutton, 1991, 12, 164). Jonson’s account strongly implies a sequence (first the brawling, then the summons) which could not have begun in April 1603, when Howard, having met James at Berwick on 7 April, was still with his party, then leaving Belvoir for Burleigh, on St George’s Day, 23 April (True Narration, 1603, sig. E3; HMC 10th Rep., 2, Gawdy Mss., 88, ?2 May, 1603). The probable date for Jonson’s brawling is St George’s Day 1605, when Howard was elected to the order of the Garter, and his ‘attenders’ would have been involved in procession and celebration (Beltz, 1841, clxxxiv; there were no elections in April 1602 or 1603). Chapman’s 1605 tribute to Howard as a protector of ‘all human skills’ (‘In Sejanum’, 140–5), which is unlikely to have followed an attack on the play, also points to the later date, as does the lack of any record of actors or co-author being summoned.

If printing was completed just after 5 November 1605 (Textual Essay, Electronic Edition), Howard’s intervention is explicable. He was deeply involved in the investigation of the Gunpowder Plot, and was one of the Commissioners at the trials that followed (A True and Perfect Relation, 1606; Peck, 1982, 111–12). He is likely to have noted the appearance of a contentious play whose publisher, Thorpe, was closely involved with exiled Catholic conspirators (Martin and Finnis, 2003) and whose author, a known Catholic, had been at a dinner hosted by a leading plotter, Catesby, only a few weeks before 5 November. The dinner alone justified suspicion of ‘popery and treason’: the other guests were Catesby’s co-conspirators Winter and Tresham; Lord Mordaunt, later imprisoned under plausible suspicion of involvement in the plot; Winter’s brother-in-law, John Ashfield; Jocelyn Percy, a cousin of another conspirator; and ‘one other unknown’ (Electronic Edition, Life Records, 29). At least four had been active in the Essex rebellion, and probably all knew or suspected that another plot was in the offing. Though Sejanus argues against active resistance, assumptions that Jonson was the only innocent guest (H&S, 1.40–1) or that he was there as a government agent (De Luna, 1967, 118–21) both seem naive. Catesby was still recruiting, and this dinner was one of a number at which he and Winter looked for recusants who might be willing to turn their ‘popery’ into active ‘treason’ (Fraser, 1996, 171–9). All this suggests Howard’s summons over Sejanus was identical with the appearance Jonson is known to have made before the Privy Council on 7 November 1605, when he agreed to act as intermediary in bringing a Catholic priest to give evidence (Life Records, 30).

‘Some faults may be these times’

The Council, then, had good circumstantial grounds to connect Sejanus with ‘popery and treason’. Nor would they have been wholly wrong in interpreting the play itself in terms of contemporary England, particularly of the predicament of loyal Catholics, so suggestively close to that of the Germanicans. Much of the greatness of Sejanus lies in its unflinching engagement with a corruption that is conceived of as applicable to past, present, and almost certainly future political life. Early modern writers, and certainly learned politicians like Howard, believed that history did repeat itself, and they looked to Rome for a typology that helped classify their own politics (cf. Patterson, 1984, 262–3; Donaldson, 2000b, 92–3). Machiavelli’s Discorsi, a major influence on Sejanus, set out to ‘compare ancient and modern events’ so that readers could draw that ‘utilità’ which is the purpose of history (1. Preface; cf. Lipsius, Six Books, 1594, 84). Machiavelli cites Sejanus to demonstrate that those granted ‘too many benefits’ are most dangerous to the prince who has favoured them (3.6; cf. Sej., 3.637–46). Donne, discussing in 1600 the intrigue surrounding the Earl of Essex, to whom this rule might apply, stressed the continuities between the corrupt courts of modern England and imperial Rome:

It was an excellent brag of Livy’s that the Roman state . . . was of all other in the world most fertile of good examples. I call it a brag, and so think it. For certainly all times are of one nature, and all courts produce the same effects of envy and detraction, of jealousy and other human weaknesses. (E. M. Simpson, 1948, 308).

Another friend of Jonson’s, Sir John Roe, applied Machiavelli’s dictum explicitly to Essex at about the same time as Sejanus:

And princes must fear favourites more than foes,

For still beyond revenge ambition goes.

(‘To Sir Nicholas Smith’, in Donne, Poems, ed. Grierson, 1912, 1.405)

It was, therefore, not just the ‘simple elves’ who could be expected to find ‘later times . . . in some speech enweaved’ (‘To Him that Hath So Excelled on This Excellent Subject’, 2.227, lines 11–12). But whereas the elves might read the play oversimply as an allegory in which Sejanus stood for Howard or Cecil, Tiberius for Elizabeth or James, Germanicus (or Silius) for Essex, Cordus for the historian Hayward, more ‘judicious’ auditors or readers (Poet., Apol. Dial., 214) would notice that broad parallels with contemporaries dissolve into the circumstances of first-century Rome almost as soon as they suggest themselves. Some aspects of Tiberius’s rule might be associated with Elizabeth’s, but, as suggested below, it was her father who best fitted the tyrant’s role. When at 2.190 a parallel may reasonably be noted between Tiberius’s designs against Agrippina and Elizabeth’s against Mary Queen of Scots, the succeeding lines dissipate the allusion by reminding us that Mary had no Germanicus behind her; Darnley’s qualities were well known to be almost diametrically opposite to those of Germanicus, and James, though fond of horses, was an unlikely Caligula. Sejanus himself is similarly rooted in his own times. Neither Cecil, Howard, nor Essex make an entirely plausible Sejanus, and the 1616 dedication testifies that James’s first favourite, Aubigny’s father, Esmé Stuart, was not considered a likely candidate. Smaller differences are just as telling, with the verse again and again reminding us of specific Tiberian contexts. A glance at the notes to this edition will indicate the precision Jonson brings to his recreation of this particular period of Roman history.

If parallels with individuals are thus of the broad kind that Machiavelli looked for, the larger humanist utilità of Roman history was, as Holland says, to illuminate general ‘faults’ of the times rather than specific ‘men’. The faction and intrigue of the court, the role of informers, spies, and flatterers, contrived accusations of treason, the sale of ‘places’, heavy-handed censorship and the judicial persecution of writers, the capricious power of a monarch and his or her favourites, would all have been recognized as English as well as Roman ‘faults’ (cf. Worden, 1994, 86–7). Like Donne, Jonson would have claimed that these were universal, that ‘all courts produce the same effects’. But if, as suggested here, Sejanus was written mainly before Elizabeth’s death, its denunciation of corruption must be perceived as directed largely against her court. Attorney-general Coke’s brief in 1600 for the Privy Council interrogation of the historian Hayward, a supporter of Essex, over his Life and reign of Henry Ⅳ, acknowledges this corruption implicitly, and indicates the kind of questions the Privy Council might have asked Jonson:

1. He selecteth a story 200 year old, and publisheth it this last year, intending the application of it to this time 2. maketh choice of that story only, a king is taxed for misgovernment, his council for corrupt and covetous for their private, the king censured, for conferring benefits of hateful parasites and favourites, the nobles discontented, the commons groaning under continual taxations. (Hayward, Life and Raigne, ed. Manning, 1991, 28)

At the same time, with Elizabeth aged 69 in 1602, Jonson, like all politically aware Englishmen, would also have been looking as he wrote to the consequences of James’s probable succession. For most English Catholics, these were a source of hope, and in this sense Sejanus can be seen as a ‘plea for tolerance from the incoming monarch’ (Sanders, 1998a, 15). That Jonson did hope for a less repressive regime is confirmed by the King’s Entertainment of March 1604. Just as Latiaris tempts Sabinus with the prospect that the ‘bright flame / Of liberty might be revived again’ (4.143–4), so Jonson hails James, prematurely, as having ‘made men see / Once more the face of welcome liberty’ (King’s Ent., 500–1), in implied contrast to Elizabeth’s policies. There follows a description of the old order that could apply to the Rome of Sejanus:

Now innocence shall cease to be the spoil

Of ravenous greatness . . .

No more shall rich men, for their little good,

Suspect to be made guilty, or vile spies

Enjoy the lust of their so murdering eyes.

Men shall put off their iron minds and hearts,

The time forget his old malicious arts

With this new minute, and no print remain

Of what was thought the former age’s stain.

(504–13)

Richard Martyn, who had defended Jonson to the Lord Chief Justice over Poetaster, similarly welcomed James to London by contrasting expectations of his rule with the venalities of the previous reign (Martyn, Speech, 1603, sig. A4v).

Jonson’s 1604 Panegyre on James’s opening of Parliament (when the King promised greater toleration for Catholics) views such discontents from a Catholic perspective. Recalling the tyranny of Elizabeth’s father, to whose memory Elizabeth had remained stubbornly loyal, Jonson cites statutes ‘bloody, base, and barbarous’ and ‘laws . . . made to serve the tyran’ will’:

Where acts gave licence to impetuous lust

To bury churches in forgotten dust,

And with their ruins raise the pander’s bowers;

When public justice borrowed all her powers

From private chambers, that could then create

Laws, judges, councillors, yea, prince and state.

(101–6)

The first lines echo Silius’s complaint that Romans have become ‘slaves to one man’s lusts’ (1.63). ‘Lust’ is a word as ineradicably associated with Tiberius as with Henry Ⅷ, and its destructive effects on the Roman state in Sejanus recall the corrupted origins of English Protestant power and wealth.

By the time Q was printed in 1605 most Catholics saw that hopes vested in James had been misplaced (Ellison, 2003, 44–9). Whatever revisions Jonson made for Q may therefore reflect a new and deeper disillusionment than he had felt in 1603. James’s failure to deliver toleration led some, like Catesby, to argue that ‘active valour must redeem / Our loss’ (Sej., 4.157–8), words significantly given in Sejanus to the agent provocateur Latiaris. Catesby compared the condition of English Catholics to ‘slaves’ (Fraser, 1996, 156), which is how the Germanicans frequently characterize themselves in Sejanus. Catesby would certainly have agreed with Latiaris’s powerful if hypocritical statement that the cause was ‘The immortality of every soul’ (4.150), an unlikely argument for Roman republicanism. Loyal Catholics, by contrast, continued to argue in 1605, as Sabinus does in response to Latiaris, for passive endurance in the face of oppression:

No ill should force the subject undertake

Against the sovereign, more than hell should make

The gods do wrong. A good man should and must

Sit rather down with loss than rise unjust.

(4.163–6)

Lepidus similarly attributes his survival to his ‘plain and passive fortitude / To suffer and be silent’ (4.294–5). Such Stoic non-resistance had been advocated by Machiavelli (Discorsi, 3.6), Bodin, Montaigne, and by Lipsius in Six Books of Politics, pp. 200–2, a text Jonson later annotated (Evans, 1992a). Such non-resistance has been criticized as anachronistic in the mouths of Roman republicans (Sejanus, ed. W. D. Briggs, 256–7), but Jonson would, like Lipsius and Machiavelli, have found classical sanction in such passsages as Tacitus, Historiae, 4.8: ‘For himself [Marcellus Eprius] was mindful of the times in which he was born, and the form of government established by the fathers and grandfathers. He admired earlier times, but accepted the present ones; he prayed for good emperors, but endured [tolerare] any kind.’ At the same time, non-resistance had come under recent attack from Catholic theologians who argued the legitimacy of resistance, including where necessary the killing of a tyrannical or heretical ruler (Skinner, 1978, 2.177–8). Jonson, of course, never advocates assassination, but suspicious members of the Privy Council might have noted that Sabinus goes on to condemn tyrannical absolutism:

when the Romans first did yield themselves

To one man’s power, they did not mean their lives,

Their fortunes, and their liberties should be

His absolute spoil . . .

(4.167–70)

This, and Arruntius’s angry rejection of Lepidus’s advice to be guided by ‘Zeal, / And duty; with the thought he is our prince’ (4.371–409) show how passively hostile such ‘endurance’ could be. In this respect the Germanicans are still being used, like Horace or Crites, as spokesmen for Jonson; Arruntius in particular is more a choral commentator on the action than a participant in it, while Jonson ironically underlines the political ineffectiveness of Silius and Sabinus by making them naively oblivious to their impending fate (2.495, 4.139–41). Unlike Horace or Crites, the Germanicans are utterly impotent, a state that justifies Arruntius’s frustrated, Lear-like anger, but also serves to remind us that, like Lear, they bear part of the responsibility for their predicament. Only through suicide can they ‘mock Tiberius’ tyranny’ (3.338). Like the loyal Catholics of early modern England, they cannot intervene to direct the state into more tolerant courses. Instead, they watch or die with stoical dignity as Macro succeeds to Sejanus, and Fortune’s ‘crimes’ (5.873) are set to continue beyond the boundaries of the play.

Use of sources

With events in 1604–5 moving to make what had originally been in part an indictment of the Elizabethan state apply equally well to the new reign, Jonson added his annotations, hoping by displaying his fidelity to his sources to ‘save myself in those common torturers that bring all wit to the rack’ (To the Readers, 20–1). Imprisonment over the summer of 1605 for Eastward Ho! (Life, 1.xcix–c) would have made this defensive scholarship all the more timely; but it is unlikely that Jonson expected his ‘torturers’ to be decisively thwarted, especially since his major source was Tacitus, cited almost 170 times. Not only was it Tacitus’s acknowledged aim to expose the tyranny of imperial Rome (Annals, 1.4–1.7), but he was also favoured by Essex and his circle as a political guide, a more respectable Machiavelli (Worden, 1994, 77). Greneway’s translation of the Annals (1598) was dedicated to Essex, who, according to Jonson, had himself written the introduction to the 1591 translation of the History and Agricola by Sir Henry Savile (Informations, 285 and n.). Giving Tacitus as his main authority for Sejanus was not, therefore, an effectual way to disclaim contemporary ‘application’ of Jonson’s play.

Jonson’s other major historical sources are Dio Cassius and Suetonius. Dio’s history of Rome is used in particular for the final act, a period for which Tacitus’s account is lost (Jonson ignores Velleius Paterculus, who gives a much more favourable account of Tiberius and Sejanus). Seneca offers further historical detail, especially from Ad Marciam, and a bleak tragic model (Thyestes, the most gruesome of Seneca’s tragedies, is quoted or imitated by Jonson at least eight times). Euripides, Seneca’s model, may also have been in Jonson’s mind. Jonson owned a Herwagen 1551 copy of Euripides, now lost (Lilly, 1845, 15; information from Mark Bland); but while the apparently detached attitude of the gods, and the concomitant sense of an amoral world, may owe something to Euripides, Jonson’s use of Dio suggests that in 1605 his Greek was not fluent. Using a parallel text with Xylander’s Latin translation opposite Dio’s Greek, Jonson apparently relied on the Latin. Thus, dealing with portents of Sejanus’s fall, Xylander has ‘felis’ for Dio’s γαλῆ, ‘weasel’ (1592, 716). Jonson renders this ‘cat’ (5.55). In Latin felis usually does mean ‘cat’, but it can be used, as Xylander used it, for the weasel family (Lewis and Short, feles, B). The chances are that Jonson simply did not understand the Greek γαλῆ (cf. also 5.489 note).

Such lapses suggest that Jonson’s classical learning at this stage of his career is sometimes overstated, and that he was often indebted instead to early-modern classical scholarship in a way that his marginalia conceal. Many of his notes are taken verbatim but unacknowledged from Lipsius’s edition of Tacitus (cf. Boughner, 1958a, 249–53). He made far greater use of Greneway’s translation of Tacitus than he pretended, and even more than Ayres (14–16) has demonstrated. Jonson’s use of Brisson (De formulis, 1592; Jonson cites the second, Paris, edition), from whom many references to classical sources are taken and cited as if directly from the original (see e.g. notes to 2.328, 5.83, 102 n.12, 177 n.25) is similarly deceptive. It would be wrong, however, to infer from this that Jonson’s Latin was as small as his Greek at this date. He uses imitatio to put together what seems at times like a palimpsest of classical allusions, often not identified in the marginalia. Apart from those already mentioned, Juvenal, Claudian, Lucan, Horace, Martial, and Cicero are prominent among those used to give Sejanus that ‘somewhat in it moris antiqui’ which he claimed for his ‘Epitaph on Cecilia Bulstrode’ (3.370–1). The rare survival of his copy of Claudian, mentioned eleven times in the notes to this edition, shows how he worked; a direct link can often be made between a passage of Sejanus and the characteristic marginal marks found in his copy (see note to 1.152–4).

A different kind of source that Jonson leaves uncited throughout is Machiavelli, still too disreputable to adduce in support. Both the Principe and the Discorsi enter Sejanus not just in paraphrase, as in Tiberius’s speech at 3.637–46, but in spirit, as in the debate between Tiberius and Sejanus at 2.163–330, or Sejanus’s speech at 2.381–404. Above all, Machiavelli provides that reading of events central to the play, though not explicit in Tacitus, which saw Sejanus’s fall as the outcome of a ruthless amoral contest between the favourite and emperor (cf. Discorsi, 3.6, Principe, 18), a struggle more intense than that between Richard and Buckingham in Richard Ⅲ (Boughner, 1968, 89–112).

Republicanism and censorship

The use of Machiavelli raises the issue of Jonson’s attitude to republicanism in Sejanus. Arruntius’s first speech (1.86–104) introduces him lamenting its lost spirit, and at 4.363–70 he looks forward with equanimity to Tiberius’s destruction. Yet neither he nor the other Germanicans explicitly advocate a return to the republic. Arruntius does not argue with Silius’s statement that ‘Men are deceived who think there can be thrall / Beneath a virtuous prince.’ The two lines from De consulato Stilichonis on which this is based, underlined and marked with one of Jonson’s flower symbols in his copy of Claudian (see 1.407–9 and note), probably represent Jonson’s own position. Though fully fledged republicanism does not develop in England until the Civil War, Sejanus was written at a time of growing interest in Roman republicanism and with it the development of quasi-republican modes of political thought, involving a humanist concept of responsible citizenship, a notion perceived as fully compatible with a liberal form of monarchy (Peltonen, 1995, passim, esp. 3–7, 132–4; cf. Patterson, 1993, 210–44). Such a society had been celebrated in Poetaster, and the conception accounts for some of the hope vested in the learned James, and for the enthusiasm of Jonson, Cotton, and Camden for the Roman image of Britannia which James adopted.

The usual meaning of ‘freedom’ for Jonson is not individual liberty but frankness of speech, and it is this freedom which he identifies as the most important characteristic of the healthy republic. Such freedom is essential for counsellors, but it is no less necessary for the ‘merciful’ prince’s subjects: ‘He needs no emissaries, spies, intelligencers, to entrap true subjects. He fears no libels, no treasons. His people speak what they think, and talk openly what they do in secret. They have nothing in their breasts that they need a cipher for’ (Discoveries, 852–5). This is exactly opposite to Tiberian Rome, where Arruntius, in a speech which must have echoed the psychological experience of many English Catholics, wonders whether there are indeed ‘windows into men’s hearts and secret thoughts’ (see 1.67–70n.):

May I think,

And not be racked? What danger is’t to dream?

Talk in one’s sleep? Or cough? Who knows the law?

May I shake my head, without a comment?

(4.304–7)

Set against this is the ‘mercenary speech’ of Sejanus and his agents, and the hypocritical, ambiguous speech of Tiberius, finally inscribed in his ‘long letter’. These enemies of freedom subject the Germanicans’ speech to arbitrarily damaging interpretation, ‘Malicious and manifold applying, / Foul wresting, and impossible construction’ (3.228–9) which will make innocent writings ‘speak / What they will have, to fit their tyrannous wreak’ (4.134–5). Cordus is the prime victim of this interpretative malice, condemned not for actions (‘fact’) but words (3.407–10) in a scene which is a serious parody of that in Poetaster in which Horace is accused of ‘dangerous, seditious libel’ (5.3.43–4). Unlike Horace, Cordus cannot make his accusers vomit up their words, but in one of the few optimistic statements in the play Arruntius and Sabinus elaborate on Tacitus’s scorn at the ‘brainless diligence’ of those who believe they can, by burning books, ‘extinguish / The memory of all succeeding times’ (3.471–80). The burning of Hayward’s Henry Ⅳ in 1599, along with books by Marlowe, Marston, and others, was fresh enough in the memory for one application of this scene to be obvious. Jonson would have regarded himself, like Hayward, as a historian in writing Sejanus, and Cordus’s speech, though following Tacitus, echoes his own frequent complaints against the ‘application’ of his and others’ work (see e.g. Poet., Ind., 22–6, and Volp., Epistle, 60–6). On numerous occasions in the years preceding Sejanus, the English government had betrayed its sensitivity to the written or spoken word, and Jonson in particular had found the ‘times . . . somewhat queasy to be touched’ (1.82). Government queasiness had touched him first with imprisonment for The Isle of Dogs in 1597 and had culminated in his imprisonment over Eastward Ho! in 1605. In this respect Sejanus is, as D. F. McKenzie has said, ‘Jonson’s Areopagitica, an impassioned plea for his freedom to speak and write’ (1988, 27). With fitting and bitter irony, that ideal is expressed most clearly by the hypocritical tyrant Tiberius:

Nor do we desire their authors, though found, be censured, since in a free state (as ours) all men ought to enjoy both their minds and tongues free. (5.554–6)

This edition is based on the 1605 quarto, with Jonson’s marginalia printed at the foot of his text, and translated in the commentary. These copious marginalia signal the quarto’s radical originality as a primarily literary artefact, as does its collection of commendatory verses, and its use of upper-case type (the latter not reproduced here) in the scenes of the sacrifice to Fortune (5.171–82) and the opening of the Senate (5.514–19, 541–3). These capital letters, separated by centred stops, imitate carved Roman inscriptions, and are used by Jonson to make a visual statement connecting the quarto with formal Roman discourse. These distinctive characteristics were largely discarded in the necessarily standardized layout of the 1616 Workes. Jonson did, however, make a number of revisions for that edition which were not forced on him either by such standardization or by any other external pressures, and these have been incorporated in this text, as have the stage directions which he added. For a full discussion of the text and of the play’s printing history, see Textual Essay, Electronic Edition.

 

 To the No Less Noble by Virtue than Blood:

  Esmé,

Lord Aubigny

 My Lord,

If ever any  ruin were so great as to survive, I think this be one I send you: The Fall of

Sejanus. It is a poem that, if I well remember,  in Your  Lordship’s sight suffered no

less violence from our people here than the subject of it did from the rage of the

people of Rome; but with a different fate, as (I hope) merit: for this hath outlived 5

their malice, and begot itself a greater favour than he lost, the love of good men.

Amongst whom, if I make Your  Lordship the first it thanks, it is not without a

just confession of the bond  your benefits have, and ever shall hold upon me.

Your Lordship’s most faithful honourer,

Ben Jonson

To the Readers  

 The following and voluntary labours of my friends, prefixed to my book, have

relieved me in much whereat without them I should necessarily have touched.

Now I will only use three or four short and needful notes, and so rest.

First, if it be objected that what I publish is no true poem in the  strict laws of

time, I confess it; as also in the  want of a proper chorus, whose habit and  moods 5

are such, and so difficult, as not any whom I have seen since the ancients – no,

not  they who have most  presently affected laws – have yet come in the way  of.

Nor is it needful, or almost possible, in these our times, and to such auditors

as commonly things are presented, to observe the old state and splendour of

dramatic poems, with preservation of any popular delight. But of this I shall take 10

more seasonable cause to speak in my  observations upon Horace his Art of Poetry,

which, with the text translated, I intend shortly to publish. In the meantime, if

in  truth of argument, dignity of persons, gravity and height of elocution, fullness

and frequency of  sentence, I have discharged the other offices of a tragic writer,

let not the absence of these forms be imputed to me, wherein I shall give you 15

occasion hereafter, and without my boast, to think I could better  prescribe, than

omit the due use for want of a  convenient knowledge.

The next is, lest in some  nice nostril the quotations might savour affected,

I do let you know that I abhor nothing more, and have only done it to show my

 integrity in the story, and save myself in those  common torturers that bring all 20

wit to the rack; whose noses are ever like swine spoiling and rooting up the muses’

gardens, and their whole bodies, like moles, as blindly working under earth to

cast any – the least – hills upon virtue.

Whereas they are in Latin, and the work in English, it was presupposed none

but the learned would take the pains to  confer them, the authors themselves 25

being all in the learned tongues, save  one, with whose English side I have had

little to do: to which it may be required,  since I have quoted the page, to name what

 editions I followed.   Tacitus, Lipsius in 4°, Antwerp edition, 1600.   Dio Cassius, folio,

Henricus Stephanus, 1592. For the rest, as  Suetonius,  Seneca, etc., the chapter doth

sufficiently direct, or the edition is not varied. 30

Lastly, I would inform you that this book,  in all numbers, is not the same

with that which was  acted on the public stage, wherein a  second pen had good

share; in place of which I have rather chosen to put weaker (and no doubt less

pleasing) of mine own, than to defraud so happy a genius of his right by my

loathed usurpation. 35

Fare you well. And if you read farther of me, and like,  I shall not be afraid of it

though you praise me out.

Neque enim mihi cornea fibra est.

But that I should plant my felicity in your general saying ‘Good’, or ‘Well’,

etc., were a weakness which the better sort of you might worthily contemn, if not

absolutely hate me for.

Ben Jonson and no  such,

 Quem palma negata macrum, donata reducit opimum.

[Commendatory verses]

   In Sejanum
Ben Jonsoni
Et Musis, et Sibi
in Deliciis

So brings the wealth-contracting jeweller

Pearls and dear stones, from richest shores and streams,

As thy accomplished travail doth  confer

From skill-enrichèd souls their wealthier gems;

So doth his hand  enchase in  amelled gold, 5

Cut and adorned beyond their native merits,

His  solid flames, as thine hath here  enrolled,

In more than golden verse, those bettered spirits;

So he entreasures princes’ cabinets,

As thy wealth will their wishèd libraries; 10

So, on the throat of the rude sea, he sets

His ventrous foot for his illustrous  prize,

And through wild deserts, armed with wilder beasts,

As thou adventur’st on the multitude,

Upon the boggy and  engulfèd breasts 15

Of hirelings, sworn to find most right most rude;

And he, in storms at sea, doth not endure,

Nor in vast deserts, amongst wolves, more danger,

Than we, that would with virtue live secure,

Sustain for her in every vice’s anger. 20

Nor is this allegory  unjustly racked

To this strange length;  only that jewels are,

In estimation merely, so exact;

And thy work, in itself, is dear and rare.

 Wherein Minerva had been vanquishèd, 25

Had she,  by it, her sacred looms advanced,

And through thy subject woven her graphic thread,

Contending therein to be more entranced;

For, though thy hand was scarce addressed to draw

The  semicircle of Sejanus’ life, 30

 Thy muse yet makes it the whole sphere, and law

To all state lives, and bounds ambition’s strife.

 And as a little brook creeps from his spring,

With shallow tremblings, through the lowest vales,

As if he feared his stream abroad to bring, 35

Lest profane feet should wrong it, and rude gales;

But  finding happy channels and supplies

Of other  fords mix with his modest course,

He grows a goodly river, and descries

The strength that  manned him since he left his source; 40

Then takes he in  delightsome meads and groves,

And, with his two-edged waters,  flourishes

Before great palaces, and all men’s loves

Build by his shores, to greet his  passages;

 So thy  chaste muse, by virtuous self-mistrust, 45

Which is a true mark of the truest merit,

In virgin fear of men’s illiterate lust,

Shut her soft wings, and durst not show her spirit;

Till,  nobly cherished, now thou lett’st her fly,

Singing the  sable  orgies of the muses, 50

And in the highest pitch of tragedy

Mak’st her command all things thy  ground produces.

  But as it is a sign of love’s first firing,

Not pleasure by a lovely presence taken,

And boldness to attempt, but close retiring 55

To places desolate, and fever-shaken;

So, when the love of knowledge first affects us,

Our tongues do falter, and the flame doth rove

Through our thin spirits, and of fear  detects us

T’attain her truth, whom we so truly love. 60

Nor can (saith  Aeschylus) a fair young dame,

Kept long without a husband, more contain

Her amorous eye from breaking forth in flame

When she beholds a youth that fits her   vein,

Than any man’s first taste of knowledge truly 65

Can bridle the affection she inspireth,

But let it fly on men that most unduly

Haunt her with hate, and all the loves she fireth.

If our teeth, head, or but our finger ache,

We straight seek the physician; if a fever, 70

Or any  cureful malady we take,

The grave physician is desirèd ever;

But if proud melancholy, lunacy,

Or  direct madness overheat our brains,

We rage, beat out, or the physician fly, 75

 Losing with vehemence even the sense of pains.

So of  offenders, they are  past recure

That, with a tyrannous  spleen, their stings extend

’Gainst their reprovers; they that will endure

All  discreet discipline are not said t’offend. 80

Though others qualified, then, with  natural skill

(More sweet-mouthed, and affecting shrewder wits)

Blanch coals, call illness good, and goodness ill,

Breathe thou the fire that true-spoke knowledge fits.

 Thou canst not then be great? Yes!  Who is he, 85

Said the good Spartan king, greater than I,

That is not likewise juster?  No degree

Can boast of eminence or empery

(As the  great Stagirite held) in anyone

Beyond another, whose soul farther sees, 90

And in whose life the gods are better  known:

 Degrees of knowledge  difference all degrees.

  Thy poem, therefore, hath this due respect,

That it lets pass nothing, without observing,

Worthy instruction, or that might correct 95

Rude manners, and   renown the well-deserving;

 Performing such a lively evidence

In thy narrations, that thy hearers still

Thou turn’st to thy spectators; and the sense

That thy spectators have of good or ill, 100

Thou inject’st jointly to thy readers’ souls.

So dear is held, so decked thy  numerous task,

As thou putt’st  handles to the Thespian bowls,

Or stuck’st rich plumes in the  Palladian  casque.

All thy worth, yet, thyself must  patronize, 105

By quaffing more of the  Castalian head;

In  expiscation of whose mysteries

Our nets must still be clogged with heavy lead,

To make them sink and catch – for  cheerful gold

Was never found in the  Pierian streams, 110

But wants, and scorns, and shames  for silver sold.

 What, what shall we  elect in these extremes?

Now by the shafts of the great  Cyrrhan poet,

That bear all light, that is, about the world,

I would have all dull poet-haters know it, 115

 They shall be soul-bound, and in darkness hurled,

A thousand years (as Satan was, their sire)

Ere any worthy the poetic name –

Might I, that warm but at the muses’ fire,

Presume to guard it – should let deathless Fame 120

Light half a beam of all her  hundred eyes

At  his dim taper, in their memories.

 Fly, fly, you are too near; so odorous flowers,

Being held too near  the sensor of our sense,

Render not pure nor so sincere their powers 125

As being held a little distance  thence,

 Because much-troubled earthy parts  improve them;

Which, mixèd with the odours we  exhale,

Do vitiate what we draw in. But remove them

A little space, the earthy parts do fall, 130

And what is pure and hot by his  tenuity

Is to our powers of savour purely borne.

But fly or stay, use thou the assiduity

Fit for a true contemnor of their scorn.

 Our Phoebus may, with his  exampling beams, 135

Burn out the webs from their  Arachnean eyes,

 Whose knowledge – day-star to all diadems –

Should banish knowledge-hating policies,

So others, great in the  sciential  grace:

His  Chancellor,  fautor of all human skills; 140

His  Treasurer, taking  them into his place;

 Northumber, that, with them, his  crescent fills;

Grave  Worcester, in whose  nerves they guard their fire;

 Northampton, that to all his  height in blood,

Heightens his soul with them; and  Devonshire, 145

 In whom their streams, ebbed to their spring, are flood;

Oraculous  Salisbury, whose inspirèd voice,

In state  proportions, sings their  mysteries;

And (though last named) first, in whom they rejoice,

To whose true worth they vow most obsequies, 150

Most noble  Suffolk, who by nature noble,

And judgement virtuous, cannot  fall by fortune,

 Who when our herd came not to drink, but trouble

The muses’ waters, did a wall  importune,

Midst of assaults, about their sacred  river; 155

In whose behalfs, my poor soul (consecrate

To  poorest virtue) to the longest liver

His name, in spite of death, shall propagate.

Oh, could the world but feel  how sweet a touch

 A good deed hath in one in love with goodness 160

(If poesy were not ravishèd so much,

And her  composed rage held the simplest  woodness,

Though of all  heats that temper human brains

Hers ever was most subtle, high, and holy,

 First binding savage lives in civil chains, 165

 Solely religious, and adorèd solely)

If men felt  this, they would not think a love

That gives itself, in her, did  vanities give;

Who is in earth though low, in worth above,

Most able t’honour life, though least to live. 170

And so, good friend, safe passage to thy freight,

To thee a long peace, through a virtuous strife,

In which, let’s both contend to virtue’s height,

 Not making fame our object, but good life.

[‘Come forth, Sejanus’]

  Come forth, Sejanus, fall before this book,

And of thy fall’s reviver ask forgiveness,

That thy  low birth and merits durst to look

A fortune in the face, of such unevenness;

For so his fervent love to virtue hates 5

That her  plucked plumes should wing vice to such  calling,

That he presents thee to all  marking  states

As if thou hadst been all this while in falling;

His strong arm plucking,  from the middle world,

Fame’s brazen house, and lays her  tower as low 10

As  Homer’s Barathrum; that, from heaven hurled,

Thou mightst fall on it – and thy  ruins grow

To all posterities, from his work, the  ground,

And under heav’n nought but his song might sound.

    Haec commentatus est 15

Georgius Chapmannus

  For his Worthy Friend, the Author

In that this book doth  deign  Sejanus’ name,

Him unto more than Caesar’s love it brings;

For where he  could not with ambition’s wings,

One quill doth  heave him to the height of fame.

Ye great ones, though, whose ends may be the same, 5

Know that, however we do flatter kings,

Their favours (like themselves) are fading things,

With no less envy had, than lost with shame.

 Nor make yourselves less honest than you are,

To make our author wiser than he is; 10

Ne of such crimes accuse him, which I dare

By all his muses swear be none of his.

The men are not, some faults may be these  times’;

He  acts those men, and they did act these crimes.

  Hugh Holland 15

 To the Deserving Author

When I  respect thy  argument, I see

An image of those times; but when I view

The wit, the workmanship, so rich, so true,

The times themselves do seem  retrieved to me.

And as Sejanus, in thy tragedy, 5

Falleth from Caesar’s grace, even so the crew

Of common  playwrights, whom opinion blew

Big with false greatness, are disgraced by thee.

Thus, in one tragedy, thou makest twain;

And, since fair works of justice fit the part 10

Of tragic writers, muses do ordain

That all tragedians, masters of their art,

Who shall hereafter follow on this tract,

In writing well, thy tragedy shall  act.

 Cygnus 15

 To His Learned and Beloved Friend,
upon His  Equal Work

Sejanus, great and eminent in Rome,

Raised above all the Senate, both in grace

Of  prince’s favour, authority, place,

And  popular dependence; yet how soon,

Even with the instant of his overthrow, 5

Is all this pride and greatness now forgot –

Only that in former grace he stood not –

By them which did his state, not treason, know!

His very flatterers, that did adorn

Their necks with his rich  medals, now in flame 10

Consume them, and would  lose even his name,

Or else recite it with reproach or scorn!

This was his Roman fate. But now thy muse,

To us that neither knew his height nor fall,

Hath raised him up with such memorial, 15

All future states and times his name shall use.

What not his good nor ill could once extend

To the next age, thy verse,  industrious

And learned friend, hath made illustrious

To this. Nor shall his or thy fame have end. 20

 Th. R.

  Amicis, amici nostri dignissimi, dignissimis,
Epigramma
D.
Johannes Marstonius

Ye ready friends, spare your unneedful  bays;

This work despairful envy must even praise.

Phoebus hath voiced it, loud, through echoing skies:

 Sejanus’ fall  shall force thy merit rise;

For never English shall, or hath before 5

Spoke fuller graced.’ He could say  much, not more.

 Upon Sejanus

How high a poor man shows in low estate,

Whose base is firm, and whole  frame competent,

That sees this  cedar made the shrub of  fate:

Th’one’s little, lasting; th’other’s  confluence spent.

And as the lightning comes behind the thunder 5

From the torn cloud, yet first invades our sense,

So every violent fortune, that to wonder

Hoists men aloft, is a clear evidence

Of a  vaunt-curring blow the fates have given

To his  forced state: swift lightning blinds his eyes, 10

While thunder from comparison-hating heaven

Dischargeth on his height, and there it lies.

 If men will shun swoll’n Fortune’s ruinous blasts,

Let them use temperance. Nothing violent lasts.

 William Strachey 15

 To Him that Hath
So Excelled on This Excellent Subject

Thy poem (pardon me) is mere  deceit;

Yet such deceit, as thou that dost beguile

 Art juster far than they who use no wile;

And they who are deceivèd by this feat,

More wise than such who can  eschew thy  cheat. 5

For thou hast given each part so just a style

That men suppose the  action now on file –

And men suppose who are of best  conceit.

 Yet some there be that are not moved hereby,

And others are so quick that they will spy 10

Where later times are in some speech enweaved;

Those wary  simples, and these simple  elves:

 They are so dull, they cannot be deceived,

These so unjust, they will deceive themselves.

  ΦΙΛΟΣ 15

 To the Most Understanding Poet

When in the  Globe’s fair ring, our world’s best stage,

I saw Sejanus, set with that rich foil,

I looked the author should have borne the  spoil

Of conquest from the writers of the age;

But when I viewed the people’s  beastly rage, 5

Bent to confound thy grave and learned toil,

That cost thee so much sweat, and so much  oil,

My indignation I could  hardly ’suage.

 And many there (in passion) scarce could tell

Whether thy fault or theirs deserved most blame – 10

Thine, for so showing, theirs, to wrong the same;

But both they left within that  doubtful hell.

From whence, this publication  sets thee free;

They, for their ignorance, still damnèd be.

 Ev. B. 15

The Argument

Aelius Sejanus, son to  Seius Strabo, a  gentleman of Rome, and born at  Vulsinium,

after his long service in court, first under Augustus, afterward Tiberius, grew

into that favour with the latter, and  won him by those arts, as there wanted

nothing but the name to make him a co-partner of the Empire. Which greatness

of his,   Drusus the Emperor’s son not brooking, after many smothered dislikes — 5

it one day breaking out — the prince struck him publicly on the face. To revenge

which disgrace   Livia, the wife of Drusus — being  before corrupted by  him to

her dishonour, and the discovery of her husband’s counsels — Sejanus  practiseth

with, together with her physician, called Eudemus, and one  Lygdus an eunuch,

to poison Drusus.  This their inhuman act having successful and unsuspected 10

passage, it emboldeneth Sejanus to farther and more  insolent projects, even the

ambition of the Empire; where finding the  lets he must encounter to be many

and hard, in respect of the  issue of Germanicus (who were next  in hope for

the  succession) he deviseth to make Tiberius’ self his means, and instils into

his ears many doubts and suspicions both against the princes and their mother 15

Agrippina; which  Caesar jealously hearkening to, as covetously consenteth to

their ruin, and their friends’. In this time, the better to mature and strengthen

his design,  Sejanus labours to marry Livia, and worketh  with all his  engine to

remove Tiberius from the knowledge of public business, with allurements of a

quiet and  retired life, the latter of which Tiberius (out of a proneness to lust 20

and a desire to hide those unnatural pleasures which he could not so publicly

practise) embraceth.  The former enkindleth his fears, and there gives him first

cause of doubt or  suspect toward Sejanus. Against whom he raiseth in private

a new instrument, one Sertorius Macro, and by him  underworketh, discovers

 the other’s counsels, his means, his ends, sounds the affections of the senators, 25

divides, distracts them; at last, when Sejanus  least looketh, and is most secure,

with pretext of doing him an unwonted honour in the Senate, he  trains him

from his guards; and with  a  long  doubtful letter, in one day hath him suspected,

accused, condemned, and torn in pieces by the rage of the people.

  This do we advance as a mark of terror to all traitors and treasons, to show how 30

just the heavens are in pouring and thundering down a weighty vengeance on

their unnatural intents, even to the worst princes; much more to those for guard

of whose piety and virtue the angels are in continual watch, and God himself

miraculously working.

 The Names of the Actors

 TIBERIUS   DRUSUS SENIOR   SEJANUS   NERO   LATIARIS   DRUSUS JUNIOR   VARRO   CALIGULA   MACRO 5   ARRUNTIUS   COTTA   SILIUS   AFER   SABINUS   HATERIUS   LEPIDUS   SANQUINIUS   CORDUS   POMPONIUS 10   GALLUS   POSTUMUS   REGULUS   TRIO   TERENTIUS   MINUTIUS   LACO   SATRIUS   EUDEMUS   NATTA 15   RUFUS   OPSIUS   TRIBUNI  AGRIPPINA  LIVIA  SOSIA}   PRAECONES   LICTORES   FLAMEN   MINISTRI 20   TUBICINES   TIBICINES   NUNTIUS     SERVI   [PRAETOR] [GUARDS]

  THE SCENE: ROME

 Actus Primus

   [Enter] SABINUS [and] SILIUS.

SABINUS

 Hail,  Caius Silius! 1  

SILIUS

Titius Sabinus, 2 hail!

You’re  rarely met in court.

SABINUS

Therefore, well met.

SILIUS

’Tis true; indeed, this place is not our sphere.

SABINUS

No Silius, we are no good   enginers;

We want  the fine arts, and their thriving use 5

Should make us graced or favoured of the times.

 We have no  shift of faces, no  cleft tongues,

 No soft and glutinous bodies that can stick

Like snails on painted walls, or  on our breasts

Creep up, to fall from that proud height to which 10

We did by slavery, 3 not by service, climb.

We are no guilty men, and  then no great;

We have nor place in court, office in state

That we can say we owe unto our crimes; 4

We burn with no black secrets5 which can make 15

Us  dear to the pale authors, or  live feared

Of their still-waking jealousies, to raise

Ourselves a fortune by  subverting theirs.

We stand not in the  lines that do advance

To that so  courted point.

 [Enter SATRIUS and NATTA.]

SILIUS

But yonder  lean 20

A pair that do.

 [Enter LATIARIS.]

SABINUS

 Good  cousin Latiaris.  6

[Silius and Sabinus converse aside as Satrius and Natta are joined by Latiaris.]

SILIUS

Satrius Secundus     7 and Pinnarius Natta, 8

The great Sejanus’ clients: there be two

 Know more than honest counsels;  whose close breasts,

Were they ripped up to light, it would be found 25

A poor and idle sin to which their trunks

Had not been made fit organs. These can lie,

Flatter, and swear,  forswear,  deprave, inform,   9

Smile, and betray; make guilty men, then  beg

The forfeit lives to get the livings;  cut 30

Men’s throats with whisp’rings;  sell to gaping suitors

The empty smoke that flies about the palace;

Laugh when their patron laughs; sweat when he sweats;

Be hot and cold with him; change every mood,

Habit, and garb, as often as he varies; 35

Observe him as his  watch observes his clock;

And,  true as  turquoise in the dear lord’s ring,

Look well or ill with him 10 — ready to praise

His Lordship if he spit, or but piss fair,

Have an indifferent stool, or break wind well; 40

Nothing can ’scape their  catch.

SABINUS

Alas, these things

Deserve no note,  conferred with other vile

And filthier flatteries that corrupt the times, 11

When not alone our  gentry’s chief are fain

To make their safety from such sordid acts, 45

But all our  consuls, 12 and no little part

Of such as have been  praetors — yea, the most

Of senators, that else not use their voices,  13

Start up in public Senate, and there strive

Who shall propound most abject things and base, 50

So much as oft Tiberius hath been heard,

Leaving the court, to cry, ‘O race of men,

Prepared for servitude!’14 — which showed that he,

Who least the public liberty could like,

As loathly brooked their  flat servility. 55

SILIUS

Well, all is  worthy of us, were it more,

Who with our  riots, pride, and civil hate

Have so provoked the justice of the gods;

 We that within these fourscore years were born

 Free, equal lords of the  triumphèd world, 60

And knew no masters but  affections,

To which, betraying first our liberties,

We since became the slaves to one man’s lusts,

 And now to many. Every minist’ring spy 15

That will accuse and swear is lord of you, 65

Of me, of all, our fortunes, and our lives.

  Our looks are called to question,16 and our words,

How innocent soever, are made crimes;

We shall not shortly dare to tell our dreams,

Or think, but ’twill be treason.

SABINUS

  Tyrants’ arts 70

 Are to give flatterers grace,  accusers power,

That those may seem to kill whom they devour.

 [Enter CORDUS and ARRUNTIUS.]

Now good  Cremutius Cordus. 17

CORDUS

[To Sabinus] Hail  to Your Lordship!

[Silius, Sabinus, Cordus, and Arruntius walk aside.] They whisper.

NATTA

Who’s that salutes  your cousin?

LATIARIS

’Tis one Cordus,

A gentleman of Rome; one that has writ 75

  Annals of late, they say, and very well.

NATTA

Annals? Of what times?

LATIARIS

I think of Pompey’s,

And  Caius Caesar’s, and so down to these.  18

NATTA

How stands h’affected to the present state?

Is he or Drusian, or Germanican? 19 80

Or ours, or neutral?

LATIARIS

I know him not so far.

NATTA

Those times are somewhat  queasy to be touched.

Have you or seen or heard part of his work?

LATIARIS

 Not I; he means they shall be public shortly.

NATTA

Oh. Cordus do you call him?

LATIARIS

Ay.  [Exeunt Satrius, Natta, and Latiaris.]

SABINUS

But these our times 85

Are not the same, Arruntius. 20

ARRUNTIUS

Times? The men,

The men are not the same;  ’tis we are base,

Poor, and  degenerate from th’exalted strain

Of our great fathers. Where is now the soul

Of god-like  Cato? — he that durst be good 90

When Caesar durst be evil; and had power,

As not to live his slave, to die his master.

Or where the constant  Brutus, that being proof

Against all  charm of benefits, did strike

So brave a blow into the monster’s heart 95

That sought   unkindly to  captive his country?

Oh, they are fled the light. Those mighty spirits

Lie  raked up with their ashes in their urns,

And not a spark of their eternal fire

Glows in a present bosom; all’s but  blaze, 100

Flashes, and smoke, wherewith we labour so,

There’s nothing Roman in us, nothing good,

Gallant, or great. ’Tis true, that Cordus says,

  ‘Brave Cassius was the last of all that race.’

SABINUS

 Stand by! Lord Drusus.  21 105

 DRUSUS  passeth by [attended by HATERIUS].

HATERIUS

Th’Emp’ror’s son! Give place!

 [Arruntius, Silius, Cordus, and Sabinus stand aside as Drusus and Haterius walk around the stage.]

SILIUS

I like the prince well. [Exeunt Drusus and Haterius.]

ARRUNTIUS

A riotous youth;22

There’s little hope of him.

SABINUS

That fault his age

Will, as it grows, correct. Methinks he bears

Himself each day more nobly than other;

And wins no less on men’s affections 110

Than doth his father lose. Believe  me, I love him,

And chiefly for opposing to Sejanus. 23

SILIUS

And I for gracing his young  kinsmen so, 24

 The sons   25 of Prince Germanicus;   26 it shows

A gallant clearness in him, a straight mind, 115

 That envies not in them their father’s name.

ARRUNTIUS

His name was, while he lived, above all envy;

And being dead, without it. Oh, that man!

If there were seeds of the old  virtue left,

They lived in him.

SILIUS

He had the   fruits, Arruntius, 120

More than the seeds. Sabinus27 and myself

Had means to  know him  within, and can report him.

We were his followers (he would call us friends).

 He was a man most like to  virtue in all

And every action, nearer to the gods 125

Than men in nature, of a body as fair

As was his mind, and no less  reverend

In face than fame. He could so use his  state,28

Temp’ring his greatness with his gravity,

As it  avoided all self-love in him 130

And spite in others.  What his funerals lacked

In images and pomp they had supplied

With honourable sorrow, soldiers’ sadness –

A kind of  silent mourning, such as men

Who know no tears but from their captives use 135

To show in so great losses.

CORDUS

 I thought once,

Considering their  forms, age, manner of deaths,

The  nearness of the places where they fell,

T’have paralleled him with great Alexander:

For both were of  best feature, of  high race, 140

Yeared but to thirty, and in foreign lands,

 By their own people, alike made away.

SABINUS

I know not  for his death, how you might  wrest it;

But for his life, it did as much disdain

Comparison with that voluptuous, rash, 145

Giddy, and  drunken Macedon’s as mine

Doth with my  bondman’s. All the good in him —

His valour and his fortune — he made his;

But he had other touches of late Romans,

That more did  speak him: Pompey’s dignity, 29 150

The  innocence of Cato, Caesar’s spirit,

Wise Brutus’  temperance, and  every virtue,

Which, parted unto others, gave them name,

Flowed mixed in him. He was the soul of goodness,

And all our praises of him are like streams 155

Drawn from a spring that still rise full and leave

The part remaining greatest.

ARRUNTIUS

I am sure

He was too great for us, and that they knew

Who did remove him hence. 30

SABINUS

 When men grow  fast

Honoured and loved, there is a trick in state, 160

Which jealous princes never fail to use,

How to  decline that growth with fair pretext

And honourable  colours of employment,

Either by embassy, the war, or such,

To shift them forth into another air,165

Where they may  purge, and lessen; so was he,  31

And had his  seconds there, sent by Tiberius

And his more subtle  dam to discontent him,

To breed and cherish mutinies,  detract

His greatest actions, give audacious check 170

To his commands, and work to put him out

In open act of treason. All which snares

When his wise cares prevented, a fine poison 32

Was thought on to mature their practices.

CORDUS

Here comes Sejanus. 33

SILIUS

Now observe the stoops, 175

The bendings, and the falls.

ARRUNTIUS

Most creeping base!

 [Enter]  SEJANUS, SATRIUS, TERENTIUS, etc.  They  pass over the stage.

  SEJANUS

[To Satrius]  I note ’em well. No more. Say you.

SATRIUS

My lord,

There is a gentleman of Rome would buy —

SEJANUS

How call you him you talked with?

SATRIUS

 Please Your  Lordship,

It is Eudemus, 34 the  physician 180

To Livia, Drusus’ wife.

SEJANUS

On with your suit.

Would buy, you  said —

SATRIUS

A  tribune’s place, my lord.

SEJANUS

What will he give?

SATRIUS

Fifty sestertia. 35

SEJANUS

Livia’s physician, say you, is that fellow?

SATRIUS

It is, my lord. Your Lordship’s answer?

SEJANUS

To what? 185

SATRIUS

The place, my lord. ’Tis for a gentleman

Your Lordship will well like of when you see him,

And one you may make yours by the grant.

SEJANUS

Well, let him bring his money and his name.

SATRIUS

 ’Thank Your Lordship. He shall, my lord.

SEJANUS

Come hither. 190

Know you this same Eudemus? Is he learn’d?

SATRIUS

Reputed so, my lord; and of  deep practice.

SEJANUS

Bring him in to me, in the  gallery;

And take you cause to leave us there, together:

I would confer with him about a  grief. —  On. 195

 [Exeunt Sejanus, Satrius, Terentius, etc.; some clients of Sejanus remain.]

ARRUNTIUS

 So, yet! Another? Yet? Oh, desperate state

Of grovelling  honour! See’st thou this, O sun,

And do we see thee after? Methinks day

Should lose  his light when men do lose their shames

 And for the empty  circumstance of life 200

Betray their cause of living.

SILIUS

 Nothing so.

Sejanus can repair,  if Jove should ruin. 36

He is the  now court-god; and well  applied

With  sacrifice of knees, of  crooks, and cringe,

He will do more than all the house of heav’n 205

Can, for a  thousand hecatombs. ’Tis he

Makes us our day, or night; hell and Elysium

Are in his look; we talk of  Rhadamanth,

 Furies, and  fire-brands, but ’tis his frown

That is all these, where on the  adverse part 210

His smile is more than  e’er yet poets feigned

Of bliss and shades, nectar —

ARRUNTIUS

A serving  boy!

I knew him at  Caius’ 37  trencher, when for hire

 He prostituted his abusèd body 38

To that great gourmand, fat Apicius, 215

And was the noted  pathic of the time.

SABINUS

 And now, the second face of the whole world;39

The partner of the Empire; hath his image

Reared equal with Tiberius, borne in  ensigns;

 Commands, disposes every  dignity; 220

 Centurions, tribunes, heads of provinces,

Praetors, and consuls, all that heretofore

Rome’s  general suffrage gave, is now his sale. 40

 The gain, or rather spoil, of all the earth,

One, and his house, receives.

SILIUS

He hath of late 225

Made him a strength too,  strangely, by reducing

All the praetorian bands into one camp,

Which he commands; pretending that the soldier,

By living loose and scattered, fell to  riot,

And that if any sudden  enterprise 230

Should be attempted, their united strength

Would be far more than severed, and their life

More strict if from the city more removed. 41

SABINUS

Where now he builds what kind of forts he please, 42

Is  heard to court the soldier by his name, 235

Woos, feasts the chiefest men of action,

Whose wants, not loves, compel them to be his.43

And, though he ne’er were liberal by  kind,

Yet to his own dark ends he’s most profuse, 44

Lavish, and  letting fly he cares not what 240

To his ambition.

ARRUNTIUS

Yet, hath he ambition?

Is there that step in state can make him higher?

Or more? Or anything he is, but less?

SILIUS

 Nothing, but  emp’ror.

ARRUNTIUS

 The name Tiberius,

I hope, will keep, howe’er he hath foregone 245

The dignity and power.

SILIUS

 Sure, while he lives.

ARRUNTIUS

And dead, it comes to Drusus. Should he fail,

To the brave issue of Germanicus,

And they are three: 45 too many —  ha! — for him

To have a plot upon?

SABINUS

I do not know 250

The heart of his designs; but sure  their face

Looks farther than the present. 46

ARRUNTIUS

By the gods,

If I could guess he had but such a thought,

My sword should cleave him down from head to heart

 But I would find it out;  and with my hand 255

I’d hurl his  panting brain about the air,

In mites as small as  atomi,  to undo

The  knotted bed —

SABINUS

 You’re observed, Arruntius.

ARRUNTIUS

Death! I dare tell him so, and all his spies.

 He turns to Sejanus’s clients.

You, sir, I would, do you look? And you?

SABINUS

[To Arruntius] Forbear. 260

  [Enter] SATRIUS [and] EUDEMUS.

SATRIUS

Here he will instant be. Let’s walk a turn.

You’re in a muse, Eudemus?

EUDEMUS

Not I, sir.

 [Aside] I wonder he should mark me out so! Well,

 Jove and Apollo form it for the best.

SATRIUS

Your fortune’s made unto you now, Eudemus, 47 265

If you can but lay hold upon the means;

Do but observe his humour, and — believe it —

 He’s the  noblest Roman, where he takes —

 [Enter SEJANUS to them.]

Here comes His Lordship.

SEJANUS

Now, good Satrius.

SATRIUS

This is the gentleman, my lord.

SEJANUS

Is this? 270

[To Eudemus] Give me your hand. we must be more acquainted.

Report, sir, hath  spoke out your art and learning,

And I am glad I have so needful cause

(However in itself painful and hard)

To make me known to so great  virtue. [To Satrius] Look, 275

Who’s  that, Satrius? — [Exit Satrius.]

I have a  grief, sir,

That will desire your help. Your name’s Eudemus?

EUDEMUS

Yes.

SEJANUS

Sir?

EUDEMUS

It is, My Lord.

SEJANUS

I hear you are

Physician to Livia, 48 the princess?

EUDEMUS

I minister unto her, my good lord. 280

SEJANUS

You minister to a royal lady, then.

EUDEMUS

She is, my lord, and fair.

SEJANUS

That’s understood

Of all their sex, who are, or would be so;

And those that would be,  physic soon can make ’em;

For those that are, their beauties  fear no colours. 285

EUDEMUS

Your Lordship is  conceited.

SEJANUS

Sir, you know it;

And can, if need be,  read a learnèd lecture

On this and other secrets.  Pray you tell me,

What more of ladies, besides Livia,

Have you your patients?

EUDEMUS

Many, my good lord. 290

The great Augusta,   49  Urgulania,50

Mutilia Prisca, 51 and Plancina, 52 divers —

SEJANUS

And all these tell you the particulars

Of every several grief? How first it grew,

And then increased; what action causèd that, 295

What passion that; and answer to each point

That you will put ’em?

EUDEMUS

Else, my lord, we know not

How to prescribe the remedies.

SEJANUS

 Go to,

 You’re a subtle  nation, you physicians!

And grown the only  cabinets in court 53 300

To ladies’  privacies. Faith, which of these

Is the most  pleasant lady, in her physic?

Come, you are modest now.

EUDEMUS

’Tis fit, my lord.

SEJANUS

Why, sir,  I do not ask you of their urines,

Whose  smells most  violet, or whose  siege is best, 305

Or who makes hardest faces on  her  stool;

 Which lady sleeps with her own face a-nights,

Which puts her teeth off with her clothes, in court,

Or which her hair, which her complexion,

And in which  box she puts it. These were questions 310

That might, perhaps, have put your gravity

To some defence of blush. But I inquired,

Which was the wittiest, merriest, wantonest?

Harmless  intergatories,  but conceits.

Methinks  Augusta should be most  perverse 315

And froward in her fit?

EUDEMUS

 She’s so, my lord.

SEJANUS

I knew it. And Mutilia the most jocund?

EUDEMUS

’Tis very true, my lord.

SEJANUS

And why would you

Conceal this from me, now? Come, what’s Livia?

I know she’s quick and  quaintly spirited, 320

And will have strange thoughts when  she’s at leisure.

She tells ’em all to you?

EUDEMUS

My noblest lord,

 He breathes not in the Empire or  on earth

Whom I would be ambitious to serve

In any act that may preserve mine honour 325

Before Your Lordship.

SEJANUS

Sir, you can lose no honour

By trusting aught to me. The  coarsest act

Done to my service I can so requite

As all the world shall style it honourable.

  Your idle, virtuous definitions 330

Keep honour poor, and are as scorned as vain;

 Those deeds breathe honour that do suck in gain.

EUDEMUS

But, good my lord, if I should thus betray

The counsels of my patient, and a lady’s

Of her high place and worth, what might Your Lordship — 335

Who presently are to trust me with  your own —

Judge of my  faith?

SEJANUS

Only the best, I swear.

Say now that I should utter you my grief,

And with it the true cause: that it were love,

 And love to Livia;54  you should tell her this, 340

Should she suspect your faith? I would you could

Tell me as much from her; see if my brain

Could be turned  jealous.

EUDEMUS

 Happily, my lord,

I could in time tell you as much, and more,

So I might safely promise but the first 345

To her from you.

SEJANUS

As safely, my Eudemus

(I now dare call thee so) as I have put

The secret into thee.

EUDEMUS

My lord —

SEJANUS

Protest not.

Thy looks are vows to me; use only speed,

And, but affect her with Sejanus’ love, 55 350

Thou art a man made to make consuls. Go.

EUDEMUS

My lord, I’ll promise you a private meeting

This day, together.

SEJANUS

Canst thou?

EUDEMUS

Yes.

SEJANUS

The place?

EUDEMUS

My  gardens, whither I shall fetch Your Lordship.

SEJANUS

Let me adore my  Aesculapius! 355

Why, this indeed is  physic, and  outspeaks

The knowledge of cheap drugs, or any use

Can be made out of  it! More comforting

Than all your opiates,   juleps,  apozems,

 Magistral syrups, or — Begone, my friend, 360

Not barely stylèd, but created so.

Expect things greater than thy largest hopes

To overtake thee.  Fortune shall be taught

To know how ill she hath  deserved, thus long

 To come behind thy wishes. Go, and speed. 365[Exit Eudemus.]

 Ambition makes more trusty slaves  than need.

These fellows,  56 by the favour of their art,

Have still the means to tempt,  oft-times the power.

If Livia will be now corrupted, then

Thou hast the way, Sejanus, to work out 370

His secrets, who, thou knowest,  endures thee not:

Her husband, Drusus; and to work against them.

Prosper it,  Pallas, thou that better’st wit;

For Venus hath the smallest share in it.

 [Enter] TIBERIUS [and] DRUSUS [attended by HATERIUS, LATIARIS, SATRIUS, NATTA, etc.].

  TIBERIUS

( One kneels to him.)We not endure these flatteries.

Let him stand. 57 375

Our empire, ensigns,  axes, rods, and state

Take not away our human nature from us.

 Look up, on us, and fall before the gods.

SEJANUS

 How like a god speaks Caesar!

ARRUNTIUS

[To Cordus, Silius, and Sabinus]  There, observe!

He can endure that  second,  that’s no flattery. 380

 Oh, what is it proud slime will not believe

Of his own worth, to hear it equal praised

Thus with the gods!

CORDUS

He did not hear it, sir.

ARRUNTIUS

He did not? Tut, he must not; we think  meanly.

’Tis  your most courtly, known  confederacy 385

 To have your  private parasite redeem

What he in public subtlety will lose

To making him a name.

  HATERIUS

[Giving Tiberius letters] Right mighty  lord —

TIBERIUS

 We must  make up our ears ’gainst these assaults

Of  charming tongues; we pray you use no more 390

These  contumelies to us; style not us

 Or ‘lord’, or ‘mighty’, who profess ourself

The servant of the Senate, and are proud

T’enjoy them our good, just, and favouring lords. 58

CORDUS

[To Arruntius, Sabinus, and Silius] Rarely dissembled! 59

ARRUNTIUS

Princelike, to the life. 395

SABINUS

  When power, that may command, so much descends,

Their bondage, whom it stoops to, it intends.

TIBERIUS

[To Haterius] Whence are these letters?

HATERIUS

From the Senate.

TIBERIUS

So.

[Latiaris gives him more letters.]

Whence these?

LATIARIS

From thence too.

TIBERIUS

Are they sitting now?

LATIARIS

They  stay thy answer, Caesar.

[Silius and the other Germanicans continue to talk privately among themselves.]

SILIUS

 If this man 400

Had but a mind allied unto his  words,

How  blest a fate  were it to us, and  Rome!

 We could not think that state for which to change,

Although the aim were our old liberty;

  The ghosts60 of those that fell for that would grieve 405

Their bodies lived not now, again to serve.

  Men are deceived who think there can be thrall

Beneath a virtuous prince. Wished liberty

Ne’er lovelier looks than under such a crown.

But when his grace is merely but  lip-good, 61 410

And that no longer than he airs himself

Abroad in public, there to seem to shun

The  strokes and stripes of flatterers, which within

Are lechery unto him, and so feed

His brutish sense with their afflicting sound, 415

As, dead to virtue,  he permits himself

Be carried like a pitcher, by the ears,

To every act of vice: this is a case

Deserves our fear, and doth presage the nigh

And close approach of blood and tyranny. 420

 Flattery is midwife unto princes’ rage,   62

And nothing sooner doth help forth a tyrant

Than that, and whisperers’  grace, who have the time,

The place, the power to make all men offenders.

ARRUNTIUS

He should be told this, and be bid dissemble 425

With  fools and blind men. We that know the evil

Should hunt the palace-rats,  63 or give them  bane,

 Fright hence these worse than ravens, that devour

The quick, where they but prey upon the dead.

He shall be told it.

SABINUS

Stay, Arruntius, 430

We must  abide our opportunity,

 And practise what is fit, as what is needful.

  It is not safe t’enforce a sovereign’s ear;

Princes hear well, if they at all will hear.

ARRUNTIUS

Ha! Say you so? Well. In the meantime, Jove 435

( Say not, but I do call upon thee  now)

 Of all wild beasts, preserve me from a tyrant;

And of all tame, a flatterer!

SILIUS

’Tis well prayed.

TIBERIUS

[To Haterius]  Return the lords this  voice: we are their   creature,

And it is fit a good and honest prince, 440

Whom they, 64 out of their bounty, have  instructed

With so  dilate and absolute a power,

Should owe the  office of it to their service,

And good of all and every citizen.

Nor shall it  e’er repent us to have wished 445

The Senate just and  fav’ring lords unto  us,

 Since their free loves do yield no less defence

 To a prince’s state than his own innocence.

Say then, there can be nothing in their thought

Shall  want to please us, that hath pleasèd them; 450

Our suffrage rather shall  prevent than stay

Behind their wills. ’Tis  empire to obey

Where such, so great, so grave, so good, determine.

Yet for the suit of Spain 65 t’erect a temple

In honour of our mother and ourself, 455

We must (with pardon of the Senate) not

Assent thereto. Their Lordships may object

Our not denying the same late request

Unto the Asian cities; we desire

That our defence for suffering that be known 460

In these brief reasons, with our  after-purpose.

Since  deified Augustus hindered not

A temple to be built at Pergamum

In honour of himself and sacred Rome,

We, that have all his deeds and words observed 66 465

Ever in place of laws, the rather followed

That pleasing precedent because, with ours,

The  Senate’s reverence  also there was joined.

 But as t’have once received it may deserve

The  gain of pardon,  so to be adored 470

With the continued style and  note of gods

Through all the provinces were  wild ambition,

And no less pride. Yea, even Augustus’ name

Would early vanish, should it be profaned

With such promiscuous flatteries. For our part, 475

We here protest it, and are covetous

Posterity should know it: we are mortal,

And  can but deeds of men. ’Twere glory enough

Could we be truly a prince. And they shall add

Abounding grace unto our memory 480

That shall report us worthy our forefathers,

Careful of your affairs, constant in dangers,

And not afraid of any private frown

 For public good. These things shall be to us

Temples and statues, rearèd in your minds, 485

The fairest and most  during imagery;

For those of stone or brass, if they become

Odious in judgement of posterity,

Are more contemned as dying sepulchres

Than ta’en for living monuments. We then 490

Make here our suit, alike to gods and men:

 The one, until the period of our  race,

T’inspire us with a free and quiet mind,

Discerning both divine and  human laws;

 The other, to vouchsafe us after death 495

An honourable mention, and fair praise

T’accompany our actions and our name.

  The rest of greatness princes may command,

And therefore may neglect; only a long,

A lasting, high, and happy memory 500

They should, without being satisfied, pursue.

Contempt of fame begets contempt of virtue.

NATTA

 Rare!

SATRIUS

Most  divine!

SEJANUS

 The oracles are ceased,

That only Caesar with their tongue might speak.

ARRUNTIUS

[To Cordus, Silius, and Sabinus] Let me be  gone!

Most  felt and open, this! 505

CORDUS

[To Arruntius] Stay.

ARRUNTIUS

[To Cordus, Silius, and Sabinus] What, to hear

more cunning, and fine words

 With their sound flattered, ere their sense be meant?

TIBERIUS

Their choice of Antium,67 there to place the gift

Vowed to the goddess68 for our mother’s health,

We will the Senate know we fairly like; 510

As also of their grant to Lepidus 69

For his repairing the Aemilian place,

And restoration of those monuments;

Their grace too in confining of Silanus 70

To th’other isle  Cythera, at the suit 515

Of his religious sister, 71 much commends

Their policy, so tempered with their mercy.

But, for the honours 72 which they have decreed

To our Sejanus, to  advance his statue

In Pompey’s theatre — whose ruining fire 520

His vigilance and labour kept restrained

In that one loss — they have therein outgone

Their own great wisdoms by their skilful choice

And placing of their bounties on a man

Whose merit more adorns the dignity 525

Than that can him, and gives a benefit

In taking, greater than it can receive.

 Blush not, Sejanus, thou great aid of Rome, 73

Associate of our labours, our chief helper;

Let us not  force thy simple modesty 530

With off’ring at thy praise, for more we cannot,

Since there’s no voice can  take it. No man here

Receive our speeches as  hyperboles,

 For we are far from  flattering our friend,

Let envy know, as from the need to flatter. 535

Nor let them ask the causes of our praise;

 Princes have  still their  grounds reared with themselves,

Above the poor low flats of common men,

And  who will search the reasons of their acts

Must stand on equal bases. – Lead, away! 540

Our loves unto the Senate. [Exeunt Tiberius, Sejanus, Haterius,

Latiaris, Satrius, Natta, etc.]

ARRUNTIUS

[To the departing Tiberius] Caesar!

SABINUS

[Holding him back] Peace!

CORDUS

Great Pompey’s theatre was never ruined 74

Till now, that proud Sejanus hath a statue

Reared on his ashes.

ARRUNTIUS

Place the shame of soldiers

Above the best of generals? Crack the  world, 545

And  bruise the name of Romans into dust,

Ere we behold it!

SILIUS

Check your passion;

Lord Drusus tarries.

[Drusus approaches Arruntius, Cordus, Satrius, and Sabinus.]

DRUSUS

Is my father mad?  75

Weary of life and rule, lords? Thus to heave

An idol up with  praise? Make him his mate? 550

His  rival in the  Empire?

ARRUNTIUS

O good prince!

DRUSUS

Allow him statues? Titles? Honours? Such76

As he himself refuseth?

ARRUNTIUS

 Brave, brave Drusus!

DRUSUS

 The first ascents to sovereignty are hard,

But, entered once, there never wants  or means 555

Or ministers to help th’aspirer on.

ARRUNTIUS

True, gallant Drusus.

DRUSUS

We must shortly pray

To  Modesty that he will rest  contented —

ARRUNTIUS

Ay, where he is, and not write  emperor.

 [Enter] SEJANUS [with SATRIUS, LATIARIS, and clients. They take no notice at first of Drusus and the Germanicans.]

SEJANUS

 [To his clients] There is your  bill, and yours. Bring you your man. 560

I’ve  moved for you too, Latiaris.

[He walks into Drusus.]

DRUSUS

What?

Is your vast greatness grown so blindly bold

That you will  over us?

SEJANUS

Why, then give way.

DRUSUS

Give way,  Colossus? Do you  lift? Advance you?

Take that!  77 (Drusus strikes him.)

ARRUNTIUS

Good!  Brave! Excellent brave prince! 565

DRUSUS

[To Sejanus] Nay, come, approach.  [Draws his sword.] What? Stand you off?

 At gaze?

It looks too full of death for  thy cold  spirits.

Avoid mine eye,  dull  camel, or my sword

Shall make thy  brav’ry fitter for a grave

Than for a triumph. I’ll  advance a statue 570

O’your own  bulk; but’t shall be on the cross,  78

Where I will nail your pride at breadth and length,

And crack those sinews, which are yet but stretched

With your swoll’n fortune’s rage.

ARRUNTIUS

A noble prince!

ALL

 A Castor, a Castor, a Castor, a Castor! 79 575 [Exeunt all but Sejanus.]

SEJANUS

  He that with such wrong moved can bear it through

With patience and an even mind knows how

To turn it back.  Wrath, covered,  carries fate:

 Revenge is lost, if I  profess my hate.

What was my  practice late I’ll now pursue 580

As my  fell justice.  This hath styled it new.  [Exit.]


  Musicorum Chorus

 Actus Secundus

[Enter]  SEJANUS, LIVIA, [and] EUDEMUS.

SEJANUS

  Physician, thou art worthy of a province

For the great favours done unto our loves;

And, but that  greatest Livia bears a part

In the requital of thy services,

I should alone despair of  aught like means 5

To give them worthy satisfaction.

LIVIA

Eudemus (I will see it) shall receive

A fit and full reward for his large merit.

But for  this potion   1 we intend to Drusus

(No more our husband now), whom shall we choose 10

As the most apt and  abled instrument

To minister it to him?

EUDEMUS

I say Lygdus. 2

SEJANUS

Lygdus? What’s he?

LIVIA

An eunuch Drusus loves.

EUDEMUS

Ay, and his  cup-bearer.

SEJANUS

Name not a second.

If Drusus love him, and he have that place, 15

We cannot think a fitter.

EUDEMUS

True, my lord,

For free access and trust are two main aids.

SEJANUS

Skilful physician!

LIVIA

But he must be wrought

To th’undertaking with some  laboured art.

SEJANUS

Is he ambitious?

LIVIA

No.

SEJANUS

Or covetous? 20

LIVIA

Neither.

EUDEMUS

Yet   gold is a good general charm.

SEJANUS

What is he, then?

LIVIA

Faith, only wanton, light.

SEJANUS

How! Is he young? And fair?

EUDEMUS

A delicate youth.

SEJANUS

Send him to me, I’ll work him. 3 Royal lady,

Though I have loved you long, and with that height 25

Of zeal and duty ( like the fire, which more

It mounts, it trembles), thinking naught could add

Unto the fervour which your eye had kindled,

Yet, now I see your wisdom, judgement, strength,

Quickness, and will to apprehend the means 30

To your own good and greatness, I protest

Myself  through-rarefied, and turned all flame

In your affection. Such a spirit as yours

Was not created for the idle second

To a poor  flash as Drusus, but to shine 35

 Bright as the moon among the lesser lights,

And share the sovereignty of all the world.

Then Livia triumphs in her proper sphere,

When she and her Sejanus shall divide

The name of Caesar, and   Augusta’s star 40

Be dimmed with glory of a brighter beam;

When Agrippina’s 4 fires are quite extinct,

And the scarce-seen Tiberius borrows all

His little light from us, whose  folded arms

Shall make one perfect orb.

[Knocking within]

Who’s that? Eudemus, 45

Look. ’Tis not Drusus?  [Exit Eudemus.]

Lady, do not fear.

LIVIA

Not I, my lord. My fear and love of him

Left me at once.

SEJANUS

 Illustrous lady!  Stay —

[ Enter EUDEMUS.]

EUDEMUS

I’ll tell His Lordship.

SEJANUS

Who is’t, Eudemus?

EUDEMUS

One of Your Lordship’s servants, brings you word 50

The Emp’ror hath sent for you.

SEJANUS

Oh! Where is he?

[To Livia]  With your fair leave, dear princess. I’ll but ask

A question, and return. He goes out.

EUDEMUS

Fortunate princess!

How are you blest in the  fruition

Of this unequalled man, this soul of Rome, 55

The Empire’s life, and voice of Caesar’s world!

LIVIA

So blessèd, my Eudemus, as to know

The bliss I have, with what I ought to owe

The  means that wrought it. How do I look today?

EUDEMUS

Excellent clear, believe it. This same  fucus 60

Was well laid on.

LIVIA

Methinks ’tis here not white.

EUDEMUS

Lend me your  scarlet, lady. ’Tis the sun

Hath given some little taint unto the  ceruse;  5

[He paints her cheeks.]

You should have used of the white oil I gave you.

Sejanus, for your  love! His very name 65

Commandeth above Cupid, or his shafts —

LIVIA

 Nay, now you’ve made it worse.

EUDEMUS

I’ll help it straight —

And, but pronounced, is a sufficient charm

Against all rumour; and of absolute power

To satisfy for any lady’s honour. 70

[Eudemus prepares more cosmetic.]

LIVIA

 What do you now, Eudemus?

EUDEMUS

Make a light fucus,

To touch you o’er withal — Honoured Sejanus!

What act (though ne’er so  strange, and  insolent)

But that  addition will at least  bear out,

If ’t do not expiate?

LIVIA

Here, good physician. 75

EUDEMUS

I like this  study to preserve the love

Of such a man, that comes not every hour

To greet the world.  ’Tis now well, lady, you should

Use of the  dentifrice I prescribed you, too,

To clear your teeth, and the prepared  pomatum, 80

To smooth the skin: a lady cannot be

Too  curious of her  form, that  still would hold

The heart of such a person, made her captive,

As you have his — who, to endear him more

In your clear eye, hath put away his wife, 6 85

The trouble of his bed and your delights,

Fair Apicata, and made  spacious room

To your new pleasures.

LIVIA

Have not we  returned

That, with our hate of Drusus, and discovery 7

Of all his counsels?

EUDEMUS

Yes, and wisely, lady; 90

 The ages that succeed, and stand far off

To gaze at your high prudence, shall admire

And reckon it an act  without your sex,

It hath  that rare appearance. Some will think

Your fortune could not yield a deeper  sound 95

Than mixed with Drusus; but when they shall hear

That and the thunder of Sejanus meet —

Sejanus, whose high name doth  strike the stars,

And rings about the  concave, great Sejanus,

Whose glories, style, and titles  are himself, 100

The often iterating of Sejanus —

 They then will lose their thoughts, and be ashamed

To take acquaintance of them.

 [Enter SEJANUS.]

SEJANUS

I must make

A rude departure, lady. Caesar sends

With all his haste both of command and prayer. 105

Be resolute in our plot; you have my soul,

As certain yours as it is my body’s.

[To Eudemus] And, wise physician, so prepare the poison  8

As you may lay the subtle operation

Upon some natural disease of his. 110

Your eunuch send to me. I kiss your hands,

Glory of ladies, and commend my love

To your best faith and memory.

LIVIA

My lord,

I shall but  change your words. Farewell. Yet, this

Remember for your heed: he loves you not. 115

You know what I have told  you: his designs

Are full of grudge and danger. We must use

More than a common speed.

SEJANUS

Excellent lady,

How you do fire my blood!

LIVIA

Well, you must go?

  The thoughts be best are least set forth to show. 120[Exit Sejanus.]

EUDEMUS

When will you take some physic, lady?

LIVIA

 When

I shall, Eudemus; but let Drusus’ drug

Be first prepared.

EUDEMUS

Were Lygdus  made, that’s done;

I have it ready. And tomorrow morning

I’ll send you a perfume, first to  resolve 125

And procure sweat, and then prepare a bath

To cleanse and clear the  cutis;  against when,

I’ll have an excellent new fucus made,

Resistive ’gainst the sun, the rain, or wind,

Which you shall  lay on with a breath, or oil, 130

As you best like, and last some fourteen hours.

This change came timely, lady, for your health,

And the restoring your complexion,

Which Drusus’  choler had almost burnt up;

Wherein your fortune hath prescribed you better 135

Than art could do.

LIVIA

Thanks, good physician,

 I’ll use my fortune (you shall see) with reverence.

Is my coach ready?

EUDEMUS

It attends Your Highness. [Exeunt.]

 [Enter] SEJANUS.

SEJANUS

  If this be not revenge, when I have done

And made it perfect, let Egyptian slaves, 9 140

Parthians, and barefoot Hebrews brand my face,

And print my body full of injuries.

 Thou lost thyself,  child Drusus, when thou thought’st

Thou couldst outskip my vengeance, or  outstand

The power I had to  crush thee into air; 145

Thy follies now shall taste what kind of man

They have provoked, and this thy father’s house

Crack in the flame of my incensèd rage

 Whose fury shall admit no shame or  mean.

Adultery? It is the lightest ill 150

I will commit. A race of wicked acts

Shall flow out of my anger and o’erspread

The world’s wide face, which no posterity

Shall e’er approve, nor yet keep silent — things

That for their cunning,  close, and cruel mark, 155

Thy father would wish his — and shall, perhaps,

Carry the  empty name, but we the prize.

 On then, my soul, and  start not in thy course.

Though heav’n drop  sulphur, and hell belch out fire,

Laugh at the idle terrors. Tell proud Jove, 160

Between his power and thine there is no odds.

’Twas only fear first in the world made gods. 10

[ Enter] TIBERIUS [attended].

TIBERIUS

 Is yet Sejanus come?

SEJANUS

 He’s here, dread Caesar.

TIBERIUS [sitting]

Let all depart  that chamber, and the next.

[Exeunt Attendants.]

Sit down, my comfort. When the master prince 11 165

Of all the world, Sejanus, saith he fears,

Is it not fatal?

SEJANUS

Yes, to those are feared.

TIBERIUS

 And not to him?

SEJANUS

Not if he wisely turn

That part of fate he holdeth first on them.

TIBERIUS

That nature, blood, and  laws of kind forbid.170

SEJANUS

Do  policy and state forbid it?

TIBERIUS

No.

SEJANUS

  The rest of poor  respects, then, let go by;

State is enough to make th’act just, them guilty.

TIBERIUS

Long hate pursues such acts.

SEJANUS

 Whom hatred frights,

Let him not dream on sov’reignty.

TIBERIUS

Are rites 175

Of faith, love, piety, to be trod down?

Forgotten? And made vain?

SEJANUS

All, for a crown.

 The prince who shames a tyrant’s name to bear

Shall never dare do anything but fear.

All the command of sceptres quite doth perish 180

If  it begin religious thoughts to cherish:

Whole empires fall, swayed by those  nice respects.

It is the  licence of dark deeds protects

Ev’n states most hated, when no laws resist

The sword, but that it acteth what it list. 185

TIBERIUS

 Yet  so we may do all things cruelly,

Not safely.

SEJANUS

Yes,  and do them thoroughly.

TIBERIUS

Knows yet Sejanus whom we point at?

SEJANUS

Ay,

Or else my thought, my  sense, or both do err:

’Tis Agrippina? 12

TIBERIUS

She, and her proud race. 190

SEJANUS

Proud? Dangerous, Caesar.  13 For in them apace

The father’s spirit shoots up. Germanicus

Lives in their looks, their gait, their form, t’upbraid us

With his close death, 14 if not revenge the same.

TIBERIUS

The act’s not known.

SEJANUS

Not proved.  But whisp’ring  fame 195

 Knowledge and proof doth to the jealous give,

Who,  than to fail, would their own  thought believe.

 It is not safe the children draw long breath,

That are provokèd by a parent’s death.

TIBERIUS

It is as dangerous to  make them hence, 200

If nothing but their birth be their offence.

SEJANUS

Stay, till they strike at Caesar: then their crime

Will be enough, but late, and  out of time

For him to punish.

TIBERIUS

Do they purpose it?

SEJANUS

You know, sir,   thunder speaks not till it hit. 205

 Be not  secure;  none swiftlier are oppressed

Than they whom confidence betrays to rest.

 Let not your daring make your danger such.

 All power’s to be feared, where ’tis too much.

The youths are, of themselves, hot, violent, 210

Full of  great thought; and that male-spirited dame, 15

Their mother,  slacks no means to  put them on,

By large  allowance,  popular presentings,

Increase of train and state,  suing for titles;

Hath them commended with like prayers, like vows, 215

To the same gods, with Caesar. 16 Days and nights

She spends in banquets and ambitious feasts

For the nobility, where Caius Silius,

Titius Sabinus, old Arruntius,

 Asinius Gallus,  Furnius,  Regulus, 220

And others of that discontented list

Are the prime guests. There, and to these, she tells

Whose   niece17 she was, whose daughter, and whose wife;

And then  must they compare her with Augusta,

Ay, and prefer her too, commend her form, 225

Extol her fruitfulness; 18 at which a show’r

Falls for the memory of Germanicus,

Which they  blow over straight with windy praise

And  puffing hopes of her  aspiring sons;

Who, with these hourly  ticklings, grow so pleased, 230

And wantonly conceited of themselves,

As now they  stick not to believe  they’re such

 As these do give ’em out; and would be thought

(More than  competitors) immediate heirs;

 Whilst to their thirst of rule they win the rout, 235

That’s still the friend of novelty, with hope

Of future freedom, 19 which on every change,

 That greedily, though emptily, expects.

 Caesar,  ’tis age in all things breeds neglects,

And princes that will keep old dignity 240

Must not admit too youthful heirs stand  by —

 Not their own issue, but so darkly set

As shadows are in picture, to give height

And lustre to themselves.

TIBERIUS

We will command 20

Their  rank thoughts down, and, with a stricter hand 245

Than we have yet put forth, their  trains must  bate,

Their titles, feasts, and factions.

SEJANUS

 Or your state.

But how, sir, will you work?

TIBERIUS

Confine ’em.

SEJANUS

No.

They are too  great, and that too faint a blow

To give them now. It would have served at first, 250

When, with the weakest touch, their  knot had burst.

But now your care must be not to  detect

The smallest cord or line of your  suspect;

For such who know the weight of princes’ fear

Will, when they find themselves discovered, rear 255

Their forces, like seen snakes, that else would lie

Rolled in their circles, close.   Naught is more  high,

 Daring, or desperate, than offenders found;

Where guilt is, rage and courage  both abound.

The course must be to let ’em still swell up, 260

Riot, and surfeit on  blind Fortune’s cup;

Give ’em more  place, more dignities, more style,

Call ’em to court, to Senate; in the while,

Take from their strength some one or twain, or more

 Of the main  fautors 21 — it will fright  the store — 265

And by some  by-occasion. Thus, with  sleight

You shall disarm  them first, and they, in  night

Of their ambition, not perceive the  train

Till, in the  engine, they are caught, and slain.

TIBERIUS

We would not kill, if we knew how to save; 270

 Yet, than a throne, ’tis cheaper give a grave.

Is there no way to bind them by  deserts?

SEJANUS

 Sir,  wolves do change their hair, but not their hearts.

 While thus your thought unto a mean is tied,

You neither dare enough, nor do  provide. 275

All  modesty is fond; and chiefly where

 The subject is no less compelled to bear

Than praise his sovereign’s acts.

TIBERIUS

We can no longer

Keep on our mask to thee, our dear Sejanus;   22

Thy thoughts are ours, in all, and we but  proved 280

Their voice, in our designs, which by assenting

Hath more confirmed us than if  heart’ning Jove

Had, from his hundred statues, bid us strike,

And at the stroke clicked all his marble thumbs.    23

But who shall first be struck?

SEJANUS

First, Caius Silius. 285

He is the  most of mark, and most of danger:

In power and reputation equal strong,

Having commanded an imperial army

Seven years together, vanquished Sacrovir

In Germany, and thence obtained to wear 290

The  ornaments triumphal.   24 His steep fall,

By how much it doth give the weightier crack,

Will send more wounding terror to the rest,

Command them stand aloof, and give more way

To our surprising of the principal. 295

TIBERIUS

But what Sabinus? 25

SEJANUS

Let him grow a while;

His fate is not yet ripe. We must not pluck

At all together, lest we catch ourselves.

And there’s Arruntius too; he only talks.

But Sosia,26 Silius’ wife,  would be wound in 300

Now, for she hath a fury in her breast

More than hell ever knew; and would be sent

Thither in time. Then is there one Cremutius

Cordus,  27 a writing fellow they have got

To gather notes of the  precedent times, 305

And make them into  annals — a most tart

And bitter spirit, I hear, who,  under colour

Of praising  those, doth  tax the present state,

Censures the men, the actions, leaves no trick,

No practice unexamined,  parallels 310

The times, the governments; a professed champion

For the old liberty —

TIBERIUS

A  perishing wretch!

 As if there were that chaos bred in things,

That laws and liberty would not rather choose

To be quite broken, and  ta’en hence by us, 315

Than have the  stain to be preserved by such.

Have we the means to make these guilty first?

SEJANUS

Trust that to me. Let Caesar, by his power,

But cause a formal meeting of the Senate,

I will have  matter and accusers ready. 320

TIBERIUS

But how? Let us consult.

SEJANUS

We shall misspend

 The time of action.    Counsels are unfit

 In business, where all rest is more pernicious

Than rashness can be. Acts of this close kind

Thrive more by execution than advice; 325

 There is no ling’ring in that work begun,

Which cannot praisèd be, until through done.

TIBERIUS

Our edict shall forthwith command a  court. 28

While I can live, I will  prevent earth’s fury;

    Εμου θανοντος   γαια μιχθητω πυρι.   29 330[Exit Tiberius.]

[ Enter] POSTUMUS.

POSTUMUS

 My lord  Sejanus —

SEJANUS

Julius Postumus, 30

 Come with my wish! What news from Agrippina’s?

POSTUMUS

Faith, none.  They all lock up themselves a’late,

Or talk in  character. I have not seen

A company so changed.  Except they had 335

 Intelligence by  augury of our practice.

SEJANUS

When were you there?

POSTUMUS

Last night.

SEJANUS

And what guests found you?

POSTUMUS

Sabinus, Silius — the old list — Arruntius,

Furnius, and Gallus.

SEJANUS

Would not these talk?

POSTUMUS

Little.

And yet we offered choice of argument. 340

Satrius was with me.

SEJANUS

Well, ’tis guilt enough,

Their often meeting. You forgot t’extol

The hospitable lady? 31

POSTUMUS

No, that trick

Was well  put home, and had succeeded too,

But that Sabinus  coughed a caution out, 345

For  she began to  swell.

SEJANUS

And may she burst!

 Julius, I would have you go instantly

Unto the palace of the great  Augusta,

 And, by your kindest friend, 32 get swift access.

Acquaint her with these meetings. Tell the words 350

You brought me, th’other day, of Silius; 33

Add somewhat to ’em. Make her understand

The danger of Sabinus, and the times,

Out of his  closeness.  Give Arruntius words

Of malice against Caesar; so, to Gallus; 355

But, above all, to Agrippina. Say,

As you may truly, that her infinite pride,

Propped with the hopes of her too-fruitful womb,

With  popular studies  gapes for  sov’reignty, 34

And threatens Caesar. Pray Augusta, then, 360

That for her own, great Caesar’s, and the  pub-

lic safety, she be pleased to  urge these dangers.

Caesar is too secure, he must be told,

 And best he’ll take it from a mother’s tongue.

Alas! What is’t for us to  sound, t’explore, 365

To watch, oppose, plot, practise, or prevent,

If he for whom it is so strongly laboured

Shall, out of greatness and free spirit, be

Supinely negligent? Our city’s now 35

Divided as in time o’th’ civil war 370

And men forbear not to declare themselves

Of Agrippina’s party. Every day

The faction multiplies, and will do more

If not resisted. You can best  enlarge it

As you find audience. Noble Postumus, 375

Commend me to  your Prisca, and pray her

She will solicit this great  business

To earnest and most present execution,

With all her utmost credit with Augusta.

POSTUMUS

I shall not fail in my instructions.380[Exit.]

[Sejanus remains alone onstage.]

SEJANUS

This  second, from his mother, will well urge

Our late design, and spur on Caesar’s rage,

Which else might grow  remiss.  The way to put

 A prince  in blood is to present the shapes

Of dangers greater than they are, like  late 385

Or early shadows, and, sometimes, to feign

Where there are none,  only to make him fear;

His fear will make him cruel; and  once entered,

He doth not easily learn to stop, or spare

Where he may doubt. This have I made my rule, 390

To thrust Tiberius into tyranny,

And make him toil to turn aside those blocks

Which I, alone, could not remove with safety.

Drusus once gone, Germanicus’ three sons

Would clog my way, 36 whose guards have too much faith 395

To be corrupted, and their mother known

Of  too too unreproved a chastity

To be attempted, as light Livia was.

Work then my art on Caesar’s fears, as they

On those they fear, till all my   lets be cleared, 400

And he in ruins of his house, and hate

Of all his subjects, bury his own  state;

When, with my peace and  safety, I will rise,

By making him the public sacrifice. [Exit.]

 [Enter] SATRIUS [and] NATTA.

SATRIUS

    They’re grown exceeding circumspect and wary. 405

NATTA

 They have us in the wind. And yet Arruntius

Cannot contain himself.

SATRIUS

Tut, he’s not yet

 Looked after; there are others more desired, 37

That are more silent.

NATTA

Here he comes. Away! [Exeunt.]

 [Enter] SABINUS, ARRUNTIUS, [and] CORDUS.

SABINUS

 How is it that these  beagles haunt the house 410

Of Agrippina?

ARRUNTIUS

Oh, they hunt, they hunt. 38

There is some game here lodged, which they must rouse,

To make the  great ones sport.

CORDUS

Did you observe

How they inveighed ’gainst Caesar?

ARRUNTIUS

Ay, baits, baits

For us to bite at. Would I have my flesh 415

Torn by the  public hook, these qualified hangmen

Should be my company.

 AFER passeth by.

CORDUS

 Here comes another.

ARRUNTIUS

Ay, there’s a man, Afer the orator! 39

One that hath phrases, figures, and fine   flowers

To strew his rhetoric with, and doth make haste 40 420

To get him note, or name, by any  offer

Where blood or gain be objects; steeps his words,

When he would kill, in  artificial tears —

The crocodile of Tiber! Him I love,

That man is mine. He hath my heart, and voice, 425

When I  would curse,  he, he!

SABINUS

 Contemn the slaves;

  Their present lives will be their future graves. [Exeunt.]

 [Enter] SILIUS, AGRIPPINA, NERO, [and] SOSIA.

SILIUS

 May’t please Your Highness not forget yourself,

I dare not,  with my manners, to  attempt

Your trouble farther.

AGRIPPINA

Farewell, noble Silius. 430

SILIUS

Most royal princess.

AGRIPPINA

Sosia stays with us?

SILIUS

She is your servant, and doth owe Your Grace

An honest but unprofitable love.

AGRIPPINA

How can that be, when there’s no gain but  virtue’s?

SILIUS

You take the moral, not the politic sense. 435

I meant, as she is bold, and free of speech,

Earnest to utter what her zealous thought

 Travails withal, in honour of your house; 41

Which act, as it is  simply born in her,

Partakes of love and honesty, but may, 440

By th’over-often and  unseasoned use,

Turn to your loss and danger — for your  state

Is waited on by  envies, as by eyes; 42

And every second guest your tables take

Is a fee’d spy, t’observe who goes, who comes, 445

What conference you have, with whom, where, when;

What the discourse is, what the looks, the thoughts

Of every person there, they do  extract,

And make into a substance.

AGRIPPINA

 Hear me, Silius:

Were all Tiberius’ body  stuck with eyes, 450

And every wall and hanging in my house

Transparent as this  lawn I wear, or air;

Yea, had Sejanus both his  ears as long

As to my inmost closet,  I would hate

To whisper any thought, or change an act, 455

To be made Juno’s rival.  Virtue’s forces

 Show ever noblest in  conspicuous courses.

SILIUS

’Tis great, and bravely spoken, like the spirit

Of Agrippina; yet Your Highness knows

 There is nor loss nor shame in  providence; 460

Few can, what all should do, beware enough.

You may perceive with what officious face 43

Satrius and Natta, Afer and the rest

Visit your house of late, t’inquire the secrets,

And with what bold and privileged art they rail 465

Against Augusta, yea, and at Tiberius,

Tell  tricks of Livia, and Sejanus, all

T’excite and call your indignation on,

That they might hear it at more liberty.

AGRIPPINA

 You’re too suspicious, Silius.

SILIUS

Pray the gods 470

I be so, Agrippina; but I fear

Some subtle  practice. They that durst to strike 44

At so  exampless and unblamed a life

As that of the renowned Germanicus

Will not  sit down with that exploit alone. 475

  He  threatens many that hath injured one.

NERO

’Twere best rip forth their tongues,  sear out their eyes,

When next they come.

SOSIA

A fit reward for spies.

 [Enter] DRUSUS JUNIOR.

DRUSUS JUNIOR

 Hear you the rumour?

AGRIPPINA

What?

DRUSUS JUNIOR

Drusus is dying. 45

AGRIPPINA

Dying?

NERO

That’s strange!

AGRIPPINA

Yo’were with him yesternight. 480

DRUSUS JUNIOR

One met Eudemus the physician

Sent for but now, who thinks he cannot live.

SILIUS

Thinks? If’t be arrived at that, he knows,

Or none.

AGRIPPINA

This’s quick!  What should be his disease?

SILIUS

  Poison, poison — 46

AGRIPPINA

How, Silius!

NERO

What’s that? 485

SILIUS

Nay, nothing. There was, late, a certain blow

Giv’n o’the face.

NERO

Ay, to Sejanus?

SILIUS

True.

DRUSUS JUNIOR

And what of that?

SILIUS

I’m glad I gave it not.

NERO

But there is somewhat else?

SILIUS

Yes, private meetings,

With a great lady, at a physician’s, 490

And a wife turned  away —

NERO

Ha!

SILIUS

 Toys, mere toys.

What wisdom’s now i’th’streets? I’th’common mouth?

DRUSUS JUNIOR

Fears, whisp’rings, tumults, noise, I know not what.

They say the Senate sit. 47

SILIUS

I’ll thither, straight,

And see  what’s in the forge.

AGRIPPINA

Good Silius, do. 495

Sosia and I will in.

SILIUS

Haste you, my lords,

To visit the sick prince. Tender your loves

And sorrows to the people. This Sejanus,

Trust my divining soul, hath plots on all;

 No tree that stops his  prospect but must fall.500[Exeunt.]

 Musicorum Chorus

 Actus Tertius

  The Senate.

  [Enter] PRAECONES, LICTORS, VARRO, SEJANUS, LATIARIS, COTTA, [and] AFER.

SEJANUS

   ’Tis only you must urge against  him, Varro.   1

Nor I nor Caesar may appear therein,

Except in your defence, who are the consul,

And under colour of late enmity

Between your father and  his, may better do it, 5

As free from all suspicion of a  practice.

[Varro is handed some notes.]

Here be your notes, what points to touch at. Read:

Be cunning in them. Afer has them too.

VARRO

But is he summoned?

SEJANUS

No. It was  debated

By Caesar, and concluded as most fit 10

To  take him unprepared.

AFER

And prosecute

All under name of treason. 2

VARRO

I conceive.

 [Enter SABINUS, GALLUS, LEPIDUS, and ARRUNTIUS. They confer privately.]

SABINUS

Drusus being dead, Caesar will not be here.

GALLUS

What should the business of this Senate be?

ARRUNTIUS

That can my subtle whisperers tell you. We, 15

That are the  good-dull-noble lookers-on,

Are only called to keep the marble warm.

What should we do with those deep mysteries,

Proper to these fine heads? Let them alone.

Our ignorance may, perchance, help us be  saved 20

From whips and furies.

GALLUS

See, see, see,  their action!

ARRUNTIUS

Ay, now their heads do travail, now they work;

Their faces run like   shuttles; they are weaving

Some  curious cobweb to catch flies.

SABINUS

Observe,

They take their places.

ARRUNTIUS

What, so low? 3

GALLUS

Oh, yes, 25

They must be seen to flatter Caesar’s grief,

Though but in sitting.

VARRO

[To the Praecones]  Bid us silence.

FIRST PRAECO

Silence!

VARRO

 Fathers  conscript,  may this our present meeting

Turn fair and fortunate to the  commonwealth. 4

 [Enter] SILIUS [and other SENATORS].

  SEJANUS

See, Silius enters.

SILIUS

Hail, grave fathers!

LICTOR

[Announcing] Stand! — 30

Silius; forbear thy place.

SENATORS

How!

FIRST PRAECO

Silius, stand forth.

 The consul hath to charge thee.

LICTOR

[Announcing] Room for Caesar!

ARRUNTIUS

[To Sabinus] Is he come too? Nay then, expect a trick.

SABINUS

[To Arruntius] Silius accused? Sure he will answer nobly.

 [Enter] TIBERIUS [attended].

TIBERIUS

 We stand amazèd, fathers, to behold 35

This general dejection. Wherefore sit 5

 Rome’s consuls thus  dissolved, as they had lost

All the remembrance both of style and place?

It not becomes. No woes are of fit weight

To make the honour of the Empire stoop — 40

Though I, in my  peculiar self, may meet

Just reprehension, that so suddenly,

And  in so fresh a grief, would greet the  Senate,

 When private tongues of kinsmen and allies,

Inspired with comforts, loathly are endured, 45

 The  face of men not seen, and scarce the day,

To thousands that  communicate our loss.

Nor can I  argue these of weakness, since

They take but natural ways; yet I must seek

For stronger aids,  and those fair helps draw out 50

From warm embraces of the commonwealth.

Our mother, great Augusta, is  struck with time,

Ourself  impressed with agèd characters;

Drusus is gone, his children young, and babes;

Our aims must now reflect on those that may 55

Give timely succour to these present ills,

And are our only glad-surviving hopes,

The noble issue of Germanicus,

Nero and Drusus. Might it please the consul

 Honour them in — they both attend without — 60

I would present them to the Senate’s care,

And raise those   suns of joy, that should  drink up

These floods of sorrow in your drownèd eyes.

ARRUNTIUS

[To Sabinus] By Jove,  I am not Oedipus enough

To understand this Sphinx.

SABINUS

[To Arruntius] The princes come. 65

 [Enter] NERO [and] DRUSUS JUNIOR.

TIBERIUS

  Approach you, noble Nero, noble Drusus. —

These  princes, fathers, when their parent died,

I gave unto their uncle, with this prayer:

That, though  he’d  proper issue of his own,

He would no less bring up and foster these 70

Than that  self-blood, and by that act confirm

Their worths to him and to posterity.

Drusus ta’en hence, I turn my prayers to you,

And, ’fore our country and our gods, beseech

You take, and rule, Augustus’ nephew’s sons, 75

Sprung of the noblest ancestors; and so

 Accomplish both my duty and your own. —

Nero, and Drusus,  these shall be to you6

In place of parents, these your fathers, these,

And not unfitly; for you are so born 80

As all your good or ill’s the commonwealth’s. —

Receive them, you strong guardians; — and, blest gods,

Make all their actions answer to their bloods.

 Let their great titles find increase by  them,

Not they by titles. Set them, as in place, 85

So in example, above all the Romans,

And may they know  no rivals but themselves.

 Let Fortune give them  nothing, but attend

Upon their virtue — and that still come forth

Greater than hope, and better than their fame. — 90

 Relieve me, fathers, with your  general voice.

SENATORS

 May all the gods consent to Caesar’s wish,

 And add to any honours that may crown

The hopeful issue of Germanicus!

TIBERIUS

We thank you, reverend fathers,  in their right. 95

 [Arruntius, Sabinus, and Gallus, seated together, whisper among themselves.]

ARRUNTIUS

If this were true  now! But the space,  the space

Between the breast and lips —  Tiberius’ heart

Lies a thought farther than another man’s.

TIBERIUS

My comforts are so flowing in my joys

As, in them, all my streams of grief are lost, 100

No less than are land waters in the sea,

Or show’rs in rivers; though their cause was such

As might have sprinkled ev’n the gods with tears.

Yet since the  greater doth embrace the less,

We  covetously obey.

ARRUNTIUS

Well acted, Caesar. 105

TIBERIUS

And  now I am the happy witness made

Of your so much desired affections

To this  great issue, I could wish the fates

Would here set peaceful period to my days;

However, to my labours, I entreat, 110

And beg it of this Senate, some fit ease.

ARRUNTIUS

Laugh, fathers, laugh! Ha’ you no  spleens about you? 7

TIBERIUS

 The burden is too heavy I sustain

On my unwilling shoulders; and I pray

It may be taken off, and reconferred 115

Upon the consuls, or some other Roman,

More able, and more worthy.

ARRUNTIUS

Laugh on, still.

SABINUS

Why, this doth render all the rest suspected!

GALLUS

It poisons all.

ARRUNTIUS

Oh, do’you  taste it then?

SABINUS

It takes away my faith to anything 120

He shall hereafter speak.

ARRUNTIUS

Ay, to pray that

Which would be to his head as hot as thunder —

 ’Gainst which he wears that charm     8 — should but the court

Receive him at his word.

GALLUS

 Hear!

TIBERIUS

For myself,

I know my weakness, and so little covet — 125

Like some gone past — the weight that will oppress me

As my ambition is the  counterpoint.

ARRUNTIUS

Finely maintained; good still.

SEJANUS

But Rome, whose blood,

Whose nerves, whose life, whose very frame relies

On Caesar’s strength, no less than heav’n on  Atlas, 130

Cannot admit it but with general ruin.

ARRUNTIUS

Ah! Are you there,  to bring him off?

SEJANUS

Let Caesar

No more  then urge a point so contrary

To Caesar’s greatness, the grieved Senate’s vows,

Or Rome’s necessity.

GALLUS

He comes about. 135

ARRUNTIUS

More nimbly than  Vertumnus.

TIBERIUS

 For the public,

I may be  drawn to show I can neglect

All private aims, though I  affect my rest.

But if the Senate still command me serve,

I must be glad to practise my obedience. 9 140

ARRUNTIUS

You must, and will, sir. We do know it.

SENATORS

 Caesar!

 Live long, and happy, great and royal Caesar!

The gods preserve thee, and thy  modesty,

Thy wisdom, and thy innocence!

ARRUNTIUS

Where is’t?

The  prayer’s made before the subject.

SENATORS

 Guard 145

His meekness, Jove, his piety, his care,

His bounty —

ARRUNTIUS

And his subtlety, I’ll put in —

Yet he’ll keep that himself, without the gods.

All  prayers are vain for him.

TIBERIUS

We will not hold

Your patience, fathers, with long answer, but 150

Shall still contend to be what you desire,

And work to satisfy so great a hope.

Proceed to your affairs.

 [Afer comes forward.]

ARRUNTIUS

Now, Silius, guard thee.

The curtain’s drawing.  Afer advanceth.

FIRST PRAECO

[Proclaiming] Silence!

AFER

Cite Caius Silius.

FIRST PRAECO

Caius Silius! 10

SILIUS

[Coming forward] Here. 155

AFER

The triumph that thou hadst in Germany

For thy late victory on  Sacrovir,

Thou hast enjoyed so freely, Caius Silius,

As no man it envied thee; nor would Caesar

Or Rome  admit that thou wert then defrauded 160

Of any honours thy deserts could claim

In the fair service of the commonwealth.

But now, if after all their loves and graces,

Thy actions and their courses being  discovered,

It shall appear to Caesar, and this Senate, 165

Thou hast defiled those glories with thy crimes —

SILIUS

Crimes?

AFER

Patience, Silius.

SILIUS

Tell thy  mule of patience!

I’m a Roman. What are my crimes? Proclaim them.

Am I too rich? Too honest for the times?

Have I or treasure, jewels, land, or houses 170

That some informer gapes for? Is my strength

Too much to be admitted? Or my knowledge?

These now are crimes. 11

AFER

Nay, Silius, if the  name

Of crime so touch thee, with what impotence

Wilt thou endure the matter to be searched? 175

SILIUS

I tell thee, Afer, with more scorn than fear:

Employ your mercenary tongue and art.

Where’s my accuser?

VARRO

[Coming forward] Here.

ARRUNTIUS

Varro? The consul?

Is he  thrust in?

VARRO

’Tis I accuse thee, Silius.

 Against the majesty of Rome and Caesar, 180

I do pronounce thee here a guilty  cause,

First, of beginning and occasioning, 12

Next, drawing out the war in Gallia, 13

For which thou late triumph’st; dissembling long

That Sacrovir to be an enemy, 185

Only to make thy  entertainment more,

Whilst thou, and thy wife Sosia,  polled the province;

Wherein, with sordid-base desire of gain,

Thou hast discredited thy  actions’ worth

And been a traitor to the state.

SILIUS

Thou liest. 190

ARRUNTIUS

I thank thee, Silius. Speak so still, and often.

VARRO

[To Tiberius]  If I not prove it, Caesar, but  unjustly 14

Have called him into trial, here I bind

Myself to suffer what I claim ’gainst him,

And yield to have what I have spoke confirmed 195

By judgement of the court, and all good men.

SILIUS

Caesar, I crave to have my cause deferred

Till this man’s consulship be out.

TIBERIUS

We cannot,

Nor may we grant it.

SILIUS

Why? Shall he  design

My day of trial? Is he my accuser? 200

And must he be my judge?

TIBERIUS

It hath been usual,

And is a right that custom hath allowed

The magistrate, 15 to call forth private men

And to  appoint their day; which privilege

We may not in the consul see infringed, 205

By whose deep watches and industrious care

It is so laboured as the  commonwealth

Receive no loss by any  oblique course.

SILIUS

Caesar, thy  fraud is worse than violence.

TIBERIUS

Silius, mistake us not. We dare not use 210

The credit of the consul to thy wrong,

But only do preserve his place and power

So far as it concerns the dignity

And honour of the state.

ARRUNTIUS

Believe him, Silius.

COTTA

[Overhearing] Why, so he may, Arruntius.

ARRUNTIUS

I say so. 215

And he may  choose to.

TIBERIUS

By the Capitol,

And all our gods, but that the dear Republic,

Our sacred laws, and just authority

Are  interessed therein, I should be silent.

AFER

  Please Caesar to  give way unto his trial. 220

He shall have justice.

SILIUS

Nay, I shall have law;

Shall I not, Afer? Speak.

AFER

Would you have more?

SILIUS

No, my well-spoken man, I would no more;

Nor less — might I enjoy it  natural,

Not taught to speak unto your present ends, 225

Free from thine, his, and all your  unkind handling,

Furious enforcing, most unjust presuming,

Malicious and manifold applying,

Foul wresting, and impossible construction.

AFER

He raves, he raves.

SILIUS

Thou durst not tell me so, 230

Hadst thou not Caesar’s warrant. I can see

Whose power condemns me.

VARRO

This betrays his spirit.

This doth enough declare him what he is.

SILIUS

What am I? Speak.

VARRO

An enemy to the state.

SILIUS

Because I am an enemy to thee, 235

And such corrupted ministers  o’the state,

That here art made a present instrument

To gratify it with thine own disgrace. 16

SEJANUS

This, to the consul, is most insolent!

And  impious!

SILIUS

 Ay,  take part. Reveal yourselves. 240

Alas, I  scent not your confederacies,

Your plots and combinations? I not know

 Minion Sejanus hates me, and that all

This boast of law, and law, is but a form,

A  net of Vulcan’s filing, a mere  engine, 245

To take that life by a pretext of justice

Which you pursue in malice? I want brain

Or  nostril to persuade me that your ends

And purposes are made to what they are,

Before my answer? O you  equal gods, 250

Whose justice not a world of wolf-turned men

Shall make me to accuse,  howe’er  provoke,

Have I for this so oft  engaged myself,

Stood in the heat and fervour of a fight,

When Phoebus sooner hath forsook the day 255

Than I the field, against the blue-eyed Gauls

And  crispèd Germans, when our Roman  eagles

Have fanned the fire with their labouring wings,

And no blow dealt that left not death behind it?

When I have charged, alone, into the troops 260

Of curled Sicambrians, 17 routed them, and came

Not off with  backward ensigns of a slave,

But forward marks, wounds on my breast, and face,

 Were meant to thee, O Caesar, and thy Rome?

And have I this return? Did I, for this, 265

Perform so noble and so brave defeat

On Sacrovir? O Jove, let it become me

To boast my deeds, when he, whom they concern,

Shall thus forget them!

AFER

Silius, Silius,

These are the common customs of thy  blood, 270

When it is high with wine, as now with rage.

This well agrees with that intemperate vaunt 18

Thou lately mad’st at Agrippina’s table,

That when all other of the troops were prone

To fall into rebellion, only  thine 275

Remained in their obedience.    Thou wert he

That  saved the Empire, which had then been lost,

Had but  thy legions, there, rebelled, or  mutined.

 Thy virtue met and fronted every peril.

 Thou gav’st to Caesar and to Rome their surety. 280

Their name, their strength, their spirit, and their state,

Their being was a  donative from  thee.

ARRUNTIUS

Well worded, and most like an orator.

TIBERIUS

Is this true, Silius?

SILIUS

Save thy question, Caesar.

Thy spy, of  famous credit, hath affirmed it. 285

ARRUNTIUS

Excellent Roman!

SABINUS

He doth answer stoutly.

SEJANUS

If this be so, there needs no farther cause

Of  crime against him.

VARRO

 What can more impeach

The  royal dignity and state of Caesar

Than to be  urgèd with a  benefit 290

He cannot pay?

COTTA

 In this, all Caesar’s fortune

Is made unequal to the courtesy.

LATIARIS

His means are clean destroyed, that should requite.

GALLUS

Nothing is great enough for  Silius’ merit.

ARRUNTIUS

[To Sabinus]  Gallus  o’ that side too?

SILIUS

Come, do not hunt 295

And labour so about for  circumstance

To make him guilty whom you have foredoomed.

Take shorter ways; I’ll  meet your purposes.

The words were mine; and more I now will say:

Since I have done thee that great service, Caesar, 300

Thou still hast feared me, and, in place of grace,

Returned me hatred.  So soon, all best turns,

 With  doubtful princes, turn deep injuries

In estimation, when they greater rise

Than can be answered.  Benefits, with you, 305

Are of no longer pleasure than you can

With ease  restore them; that transcended once,

Your studies are not how to thank, but kill.

It is your nature to have all men slaves

To you, but you acknowledging to none. 310

The means that  make your greatness  must not come

In mention of it. If it do, it takes

So much away, you think; and that which helped

Shall soonest perish, if it stand  in eye,

Where it may  front or but upbraid the high. 315

COTTA

Suffer him speak no more.

VARRO

Note but his  spirit.

AFER

This  shows him in the rest.

LATIARIS

Let him be  censured.

SEJANUS

He’hath spoke enough to prove him Caesar’s foe.

COTTA

His thoughts look through his words.

SEJANUS

A censure.

SILIUS

Stay,

Stay, most officious Senate! I shall straight 320

 Delude thy fury. Silius hath not placed

His guards within him, against Fortune’s spite,

So weakly but he can escape your gripe

That are but  hands of Fortune.  She herself,

When virtue doth oppose, must lose her threats. 325

 All that can happen in humanity,

The frown of Caesar, proud Sejanus’ hatred,

Base Varro’s spleen, and Afer’s bloodying tongue,

The Senate’s servile flattery, and these

Mustered to kill, I’m fortified against, 330

And can look down upon; they are beneath me.

It is not life whereof I stand enamoured,

Nor shall my end make me accuse my fate.

 The coward and the valiant man  must fall;

Only the cause, and manner how,  discerns them, 335

 Which then are gladdest when they cost us dearest.

Romans, if any here be in this Senate

Would know to mock Tiberius’ tyranny,

Look upon Silius, and so learn to die.

 [He stabs himself.]

VARRO

 Oh, desperate act!

ARRUNTIUS

 An honourable hand!     19 340

TIBERIUS

Look, is he dead?

SABINUS

’Twas nobly struck, and home.

ARRUNTIUS

My thought did prompt him to it. Farewell, Silius!

Be famous ever for thy great example.

TIBERIUS

We are not pleased in this sad accident,

That thus hath  stallèd and abused our mercy, 345

Intended to preserve thee, noble Roman,

And to  prevent thy hopes.

ARRUNTIUS

Excellent wolf!

Now he is full, he howls.

SEJANUS

Caesar doth wrong

 His dignity and safety, thus to mourn

The deserved end of so professed a traitor, 350

And doth, by this his lenity, instruct

Others as factious to the like offence.

TIBERIUS

The confiscation merely of his  state

Had been enough.

ARRUNTIUS

Oh, that was  gaped for, then?

VARRO

[To Lictors] Remove the body.

SEJANUS

Let  citation 355

Go out for Sosia.

GALLUS

Let her be  proscribed.

And for the goods, I think it fit that half

Go to the  treasure, half unto the children.

LEPIDUS

With leave of Caesar, I would think that fourth

 Part, which the law doth cast on the informers, 360

Should be enough; the rest go to the children —

Wherein the prince shall show humanity

And bounty, not to force them by their want,

Which in their parents’ trespass they deserved,

To take ill courses.

TIBERIUS

It shall please us.

ARRUNTIUS

Ay, 365

Out of necessity. This Lepidus

Is grave and honest, and I have observed

A moderation still in all his  censures. 20

SABINUS

And  bending to the better —

 [Enter] CORDUS [guarded by LICTORS], SATRIUS, [and] NATTA.

ARRUNTIUS

Stay, who’s this?

Cremutius Cordus? 21 What? Is he brought in? 370

ARRUNTIUS

 More blood unto the banquet? Noble Cordus,

I wish thee good. Be as thy writings, free,

And honest.

TIBERIUS

What is he?

SEJANUS

For th’annals, Caesar.

FIRST PRAECO

 Cremutius Cordus!

CORDUS

Here.

FIRST PRAECO

 Satrius  Secundus,

Pinnarius Natta, you are his accusers. 375

ARRUNTIUS

Two of Sejanus’ bloodhounds, whom he breeds

With human flesh, to bay at citizens.

AFER

[To Satrius and Natta] Stand forth before the Senate, and confront him.

SATRIUS

I do accuse thee here, Cremutius Cordus,

To be a man factious and dangerous, 380

A sower of sedition in the state,

A turbulent and discontented spirit,

Which I will prove from thine own writings here,

The annals thou  hast published, where thou bit’st

The present age, and  with a  viper’s tooth, 385

Being a member of it, dar’st that ill

Which never yet  degenerous bastard did

Upon his parent.

NATTA

To this I subscribe,

And,  forth a world of more particulars,

 Instance in only one: comparing men 390

And times, thou praisest Brutus, and affirmst

 That  ‘Cassius was the last of all the Romans.’

COTTA

How! What are we, then?

VARRO

What is Caesar? Nothing?

AFER

 My lords, this strikes at every Roman’s  private,

In whom reigns gentry and estate of  spirit, 395

To have a Brutus brought in parallel —

A  parricide, an enemy of his country —

Ranked and preferred to any real worth

That Rome now holds. This is most strangely  invective,

Most full of spite and insolent upbraiding. 400

Nor is’t the time alone is here disprized,

But the  whole man of time, yea, Caesar’s self,

Brought in disvalue; and he aimed at most

By oblique glance of his licentious  pen.

Caesar, if Cassius were the last of Romans, 405

Thou hast no  name.

TIBERIUS

  Let’s hear him answer. Silence.

CORDUS

So innocent I am of  fact, my lords,

 As but my words are argued; yet those words

Not reaching either prince or prince’s parent,

 The which your law of treason comprehends. 410

Brutus and Cassius I am charged t’have praised,

Whose deeds, when many more besides myself

Have writ, not one hath mentioned without honour.

Great Titus Livius, great for eloquence

And faith amongst us, in his  History, 415

With so great praises Pompey did extol

As oft Augustus called  him a Pompeian —

Yet this not hurt their friendship. In his book

He often names  Scipio,  Afranius,

Yea, the same Cassius, and this Brutus too, 420

As worthi’st men; not  thieves and parricides,

Which  notes upon their fames are now imposed.

 Asinius Pollio’s writings quite throughout

Give them a noble memory;       22 so  Messalla

Renowned his general Cassius — yet both these 425

 Lived with  Augustus, full of wealth and honours.

 To Cicero’s book, where Cato was heaved up

Equal with heav’n, what else did Caesar answer,

Being then dictator, but with a penned oration,

As if before the judges? Do but see 430

 Antonius’ letters; read but  Brutus’ pleadings,

What vile reproach they hold against Augustus —

False, I confess, but with much bitterness.

The epigrams of  Bibaculus and  Catullus

Are read, full stuffed with spite of both the Caesars; 435

 Yet deified Julius, and no less Augustus,

Both bore them and  contemned them — I not know

 Promptly to speak it, whether done with more

Temper or wisdom;  for such obloquies,

 If they despisèd be, they die suppressed, 440

 But if with rage acknowledged, they are confessed.

 The Greeks I  slip, whose licence not alone,

But also lust did scape unpunishèd;

Or where some one, by chance, exception took,

He words with words revenged. But in my work, 445

What could be aimed more free, or farther off

From the time’s scandal, than to write of those

Whom death from grace or hatred had exempted?

Did I, with Brutus and with Cassius,

Armed, and possessed of the Philippi fields, 450

Incense the people in the  civil cause

With dangerous speeches?  Or do they, being slain

Seventy years since, as by their  images —

Which not the conqueror hath defaced — appears,

Retain that guilty memory with writers? 455

 Posterity pays every man his honour.

Nor shall there want, though I condemnèd am,

That will not only Cassius well approve,

And of great Brutus’ honour mindful be,

But that will, also, mention make of me. 460

ARRUNTIUS

Freely and nobly spoken.

SABINUS

With good temper.

I like him, that he is not moved with passion.

 [Tiberius and his followers confer privately. The Germanicans talk quietly among themselves.]

ARRUNTIUS

He  puts ’em to their whisper.

TIBERIUS

[Speaking Aloud] Take him hence,  23

We shall determine of him at next sitting.

[Exeunt Lictor with Cordus.]

COTTA

 Meantime, give order that his books be  burnt, 465

To th’ aediles.

SEJANUS

You have well advised.

AFER

It fits not such licentious things should live

T’upbraid the age.

ARRUNTIUS

If th’age were good, they might.

LATIARIS

Let ’em be burnt.

GALLUS

All sought, and  burnt, today.

FIRST PRAECO

The court is up.  Lictors, resume the fasces.470[Exeunt.]

Arruntius, Sabinus, [and] Lepidus [remain].

ARRUNTIUS

  Let ’em be burnt! Oh, how ridiculous

Appears the Senate’s brainless diligence,

Who think they can, with present power, extinguish

The memory of all succeeding times!

SABINUS

’Tis true, when, contrary, the punishment 475

Of wit doth make  th’authority increase.

Nor do they aught, that use this cruelty

Of  interdiction, and this rage of burning,

But purchase to themselves rebuke and shame,

And to the writers an eternal name. 24 480

LEPIDUS

It is an argument the times are  sore

When virtue cannot safely be advanced,

Nor vice reproved.

ARRUNTIUS

Ay, noble Lepidus.

Augustus well foresaw what we should suffer

Under Tiberius, when he did pronounce 485

The Roman race most wretched that should live

Between so slow jaws, and so long   a-bruising. 25  [Exeunt.]

[Enter] TIBERIUS [and] SEJANUS.

TIBERIUS

 This business hath succeeded well, Sejanus —

And quite removed all  jealousy of practice

’Gainst Agrippina and our nephews. Now 490

We must bethink us how to plant our  engines

For th’other pair, Sabinus and Arruntius;

And Gallus too 26 — howe’er he flatter us,

His heart we know.

SEJANUS

Give  it some respite, Caesar.

Time shall mature, and  bring to perfect crown, 495

What we with so  good vultures have begun.

Sabinus shall be next.

TIBERIUS

Rather Arruntius.

SEJANUS

By any means preserve him. His frank tongue,

Being lent the reins, will take away all thought

Of malice in your course against the rest. 500

We must keep him to  stalk with.

TIBERIUS

 Dearest head,

To thy most  fortunate design I yield it.

SEJANUS

Sir —  I’ve been so long trained up in  grace, 27

First with your father, great Augustus,  since

 With your most happy bounties so familiar, 505

As I not sooner would commit my hopes

Or wishes to the gods than to your ears.

Nor have I ever yet been covetous

Of overbright and dazzling honours; rather

 To watch and  travail in great Caesar’s safety, 510

With the most common soldier.

TIBERIUS

’Tis  confessed.

SEJANUS

The only gain, and which I count most fair

 Of all my fortunes, is that mighty Caesar

Hath thought me worthy his alliance. 28 Hence

Begin my hopes.

TIBERIUS

H’mh?

SEJANUS

 I have heard Augustus, 515

In the bestowing of his daughter,  thought

But even of gentlemen of Rome. If so —

I know not how to hope so great a favour —

But if a husband should be sought for Livia,

And I be had in mind, as Caesar’s friend, 520

I would  but use the glory of the  kindred.

It should not make me slothful, or less caring

For Caesar’s state; it were enough to me

It did confirm and strengthen my weak house

Against the now unequal opposition 525

Of Agrippina;   and for dear regard

Unto my children, this I wish. Myself

Have no ambition farther than to end

My days in service of so dear a  master.

TIBERIUS

We cannot but commend thy   piety, 530

Most loved Sejanus, in acknowledging

 Those  ‘bounties’, which  we, faintly, such remember.

But to thy suit. The rest of mortal men,

In all their  drifts and counsels, pursue profit;

Princes, alone, are of a different  sort, 535

Directing their main actions still to fame.

We therefore will take time to think, and answer.

For Livia, she can best, herself, resolve

If she will marry after Drusus, or

 Continue in the family; besides, 540

She hath a  mother, and a grandam yet,

Whose nearer counsels she may guide her by —

But I will  simply deal. That enmity

Thou fear’st in Agrippina would burn more

If Livia’s marriage should, as ’twere in parts 545

Divide th’imperial house. An  emulation

Between the women might break forth, and discord

Ruin the sons and nephews on both hands.

What if it cause some  present difference?

Thou art not safe, Sejanus, if thou  prove it. 550

Canst thou believe that Livia,  first the wife

To Caius Caesar, 29 then  my Drusus, now

Will be contented to grow old with thee,

Born but a  private gentleman of Rome,

And raise thee with  her loss, if not her shame? 555

Or say that I should wish it, canst thou think

The Senate, or the people, who have seen

 Her brother, father, and our ancestors

In highest place of empire, will endure it?

The  state thou holdst already is in talk; 560

Men murmur at thy greatness; and the nobles

 Stick not, in public, to upbraid thy climbing

Above  our father’s favours, or thy  scale —

And dare accuse me, from their hate to thee.

Be wise, dear friend. We would not hide these things 565

 For friendship’s dear respect.  Nor will we stand

Adverse to thine or Livia’s designments.

What we had purposed to thee, in our thought,

And with what near degrees of love to bind thee

And make thee equal to us, for the present 570

We will forbear to speak. Only thus much

Believe, our loved Sejanus:  we not know

That height in blood, or honour, which thy virtue,

And  mind to us, may not  aspire with merit.

And this we’ll  publish, on all  watched occasion 575

The Senate or the people shall present.

SEJANUS

I am restored, and to my sense again,

Which I had lost in this so  blinding suit.

Caesar hath taught me better to refuse

Than I knew how to ask. How pleaseth Caesar 580

T’embrace my late advice for leaving Rome?  30

TIBERIUS

We are resolved.

SEJANUS

[Giving him a paper]  Here are some motives more,

Which I have thought on since, may more confirm.

TIBERIUS

 Careful Sejanus! We will straight peruse them.

Go forward in our  main design, and prosper. 585 [Exit.]

SEJANUS

 If  those but take, I  shall.  Dull, heavy Caesar!

Wouldst thou tell me  thy favours were made crimes?

And that my fortunes  were esteemed thy faults?

That thou, for me, wert hated? And not think

I would with wingèd haste prevent  that change, 590

When thou mightst win all to thyself again

By forfeiture of me? Did those  fond words

Fly swifter from thy lips than this my  brain,

This sparkling forge, created me an armour

T’encounter chance, and thee? Well, read  my charms, 595

And may they lay that hold upon thy senses

 As thou hadst snuffed up  hemlock, or ta’en down

The juice of  poppy and of mandrakes. Sleep,

Voluptuous Caesar, and  security

Seize on thy  stupid powers, and leave them dead 600

To public cares, awake but to thy lusts —

The strength of which makes thy libidinous soul

Itch to leave Rome; and I have thrust it on,

With blaming of the city business,

The multitude of suits, the confluence 605

Of suitors, then their importunacies,

The manifold distractions he must suffer,

Besides ill rumours, envies, and reproaches —

All which, a quiet and retired life,

 Larded with ease and pleasure,  did avoid; 610

And yet, for any  weighty and great affair,

The fittest place to give the soundest counsels.

By this shall I remove him both from thought

And knowledge of his own most  dear affairs,

 Draw all dispatches through my private hands, 615

Know his designments, and pursue mine own,

Make mine own strengths, by giving suits and places,

Conferring dignities and offices;

And these that hate me now,  wanting access

To him, will make their envy none, or less. 31 620

For when they see me arbiter of all,

They must  observe — or else, with Caesar, fall.  [Exit.]

 [Enter] TIBERIUS.

TIBERIUS

 To marry Livia? Will no less, Sejanus,

Content thy aims? No lower object? Well!

 Thou know’st how thou art wrought into our trust, 625

Woven in our design; and think’st we must

Now use thee, whatsoe’er thy projects are.

’Tis true. But yet with caution, and fit care.

And, now we better think —  [Calling] Who’s there, within?

 [Enter SERVUS.]

SERVUS

Caesar?

TIBERIUS

[Aside] To leave our journey off were sin 630

’Gainst our decreed delights; and would appear

Doubt — or, what  less becomes a prince, low fear.

Yet,  doubt hath law, and fears have their excuse,

Where princes’ states plead  necessary use,

As ours doth now — more in Sejanus’ pride 635

Than all  fell Agrippina’s hates beside.

   Those are the dreadful enemies we raise

 With favours, and make dangerous with praise.

 The injured by us may have will alike,

But ’tis the favourite hath the power to strike; 640

And fury ever boils more high and strong,

  Heat’ with ambition, than revenge of wrong.

’Tis then a part of supreme skill to grace

No man too much, but hold a certain space

Between th’ascender’s rise and thine own  flat, 645

Lest, when all  rounds be reached, his aim be that.

’Tis  thought — [To Servus] Is Macro 32 in the palace? See.

If not, go seek him, to come to  us.  [Exit Servus.]

– He

Must be the organ we must work by now,

Though none less apt for trust.  Need doth allow 650

 What choice would not.   I’ve heard that aconite,

Being timely taken, hath a healing might

Against the scorpion’s stroke. The  proof we’ll give —

That, while two poisons wrestle, we may live.

 He hath a spirit too working to be used 655

But to th’encounter of his like. Excused

Are wiser sovereigns then, that raise one ill

Against another, and both safely kill.

  The prince that feeds great natures, they will sway him;

Who nourisheth a lion must obey him. 660

 [Enter] MACRO [and SERVUS].

TIBERIUS

 Macro, we sent for you.

MACRO

I heard so, Caesar.

TIBERIUS

[To Servus] Leave us awhile.  [Exit Servus.]

When you shall know, good Macro,

The causes of  our sending, and the ends,

You then will hearken nearer — and be pleased

You stand so high, both in our choice and trust. 665

MACRO

The humblest place in Caesar’s choice or trust

May make glad Macro proud, without ambition —

Save to do Caesar service.

TIBERIUS

Leave  our courtings.

We  are in purpose, Macro, to depart

The city for a time, and see Campania —  33 670

Not for our pleasures, but to dedicate

A pair of temples, one to Jupiter

At Capua, th’other at Nola, to Augustus;  34

In which great work, perhaps, our stay will be

Beyond our will  produced. Now, since we are 675

Not ignorant what danger may be born

Out of  our shortest absence in a state

So subject unto envy, and embroiled

With hate and faction, we have thought on thee,

Amongst  a field of Romans, worthiest Macro, 680

To be our eye and ear; to keep strict watch

On Agrippina, Nero, Drusus — ay,

And on Sejanus. Not that we distrust

His loyalty, or do repent one grace

Of all that heap we have conferred on him — 685

For that were to disparage our  election,

And call that judgement now in doubt which then

Seemed as unquestioned as an oracle —

  But greatness hath his cankers. Worms and moths

Breed out of too  fit matter in the things 690

Which  after they consume, transferring quite

The substance of their makers int’ themselves.

 Macro is sharp, and apprehends. Besides,

I know him subtle, close, wise, and well-read

In man and his large nature. He hath studied 695

Affections, passions, knows their springs, their ends,

Which way, and whether they will work. ’Tis proof

Enough of his great merit that we trust him.

Then to a  point — because our conference

Cannot be long without suspicion: 700

Here, Macro, we assign thee, both to spy,

Inform, and chastise. Think, and use thy means,

Thy ministers, what, where, on whom thou wilt.

 Explore, plot, practise: 35 all thou dost in this

Shall be as if the Senate or the laws 705

Had giv’n it privilege, and thou thence styled

The saviour both of Caesar and of Rome.

We will not take thy answer but in act —

Whereto, as thou proceed’st, we hope to hear

By trusted messengers. If ’t be inquired 710

Wherefore we called you, say you have  in charge

To see our chariots ready, and our horse.

Be still our loved and (shortly) honoured Macro.  [Exit.]

MACRO

I will not ask why Caesar bids do this,     36

But joy that he bids me.  It is the bliss 715

 Of courts to be employed, no matter how;

 A prince’s power makes all his actions virtue.

We, whom he works by, are dumb instruments,

To do, but not inquire;  his great intents

Are to be served, not searched. Yet, as that bow 720

Is most  in hand whose owner best doth know

T’effect  his aims, so let that statesman hope

Most use, most  price,  can hit his prince’s scope.

Nor must he look at what or whom to strike,

But  loose at all; each mark must be alike. 725

Were it to plot against the fame, the life

Of one  with whom I  twinned; remove a wife

From my warm side, as loved as is the air;

 Practise away each parent; draw mine heir

 In compass,  though but one; work all my kin 730

To swift perdition; leave no  untrained engine,

For friendship or for innocence; nay, make

The gods all guilty: I would undertake

This, being imposed me, both with gain and ease.

 The way to rise is to obey and please. 735

 He that will thrive in state, he must neglect

The trodden paths that truth and right respect,

And prove new, wilder ways; for virtue, there,

Is not that narrow thing she is elsewhere.

 Men’s fortune there is virtue; reason, their will; 740

Their licence, law; and their  observance, skill.

 Occasion is their  foil; conscience, their stain;

Profit, their  lustre; and what else is, vain.

If then it be the lust of  Caesar’s power

T’have raised Sejanus up, and in an hour 745

O’erturn him, tumbling down from height of all, 37

We are his ready engine; and his fall

May be our rise.  It is no  uncouth thing

 To see fresh buildings from old ruins spring.  [Exit.]

 

Musicorum Chorus

 Actus Quartus

 [Enter] GALLUS and AGRIPPINA.

GALLUS

   You must have  patience, royal Agrippina.   1

AGRIPPINA

I must have vengeance first — and that were nectar

Unto my famished spirits. O my  Fortune,

 Let it be sudden thou prepar’st against me!

Strike all my powers of understanding blind, 5

And ignorant of destiny to come!

 Let me not fear,  that cannot hope.

GALLUS

Dear princess,

These tyrannies on yourself are worse than Caesar’s.

AGRIPPINA

Is this the happiness of being born great?

Still to be aimed at?  Still to be suspected? 10

To live the subject of all jealousies?

 At least the  colour made, if not the ground

To every painted danger? Who would not

Choose once to fall, than thus to hang forever?

GALLUS

You might be safe, if you would —

AGRIPPINA

What, my Gallus? 15

Be lewd Sejanus’ strumpet? Or the bawd

To Caesar’s lusts he now is gone to practise?

  Not these are safe, where nothing is. Yourself,

While thus you stand but by me, are not safe.

Was Silius safe? Or the good Sosia safe? 20

Or was my niece, dear Claudia Pulchra, safe? 2

Or innocent Furnius? They that latest have,

By being made guilty, added reputation

To Afer’s eloquence? 3 O foolish friends,

Could not so fresh example warn your loves, 25

But you must buy my favours with that loss

Unto yourselves — and when you might perceive

That  Caesar’s cause of raging must forsake him

Before his will? Away, good Gallus, leave me.

Here to be seen is danger; to speak, treason; 30

To do me least  observance is called faction.

You are  unhappy in me, and I in all.

Where are my sons, Nero and Drusus?  We

Are they be shot at. Let us  fall apart,

Not, in our ruins, sepulchre our friends. 35

Or shall we do some  action, like offence,

 To mock their studies that would make us faulty?

And frustrate practice by  preventing it?

 The danger’s like, for what they can contrive,

They will make good.  No innocence is safe 40

 When power  contests. Nor can they trespass  more,

 Whose only being was all crime before.

 [Enter NERO, DRUSUS JUNIOR, and CALIGULA.]

NERO

You hear Sejanus is come back from Caesar?

GALLUS

No. How? Disgraced?

DRUSUS JUNIOR

More gracèd now than ever.

GALLUS

By what mischance?

CALIGULA

 A fortune, like enough 45

Once to be bad.

DRUSUS JUNIOR

But turned too good, to both.

GALLUS

What was’t?

NERO

Tiberius sitting at his meat, 4

In a farmhouse they call Spelunca, 5 sited

By the seaside, among the  Fundane Hills,

 Within a natural cave, part of the grot 50

About the entry fell and overwhelmed

Some of the waiters; others ran away.

Only Sejanus, with his knees, hands, face,

O’erhanging Caesar, did oppose himself

To the remaining ruins, and was found 55

In that so labouring posture by the soldiers

 That came to succour him. With which adventure

He hath so fixed himself in Caesar’s trust 

As thunder cannot move him, and is come,

With all the height of Caesar’s praise, to Rome.6 60

AGRIPPINA

And power to turn those ruins all on us,

And bury whole posterities beneath them.

 Nero, and Drusus, and Caligula,

Your places are the next, and therefore most

In their  offence. Think on your birth and blood, 65

Awake your spirits,  meet their violence;

 ’Tis princely when a  tyrant doth oppose,

 And is a fortune sent to exercise

Your virtue, as the wind doth try strong trees,

 Who by vexation grow more sound and firm. 70

After your father’s fall, and  uncle’s fate,

What can you  hope but all the  change of stroke

That force or  sleight can give? Then stand upright;

And though you do not  act, yet suffer nobly.

Be worthy of my womb, and take strong cheer. 75

  What we do know will come, we should not fear.[Exeunt.]

[ Enter] MACRO.

MACRO

 Returned so soon? Renewed in trust and grace?

Is Caesar then so weak? Or hath the place

But wrought this alteration with the air,

 And he, on  next remove, will all repair? 80

Macro, thou art  engaged; and  what before

Was public, now  must be thy private,  more.

 The weal of Caesar fitness did imply,

But thine own fate confers necessity

On thy employment;  and the thoughts borne nearest 85

 Unto ourselves move swiftest still, and  dearest.

If he recover, thou art lost: yea, all

The weight of preparation to his fall

Will turn on thee and crush thee. Therefore, strike

Before he settle, to prevent the like 90

Upon thyself.   He doth his vantage know

 That  makes it home, and gives the foremost blow. [Exit.]

  [Enter] LATIARIS, RUFUS, [and] OPSIUS.

LATIARIS

  It is a service  great Sejanus will

See well requited and accept of nobly. 7

Here place yourselves, between the  roof and ceiling, 95

And when I  bring him to his words of danger,

Reveal yourselves and take him.

RUFUS

Is he come?

LATIARIS

I’ll now go fetch him. [Exit.]

OPSIUS

With good speed. I long

To merit from the state in such an action.

RUFUS

I hope it will obtain the consulship 100

For one of us.

OPSIUS

We cannot think of less,

To bring in one so dangerous as Sabinus.

RUFUS

He was a follower of Germanicus,

And still is an  observer of his wife

And children, though they be declined in grace 8105

A daily visitant, keeps them company

In private, and in public; and is noted

To be the only client of the house.

Pray Jove he will be  free to Latiaris!

OPSIUS

He’s  allied to him and doth trust him well. 110

RUFUS

And he’ll requite his trust?

OPSIUS

To do an office

So  grateful to the state, I know no man

But would strain nearer bands than kindred —

RUFUS

List,

I hear them come.

OPSIUS

Shift to our  holes with silence. 9

[They hide above]

 [Enter] LATIARIS [and] SABINUS [on main stage.]

LATIARIS

 It is a noble constancy you show 115

To this afflicted house, that not like others

(The  friends of season)  you do follow Fortune,

And in the winter of  their fate forsake

The place whose glories warmed you. You are just,

And worthy such a princely patron’s love 120

As was the world’s renowned Germanicus;

Whose ample merit when I call to thought,

And see his wife and  issue objects made

To so much envy, jealousy, and hate,

It makes me ready to accuse the gods 125

Of negligence, as men of tyranny.

SABINUS

  They must be patient; so must we.

LATIARIS

O Jove!

What will become of us, or of the times,

When to be  high, or noble, are made crimes?

When land and treasure are most dangerous faults? 130

SABINUS

Nay, when our table, yea our bed, assaults

Our peace and safety? 10  When our writings are,

By any envious  instruments that dare

Apply them to the guilty, made to speak

What they will have, to fit their tyrannous  wreak? 135

When ignorance is scarcely innocence,

And knowledge made a capital offence?

When not so much but the bare empty shade

Of liberty is  reft us?  And we made

The prey to greedy vultures and vile spies 140

That first transfix us with their murdering eyes?

LATIARIS

 Methinks the genius of the Roman race

Should not be so extinct but that bright flame

Of liberty might be revived again,

Which no good man but with his life should  lose, 145

And we not sit like spent and patient fools,

Still puffing in the dark at one poor coal,

Held on by hope, till the last spark is out.

The cause is public, and the honour, name,

The immortality of every soul 150

That is not bastard or a slave in Rome

Therein concerned. Whereto, if men would change

The wearied arm, and, for the weighty shield

So long sustained, employ the  ready sword,

We might have some assurance of our  vows. 155

 This ass’s fortitude doth tire us all.

 It must be active valour must redeem

Our loss,  or none. The  rock and our hard steel

Should meet, t’enforce those glorious fires again

Whose splendour cheered the world, and heat gave life 160

No less than doth the sun’s.

SABINUS

’Twere better stay

In lasting darkness, and despair of day.

  No ill should force the subject undertake

Against the sovereign, more than hell should make

The gods do wrong. A good man should and must 165

Sit rather down with loss than rise unjust —

 Though when the Romans first did yield themselves

To one man’s power, they did not mean their lives,

Their fortunes, and their liberties should be

 His absolute spoil, as purchased by the sword. 170

LATIARIS

 Why, we are worse, if to be slaves and bond

To Caesar’s slave be such — the proud  Sejanus!

He that is all, does all, gives Caesar leave

To hide his ulcerous and anointed face, 11

With his bald crown, at Rhodes, 12 while  he here stalks 175

Upon the heads of Romans and their princes,

 Familiarly to empire.

SABINUS

Now you touch

A point, indeed, wherein he shows his art

As well as power.

LATIARIS

And villainy in both.

Do you observe where Livia lodges? How 180

Drusus came dead? What men have been cut off?

SABINUS

Yes, those are things  removed. I nearer looked

Into his later practice, where he stands

Declared a master in his  mystery.

First,  ere Tiberius went, he wrought his fear 185

To think that Agrippina sought his death;

Then put those doubts in her; sent her oft word,

Under the show of friendship, to beware

Of Caesar, for he  laid to poison her; 13

Drave  them to frowns, to mutual jealousies, 190

Which now in visible hatred are burst out.

 Since, he hath had his hired instruments

To work on Nero, and to  heave him up; 14

To tell him Caesar’s old; that all the people,

Yea, all the army have their eyes on  him; 195

That  both do long to have him undertake

Something of worth, to give the world a hope;

Bids him to court their grace. The easy youth

Perhaps gives ear, which straight  he writes to Caesar,

And with this comment: ‘See  yond dangerous boy; 200

Note but the practice of the mother, there;

She’s  tying him, for purposes  at hand,

With men of sword.’ Here’s Caesar put in fright

’Gainst son and mother. Yet  he leaves not thus.

The second brother, Drusus — a fierce nature, 205

And fitter for  his snares, because ambitious

And full of envy — him he  clasps and hugs, 15

Poisons with praise, tells him  what hearts he wears,

How bright he stands in popular expectance;

That Rome doth suffer with him in the wrong 210

His mother does him by preferring Nero.

Thus sets he them asunder, each ’gainst other,

 Projects the course that serves him to condemn,

 Keeps in opinion of a friend to all,

And all drives on to ruin.

LATIARIS

Caesar sleeps, 215

And nods at this?

SABINUS

Would he might ever sleep,

 Bogged in his filthy lusts!

[OPSIUS and RUFUS reveal themselves on the main stage.]

OPSIUS

Treason to Caesar!

RUFUS

Lay hands upon the traitor, Latiaris,

Or take the name thyself.

LATIARIS

I am for Caesar.

[Sabinus is apprehended.]

SABINUS

Am I then  catched?

RUFUS

How think you, sir? You are. 220

SABINUS

Spies of this  head! So white! So full of years!

Well, my most  reverend monsters,  you may live

To see yourselves thus snared.

OPSIUS

Away with him!

LATIARIS

Hale him away.

RUFUS

To be a spy for traitors

Is honourable vigilance.

SABINUS

You do well, 16 225

My most officious instruments of state,

Men of all uses. Drag me hence,  away.

The  year is well begun, and I fall fit

To be an off’ ring to Sejanus. Go.

OPSIUS

 Cover him with his garments, hide his face. 230

SABINUS

It shall not need. Forbear your rude assault;

 The fault’s not  shameful villainy makes a fault. [Exeunt.]

 [Enter] MACRO [and] CALIGULA.

MACRO

  Sir, but observe how thick your dangers meet

In  his clear drifts! Your mother and your brothers

Now cited to the Senate! 17 Their friend Gallus, 235

Feasted today by Caesar, since  committed! 18

Sabinus here we met, hurried to fetters!

 The senators all struck with fear and silence,

Save those whose hopes depend not on good means,

But force their private prey from public spoil! 240

And you must know, if here you stay,  your state

Is sure to be the subject of his hate,

As now the object.

CALIGULA

What would you advise me?

MACRO

To go  for Capreae presently; and there

Give up yourself, entirely, to your  uncle. 245

Tell Caesar, since your mother is accused

To fly for succours to Augustus’ statue,

And to the army, 19 with your brethren, you

Have rather  chose to place your aids in him

Than live suspected, or in hourly fear 250

To be thrust out by bold  Sejanus’ plots —

Which you shall confidently urge to be

Most full of peril to the state and Caesar,

As being laid to  his peculiar ends,

And not to be  let run with common safety. 255

All which,  upon the second, I’ll make plain,

 So both shall love and trust with Caesar gain.

CALIGULA

Away then! Let’s prepare us for our journey. [Exeunt.]

 [Enter] ARRUNTIUS.

ARRUNTIUS

   Still dost thou suffer, heav’n? Will no flame,

No heat of sin make thy just wrath to boil 260

In thy distempered bosom, and o’erflow

The  pitchy blazes of impiety

Kindled beneath thy throne? Still canst thou sleep,

Patient, while vice doth make an   antic face

At thy  dread power, and blow dust and smoke 265

Into thy nostrils? Jove, will nothing wake thee?

 Must vile Sejanus pull thee by the beard

Ere thou wilt open thy  black-lidded eye,

And  look him dead?  Well, snore on, dreaming gods,

And let this  last of that proud giant race 270

Heave mountain upon mountain ’gainst your state.

Be good unto me, Fortune, and you  powers

Whom I,  expostulating, have profaned.

 I see (what’s equal with a prodigy)

A great, a noble Roman, and an honest, 275

Live an old man!

[ Enter LEPIDUS.]

O Marcus Lepidus, 20

When is our turn to bleed? Thyself and I,

 Without our boast, are  almost all the few

Left to be honest in these impious times.

LEPIDUS

 What we are left to be, we will be, Lucius, 280

Though tyranny did stare as wide as death

To fright us from it.

ARRUNTIUS

’T hath so, on Sabinus!

LEPIDUS

I saw him now drawn from the  Gemonies,

And, what increased the direness of the fact,

His faithful dog, 21 upbraiding all us Romans, 285

Never forsook the corpse, but, seeing it thrown

Into the stream, leaped in, and drowned with it.

ARRUNTIUS

Oh, act to be envied him of us men!

We are the next the  hook lays hold on, Marcus.

What are thy arts —  good patriot, teach them me — 290

That have preserved thy hairs to this white dye,

And kept so reverend and so dear a head

Safe on his comely shoulders?

LEPIDUS

Arts, Arruntius?

None but the plain and passive fortitude   22

 To suffer and be silent; never stretch 295

These arms against the torrent; live at home,

With my own thoughts, and innocence about me,

Not tempting the   wolf’s jaws: these are my arts.

ARRUNTIUS

I would begin to study ’em, if I thought

They would secure me.   May I pray to  Jove 300

In secret, and be safe? Ay, or aloud?

With open wishes?  So I do not mention

Tiberius, or Sejanus? Yes, I must,

If I speak out. ’Tis hard, that.  May I think,

And not be  racked? What danger is’t to dream? 305

Talk in one’s sleep? Or cough? Who knows the law?

May I shake my head, without a comment?  Say

It rains, or it  holds up, and not be thrown

Upon the Gemonies? 23 These now are things

Whereon men’s fortune, yea, their fate depends. 310

Nothing hath privilege ’gainst the  violent ear.

 No place, no day, no hour, we see, is free —

Not our religious and most sacred times —

 From some one kind of cruelty. All matter,

Nay, all occasion  pleaseth.  Madmen’s rage, 315

The  idleness of drunkards, women’s  nothing,

Jesters’ simplicity — all, all is good

That can be catched at. Nor is now th’ event

Of any person, or for any crime,

 To be expected; for ’tis always one: 320

Death, with some little difference of place,

Or time — What’s this? Prince Nero? Guarded?

 [Enter] LACO 24 [and] NERO [with LICTORS].

LACO

 On, lictors, keep your way. — My lords, forbear.

On pain of Caesar’s wrath, no man attempt

Speech with the prisoner.

NERO

[To Lepidus and Arruntius] Noble friends, be safe. 325

To  lose yourselves for words were as vain hazard

As unto me small comfort. Fare you well.

Would all Rome’s sufferings in my fate did dwell!

LACO

Lictors, away!

LEPIDUS

Where goes he, Laco?

LACO

Sir,

 He’s banished into Pontia, by the Senate. 25 330

ARRUNTIUS

Do I see, and hear, and feel? May I trust  sense?

Or doth my   fant’sy form it?

LEPIDUS

[To Laco] Where’s his brother?

LACO

Drusus is prisoner in the palace.26

ARRUNTIUS

Ha?

I smell it now; ’tis rank. Where’s Agrippina?

LACO

The princess is confined, to Pandataria. 27 335

ARRUNTIUS

  Bolts, Vulcan — bolts for Jove! Phoebus, thy bow;

Stern Mars, thy sword; and  blue-eyed maid, thy spear;

Thy club,  Alcides. All the armoury

Of heaven is too little! — Ha? To guard

The gods, I meant. Fine, rare dispatch! This same 340

Was swiftly borne! Confined? Imprisoned? Banished?

Most  tripartite! [To Laco] The cause, sir?

LACO

Treason.

ARRUNTIUS

Oh?

The complement of all accusings? 28 That

Will hit, when all else fails.

LEPIDUS

This turn is strange!

But yesterday, the people  would not hear 345

Far less objected, but cried, Caesar’s letters 29

Were false and forged; that all these plots were malice;

And that the ruin of  the prince’s house

Was practised ’gainst his knowledge. Where are now

Their voices? Now that they behold his heirs 350

Locked up, disgraced, led into exile?

ARRUNTIUS

Hushed.

 Drowned in their bellies. Wild Sejanus’ breath

Hath, like a whirlwind, scattered that  poor dust

With this rude blast.

 He turns to Laco and the rest.

We’ll talk no treason, sir,

If that be it you  stand for. Fare you well. 355

We have no need of  horse-leeches. Good spy,

Now you are spied, begone.

 [Exeunt Laco, Nero, and Lictors.]

LEPIDUS

I fear you wrong him.

He has the  voice to be an honest Roman.

ARRUNTIUS

And trusted to this office? Lepidus,

I’d sooner trust  Greek Sinon than a man 360

Our state employs. He’s gone; and being gone,

I dare tell you — whom I dare better trust —

That our night-eyed 30 Tiberius doth not see

His minion’s drifts; or if he do, he’s not

So  errant subtle as we fools do take him, 365

 To breed a mongrel up in his own house

With his own blood, and, if the good gods please,

At his own throat   flesh him to take a leap.

I do not beg it, heav’n; but if the fates

 Grant it these eyes, they must not wink.

LEPIDUS

They must 370

Not see it,  Lucius.

ARRUNTIUS

Who should  let ’em?

LEPIDUS

Zeal,

And duty; with the thought  he is our prince.

ARRUNTIUS

 He is our monster: forfeited to vice

So far, as no racked virtue can redeem him;

His loathèd person fouler than all crimes, 31 375

An emp’ror only in his lusts; retired

From all regard of his own fame, or Rome’s,

Into an obscure island, 32 where he lives,

Acting his tragedies with a  comic face,

Amidst his rout of Chaldees; spending hours, 33 380

Days, weeks, and months in the  unkind abuse

Of  grave astrology, to the  bane of men,

Casting the scope of men’s nativities,

And, having found aught worthy in their fortune,

Kill, or precipitate them in the sea, 385

And boast he can mock fate! Nay, muse not; these

Are far from  ends of evil, scarce degrees.

He hath his slaughterhouse at Capreae,

Where he doth study murder as an art;

And they are dearest in his grace that can 390

Devise the deepest tortures. Thither, too,

He hath his boys and beauteous girls ta’en up

Out of our noblest houses, the best formed,

Best nurtured, and most modest.  What’s their good

Serves to provoke his bad. Some are allured, 34 395

Some threatened; others, by their  friends detained,

Are ravished hence like captives, and, in sight

Of their most grievèd parents, dealt away

Unto his  spintries, sellaries, and slaves,

Masters of strange and  new-commented lusts, 400

 For which wise nature hath not left a name.

To this — what most strikes us, and bleeding Rome —

He is, with all his craft, become the ward 35

To his own vassal, a  stale catamite,

Whom he,  upon our low and suffering necks, 405

Hath raised from excrement to  side the gods,

 And have his proper sacrifice in Rome,

 Which Jove beholds, and yet will sooner rive

A senseless oak with thunder than his trunk.

 [Enter to them] LACO, POMPONIUS, [and] MINUTIUS. 36 [They converse among themselves, observed at some distance by Arruntius and Lepidus, who comment privately on them.]

LACO

 These letters 37 make men doubtful what t’expect, 410

Whether  his coming, or his death.

POMPONIUS

Troth, both —

And which comes soonest, thank the gods for.

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside to Lepidus] List,

Their talk is Caesar. I would hear all voices.

MINUTIUS

 One day, he’s well, and will return to Rome;

The next day, sick, and knows not when to hope it.38 415

LACO

True, and today, one of Sejanus’ friends

Honoured by special writ; and on the morrow

Another punished —

POMPONIUS

By more special writ.

MINUTIUS

 This man receives his praises of Sejanus;39

A second, but slight mention; a third, none; 420

A fourth, rebukes. And thus he leaves the Senate

Divided and suspended, all uncertain.

LACO

These  forkèd tricks, I understand ’em not.

Would he would tell us whom he loves or hates,

That we might follow, without fear or doubt! 425

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] Good  heliotrope! Is this your honest man?

Let him be yours so still.  He is my knave.

POMPONIUS

I cannot tell; Sejanus still goes on,

And mounts, we see. New statues are advanced, 40

Fresh  leaves of titles, large inscriptions read, 430

His fortune sworn by, 41 himself new gone out

Caesar’s colleague in the fifth consulship. 42

More altars smoke to him than all the gods.

What would we more?

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] That the dear smoke would choke him,

 That would I more.

LEPIDUS

[Aside to him] Peace, good Arruntius. 435

LACO

But there are letters come, they say, ev’n now,

Which do forbid  that last. 43

MINUTIUS

Do you hear so?

LACO

Yes.

POMPONIUS

By   Pollux, that’s the worst.

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] By  Hercules, best!

MINUTIUS

I did not like the sign, when Regulus, 44

Whom all we know no friend unto Sejanus, 440

Did, by Tiberius’ so precise command,

 Succeed a fellow in the consulship.

It boded somewhat.

POMPONIUS

Not a mote. His partner,

Fulcinius Trio, is his own, and sure.45

Here comes Terentius.

[ Enter TERENTIUS.]

He can give us more. 445

 They whisper with Terentius.  [Lepidus and Arruntius, still standing apart, converse audibly.]

LEPIDUS

I’ll ne’er believe but Caesar hath some scent

Of bold Sejanus’  footing. These  cross-points 46

Of varying letters and opposing consuls,

 Mingling his honours and his punishments,

Feigning now ill, now well, raising Sejanus 47 450

And then depressing him, as now of late

In all reports we have it, cannot be

 Empty of practice. ’Tis Tiberius’ art.

For, having found his favourite grown too great,

And, with his greatness, strong, that all the soldiers 48 455

Are, with their leaders, made  at his devotion,

 That almost all the Senate are his creatures

Or hold on him their main  dependences,

Either for benefit, or hope, or fear,

And that  himself hath lost much of his own 460

By  parting unto him, and by th’increase

Of  his rank lusts and rages quite disarmed

Himself of love or other public means

To dare an open contestation,

 His subtlety hath chose this  doubling line, 465

To hold  him  even in — not  so to  fear him

As wholly put him out, and yet give check

Unto his farther boldness. 49 In meantime,

 By his employments, makes him odious

Unto the  staggering rout, whose aid ( in fine) 470

He hopes to use, as  sure, who, when they sway,

Bear down, o’erturn all objects in their way.

ARRUNTIUS

You may be a  Lynceus, Lepidus, yet I

See  no such cause but that a politic  tyrant,

Who can so well disguise it,  should have ta’en 475

A nearer way: feigned honest, and come home

To cut his throat, by law.

LEPIDUS

Ay,  but  his  fear

 Would  ne’er be masked, albe his vices were.

[The clients of Sejanus, who have been whispering among themselves, now speak aloud, while Lepidus and Arruntius speak privately to each other.]

POMPONIUS

His Lordship then is still in grace?

TERENTIUS

Assure you,

Never in more, either of grace or power. 480

POMPONIUS

The gods are wise and just.

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside]  The fiends they are,

To suffer thee belie ’em!

TERENTIUS

[Showing letters] I have here

 His last and present letters, where he writes him

 The ‘partner of his cares’ and ‘his Sejanus’ —

LACO

But is that true,  it is prohibited 485

To sacrifice unto him? 50

TERENTIUS

Some such thing

Caesar makes scruple of, but forbids it not,

No more than to himself; says he could wish

It were forborne to all.

LACO

 Is it no other?

TERENTIUS

No other, on my trust. For your more  surety, 490

Here is that letter too.

[He shows another letter.]

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside]  How easily

Do wretched men believe what they would have!

Looks this like plot?

LEPIDUS

[Aside to him] Noble Arruntius, stay.

LACO

[Reading] He names him here without his titles. 51

LEPIDUS

[Aside to Arruntius] Note.

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside to him]  Yes, and come off your notable fool. I will. 495

LACO

No other than Sejanus.

POMPONIUS

That’s but haste

In him that writes. Here  he gives large amends.

[He shows another letter.]

MINUTIUS

 And with his own hand written?

POMPONIUS

Yes.

LACO

Indeed?

TERENTIUS

Believe it, gentlemen, Sejanus’ breast

Never received more full contentments in 500

Than at this present.

POMPONIUS

Takes he well th’escape

Of young Caligula with Macro? 52

TERENTIUS

Faith,

At the first  air it somewhat  troubled him.

LEPIDUS

[Aside to Arruntius] Observe you?

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside to him] Nothing. Riddles. Till I see

Sejanus struck, no sound thereof strikes me. 505

 [Exeunt Arruntius and Lepidus.]

POMPONIUS

I like it not. I  muse  he’d not attempt

Somewhat against  him in the consulship, 53

Seeing the people ’gin to favour him.

TERENTIUS

He doth repent it now, but he’s employed

Pagonianus after   him;54 and he holds 510

That  correspondence there with all that are

Near about Caesar,  as no thought can pass

Without his knowledge thence in act to  front him.

POMPONIUS

I  gratulate the news.

LACO

 But how comes Macro

 So in trust and favour with Caligula? 515

POMPONIUS

Oh sir, he  has a wife, 55 and the young prince

An appetite.  He can look up, and spy

Flies in the roof when there are fleas i’bed,

And hath a learnèd nose t’assure his sleeps.

Who, to be favoured of the rising sun, 520

Would not lend little of his waning moon?

’Tis the saf ’st ambition. — Noble Terentius!

TERENTIUS

The night grows fast upon us. At your service. [Exeunt.]

 Musicorum Chorus

 Actus Quintus

 [Enter] SEJANUS.

SEJANUS

  Swell, swell, my joys, and  faint not to declare

Yourselves as ample as your causes are.

 I did not live till  now, this my first hour,

Wherein I see my thoughts reached by my power.

 But this, and  gripe my wishes.  Great, and high,   1 5

The world knows only two, that’s Rome, and I.

My roof receives me not;  ’tis air I tread —

And, at each step, I feel  my  advancèd head

Knock out a star in heav’n! Reared to this height,

 All my desires seem modest, poor, and slight, 10

That did before sound impudent.  ’Tis place,

 Not blood,  discerns the noble and the base.

Is there not something more than to be Caesar?

Must we rest there? It irks t’have come so far,

To be so near a  stay. Caligula, 15

Would thou stood’st  stiff, and many, in our way!

 Winds  lose their strength when they do empty fly,

Unmet of woods or buildings; great fires die

That want their matter to withstand them. So

It is our grief, and will  be our loss, to know 20

Our power shall  want opposites,  unless

The gods, by mixing in the cause, would bless

Our fortune with  their conquest. That were worth

Sejanus’  strife, durst fates but bring it forth.

 [Enter] TERENTIUS [and SERVUS].

TERENTIUS

 Safety to great Sejanus!

SEJANUS

Now, Terentius? 25

TERENTIUS

Hears not my lord the wonder?

SEJANUS

Speak it, no.

TERENTIUS

I meet it violent in the people’s mouths,

Who run, in routs, to Pompey’s theatre

To view your statue, which, they say, sends forth

A smoke as from a furnace, black and dreadful. 2 30

SEJANUS

Some traitor hath put fire in. [To Servus]  You, go see.

And let the head be taken off, to look

What ’tis. — [Exit Servus.]

Some slave hath practised an imposture

To stir the people.

 [Enter to them] SATRIUS, NATTA, [with SERVUS].

How now? Why return you?

SATRIUS

 The head, my lord, already is ta’en off.3 35

I saw it; and, at op’ning, there leapt out

A great and monstrous serpent!

SEJANUS

Monstrous! Why?

Had it a beard? And horns? No heart?  A tongue

Forkèd as flattery? Looked it of the hue

To such as live in great men’s bosoms? Was 40

The spirit of it Macro’s?

NATTA

May it please

The most divine Sejanus, in my days —

And by his sacred Fortune I affirm it —

I have not seen a more extended, grown,

Foul, spotted, venomous, ugly —

SEJANUS

Oh, the fates! 45

What a wild muster’s here of attributes,

T’express a worm, a snake!

TERENTIUS

But how that should

Come there, my  lord!

SEJANUS

What! And you too, Terentius?

I think you mean to  make’t a prodigy

In your reporting.

TERENTIUS

Can the wise Sejanus 50

Think heav’n hath meant it less?

SEJANUS

Oh, superstition!

Why, then the falling of our bed, that brake

This morning, burdened with the populous weight

Of our expecting clients to salute us, 4

Or running of the cat betwixt our legs, 55

As we set forth unto the Capitol,5

Were prodigies.

TERENTIUS

I think them ominous,

And would they had not happened! As, today,

The fate of some your servants, 6 who,   declining

Their way, not able for the throng to follow, 60

Slipped down the Gemonies and brake their necks.

Besides, in taking your last augury, 7

No  prosperous bird appeared, but croaking  ravens

 Flagged up and down, and from the sacrifice

Flew to the prison, where they sat, all night, 65

 Beating the air with their  obstreperous beaks.

I dare not counsel, but I could entreat

That great Sejanus would  attempt the gods,

Once more, with sacrifice.

SEJANUS

 What excellent fools

Religion makes of men! Believes Terentius, 70

If these were dangers, as I shame to think them,

The gods could change the certain course of fate?

Or, if they could, they would — now, in a moment —

For a   beef’s fat, or less, be bribed t’invert

Those long decrees? Then think the gods, like flies, 75

Are to be taken with the steam of flesh

Or blood diffused about their altars; think

Their power as cheap as I esteem it small.

Of all the throng that fill th’Olympian hall,

And, without pity,  lade poor Atlas’ back, 80

 I know not that one deity but Fortune

To whom I would throw up, in begging smoke,

One grain of incense, 8 or  whose ear I’d buy

With thus much oil. Her I indeed adore,

And keep her  grateful image in my house, 9 85

 Sometimes belonging to a Roman king,

But now called mine, as by the better style.

To her I care not if, for satisfying

Your   scrupulous  fant’sies, I go offer. Bid

Our priest prepare us honey, milk, and poppy,    10 90

His  masculine odours and  night vestments. Say

Our rites are  instant, which performed, you’ll see

How vain, and worthy laughter, your fears be.  [Exeunt.]

 [Enter] COTTA [and] POMPONIUS.

COTTA

 Pomponius! Whither in such speed?

POMPONIUS

I go

To give my lord Sejanus notice —

COTTA

What? 95

POMPONIUS

Of Macro.

COTTA

Is he come?

POMPONIUS

Entered but now

The house of Regulus. 11

COTTA

The  opposite consul?

POMPONIUS

Some half hour since.

COTTA

And by night too! Stay, sir.

I’ll bear you company.

POMPONIUS

Along, then — [Exeunt.]

 [Enter] MACRO, REGULUS, [and SERVUS].

MACRO

  ’Tis Caesar’s will to have a  frequent Senate, 100

And therefore must your edict  lay deep mulct

On such as shall be absent. 12

REGULUS

So it doth.

[To Servus] Bear it my fellow consul to   adscribe.

MACRO

[To Servus] And tell him it must early be proclaimed;

The place, Apollo’s temple. 13 [Exit Servus.]

REGULUS

That’s remembered. 105

MACRO

And at what  hour.

REGULUS

Yes.

MACRO

You do forget

To send one for the provost of the watch? 14

REGULUS

I have not. Here he comes.

[ Enter] LACO.

MACRO

Gracinus Laco,

You’re a friend most welcome. By and by

I’ll speak with you. [To Regulus] You must procure this list 110

Of the  praetorian cohorts, with the names

Of the centurions, and their tribunes.

REGULUS

Ay.

MACRO

[To Laco] I bring you letters and a health from Caesar.15

LACO

Sir, both  come well.

MACRO

[To Regulus] And hear you, with your note,

Which are the eminent men, and most of action. 115

REGULUS

That shall be done you, too.

MACRO

Most worthy Laco,

Caesar salutes you.

The Consul [Regulus] goes out.

Consul! Death and furies!

Gone now? [To Laco] The argument will please you, sir.

Ho! Regulus? The anger of the gods

Follow  his diligent legs, and overtake ’em, 120

In likeness of the gout!

[REGULUS]  returns.

Oh, good my lord,

We lacked you present. I would pray you send

Another to  Fulcinius Trio straight,

To tell him you will come and speak with him —

The matter we’ll devise — to stay him there, 125

While I, with Laco, do survey the watch.

[Regulus] goes out again.

What are your strengths, Gracinus?

LACO

Seven cohorts. 16

MACRO

You see what Caesar writes; and —  gone again?

H’has sure a vein of  Mercury in his feet.

 Know you what store of the praetorian soldiers 130

Sejanus holds about him for his guard?

LACO

I  cannot the just number — but I think

 Three centuries.

MACRO

Three? Good.

LACO

At most, not four.

MACRO

And who be those centurions?

LACO

That the Consul

Can best deliver you.

MACRO

When he’s  away. 135

Spite on his nimble industry! Gracinus,

You find what place you hold there in the trust

Of royal Caesar?

LACO

Ay, and I am —

MACRO

Sir,

The honours there proposed are but beginnings

Of his great favours.

LACO

They are more —

MACRO

I heard him 140

When he did study what to add —

LACO

My life,

And all I hold —

MACRO

You were his own first choice,

Which doth confirm as much as you can speak;

And will, if we succeed, make more. Your guards

Are seven cohorts, you say?

LACO

Yes.

MACRO

Those we must 145

Hold still in readiness, and undischarged. 17

LACO

I understand so much. But how it can —

MACRO

Be done without suspicion, you’ll object?

[REGULUS]  returns.

REGULUS

What’s that?

LACO

The keeping of the watch in arms

When morning comes.

MACRO

The Senate shall be met, and set 150

So early in the temple, as all mark

Of that will be avoided.

REGULUS

If we need,

We have commission to possess the palace,

Enlarge Prince Drusus, and make him our chief. 18

MACRO

[Aside] That secret would have burnt his  reverend mouth, 155

Had he not spit it out now. [To Regulus] By the gods,

You carry things too — Let me borrow a man

Or two, to bear these — [Exit Regulus.]

[To Laco] That of freeing Drusus

Caesar  projected as the last, and utmost;

Not else to be remembered.

 [Enter REGULUS with SERVI.]

REGULUS

Here are servants. 160

MACRO

[Giving letters] These to Arruntius, these to Lepidus,

This bear to Cotta, this to Latiaris.

If they demand  you of me, say I have ta’en

Fresh horse, and am departed. [Exeunt Servi.]

[To Regulus] You, my lord,

To  your colleague; and be you sure to hold him 165

With long narration of the new fresh favours

Meant to Sejanus, his great patron. I,

With trusted Laco here, are for the guards —

Then, to  divide.  For  night hath many eyes,

 Whereof, though most do sleep, yet some are spies. 170[Exeunt.]

 [Enter] TUBICINES, TIBICINES,  19 PRAECONES, FLAMEN,  20 MINISTRI, SEJANUS, TERENTIUS, SATRIUS, [NATTA,] etc.

FIRST PRAECO

    Be all profane far hence! 21 Fly, fly far off.

 Be absent far. Far hence be all profane.

TUBICINES, TIBICINES sound while the Flamen washeth.   22

FLAMEN

We have been faulty, but repent us now,

And bring  pure hands, pure vestments, and pure minds.

FIRST MINISTER

  Pure vessels.

SECOND MINISTER

And pure off’rings.

THIRD MINISTER

 Garlands pure.  23 175

FLAMEN

Bestow your garlands, and, with reverence, place

The  vervin on the altar. 24

FIRST PRAECO

 Favour your tongues!   25

FLAMEN

 Great mother Fortune, queen of human state, 26

 Rectress of action, arbitress of fate,

To whom all sway, all power, all empire bows, 180

Be present, and propitious to our vows!

FIRST PRAECO

 Favour it with your tongues!  27

MINISTER

 Be present, and propitious to our vows!

  Tubicines, Tibicines [sound again].

While they sound again, the flamen takes of the honey with his finger and tastes, then
ministers to all the rest;   28 so of the milk, 29 in an earthen vessel, he deals about. Which done,
he sprinkleth upon the altar milk, then imposeth the honey, and  kindleth his gums, and
after  censing about the altar, placeth his censer thereon, into which they put several branches
of poppy,  30 and the music ceasing,  say all,

ALL

  Accept our off’ring, and be pleased, great goddess.  31

TERENTIUS

See, see, the image stirs!

SATRIUS

And turns away! 185

NATTA

Fortune  averts her face!32

FLAMEN

Avert, you gods,

The prodigy. Still! Still! Some pious rite

We have neglected. Yet! Heav’n, be appeased.

And be all  tokens false, or void, that speak

Thy present wrath!

SEJANUS

Be thou dumb,   scrupulous priest; 190

And gather up thyself, with these thy wares,

Which I, in spite of thy blind mistress, or

Thy  juggling mystery, religion, throw

Thus, scornèd, on the earth.

[ He sweeps the altar clean and addresses the statue.]

Nay, hold thy look

Averted, till I  woo thee turn again; 195

And thou shalt stand to all posterity

Th’eternal game and laughter,  with thy neck

Writhed to thy tail, like a ridiculous cat.

 Avoid these fumes, these superstitious lights,

And all these coz’ning ceremonies — you, 200

Your pure and  spicèd conscience!

[Exeunt Flamen, Tubicines, Tibicines, Praecones, Ministri, etc.]

[ Sejanus, Terentius, Satrius, and Natta remain onstage.]

I, the slave

And mock of fools, scorn on my worthy head,

That have been titled and adored a god, 33

Yea, sacrificed unto, myself, in Rome, 34

No less than Jove — and I be brought to do 205

A peevish  giglot rites? Perhaps the thought

And shame of that made Fortune turn her face,

Knowing herself the lesser deity,

And but my servant. Bashful queen, if so,

Sejanus thanks thy modesty. — Who’s that? 210

 [Enter] POMPONIUS [and] MINUTIUS. 35

POMPONIUS

  His fortune suffers till he hears my news.

 I’ve waited here too long. — Macro, my lord —

SEJANUS

Speak lower, and withdraw.

[Sejanus takes Pomponius aside. The others converse while these two confer privately.]

TERENTIUS

Are these things true?

MINUTIUS

Thousands are gazing at it, in the streets.

SEJANUS

What’s that?

[Sejanus returns from his conference with Pomponius.]

TERENTIUS

Minutius tells us here, my lord, 215

That, a new head being set upon your statue,

A rope is since found wreathed about it; 36 and,

But now, a fiery meteor, 37 in the form

Of a great ball, was seen to roll along

The troubled air, where yet it hangs,  unperfect, 220

 Th’amazing wonder of the multitude!

SEJANUS

No  more. That Macro’s come is more than all!

TERENTIUS

Is Macro come?

POMPONIUS

I saw him.

TERENTIUS

Where? With whom?

POMPONIUS

With Regulus.

SEJANUS

Terentius —

TERENTIUS

My lord?

SEJANUS

Send for the tribunes. We will straight have up 225

More of the soldiers for our guard. 38 [Exit Terentius.]

Minutius,

We pray you, go for Cotta, Latiaris,

Trio the Consul, or what senators

You know are sure, and ours. [Exit Minutius.]

You, my good Natta,

For Laco, provost of the watch. [Exit Natta.]

Now, Satrius, 230

The time of proof comes on. Arm all our servants,

And without tumult. [Exit Satrius.]

You, Pomponius,

Hold some good  correspondence with the Consul;

 Attempt him, noble friend. [Exit Pomponius.]

These things begin

To look like dangers, now,  worthy my fates. 235

Fortune, I see thy worst.  Let doubtful  states

 And things uncertain hang upon thy will;

 Me surest death shall render certain still.

Yet why is now my thought turned toward death,

Whom fates have let go on so far in breath, 240

Unchecked or unreproved? I, that did help

 To fell the  lofty cedar of the world,

Germanicus; 39 that, at one stroke, cut down

Drusus, that upright   elm;40 withered his vine;

Laid Silius41 and Sabinus,42 two  strong oaks, 245

Flat on the earth; besides those other  shrubs,

Cordus43 and Sosia,44 Claudia Pulchra,

Furnius 45 and Gallus,46 which I have  grubbed up;

And since have set my axe so strong and deep

Into the root of spreading Agrippine;47 250

Lopped off and scattered her proud branches, Nero,

Drusus, and Caius48 too, although replanted —

 If you will, destinies, that, after all,

I faint now, ere I touch my  period,

You are but cruel; and I  already’ve done 255

Things great enough. All Rome hath been my slave.

The Senate sat an idle looker-on

And witness of my power,  when I have blushed

More to command than it to suffer. All

The fathers have sat ready and prepared 260

To give me empire,  temples, or their throats,

When I would ask ’em. And, what crowns the top,

Rome, Senate, people, all the world have seen

Jove but my equal, Caesar but my second.

 ’Tis then your malice, fates,  who, but your own, 265

Envy and fear t’have any power long known. [Exit.]

 [Enter] TERENTIUS [and] TRIBUNI.

TERENTIUS

[To the Tribunes]  Stay here. I’ll  give His Lordship you are come.

 [Enter] MINUTIUS, COTTA, [and] LATIARIS [with letters].

MINUTIUS

 Marcus Terentius, pray you tell my lord

Here’s Cotta and Latiaris.

TERENTIUS

Sir, I shall. [Exit.]

 [Cotta and Latiaris]  confer over their letters.

COTTA

My letter is the very same with yours; 270

Only requires me to be present there,

And give my voice, to strengthen  his design.

LATIARIS

Names he not what it is?

COTTA

No, nor to you.

LATIARIS

’Tis strange, and singular doubtful!

COTTA

So it is!

It may be all is left to Lord Sejanus. 275

 [Enter] NATTA [and] LACO.

NATTA

 Gentlemen, where’s my lord?

TRIBUNUS

We wait him here.

COTTA

The  provost Laco? What’s the news?

LATIARIS

My lord —

 [Enter] SEJANUS [and] TERENTIUS.

SEJANUS

 Now, my right dear, noble, and trusted friends.

How much I am a captive to your kindness!

Most worthy Cotta, Latiaris; Laco, 280

Your valiant hand; and gentlemen, your loves.

I wish I could divide myself unto you;

Or that it lay within  our narrow powers

To satisfy for so enlargèd bounty.

Gracinus, we much pray you, hold your guards 285

 Unquit when morning comes. Saw you  the Consul?

MINUTIUS

Trio will presently be here, my lord.

COTTA

 They are but giving order for the edict, 49

To  warn the Senate.

SEJANUS

How! The Senate?

LATIARIS

Yes.

This morning, in Apollo’s temple.

COTTA

We 290

Are charged by letter to be there, my lord.

SEJANUS

By letter? Pray you let’s see.

LATIARIS

[Aside to Cotta] Knows not His  Lordship?

COTTA

[Aside to him]  It seems so!

SEJANUS

A Senate warned? Without my knowledge?

And on this sudden? Senators by letters

Requirèd to be there! Who brought these?

COTTA

Macro. 295

SEJANUS

Mine enemy! 50 And when?

COTTA

This midnight.

SEJANUS

Time,

With every other circumstance, doth  give

It hath some strain of  engine in’t! — How now?

 [Enter] SATRIUS. [He and Sejanus confer privately.]

SATRIUS

 My lord, Sertorius Macro is without,

Alone, and prays t’have private conference 300

In business of high nature with Your Lordship,

He says to me, and which  regards you much. 51

SEJANUS

Let him come here.

SATRIUS

Better, my lord, withdraw.

You will betray what store and strength of friends

Are now about you, which he comes to spy. 305

SEJANUS

Is he not armed?

SATRIUS

We’ll search him.

SEJANUS

No, but take

And lead him to some room where you, concealed,

May keep a guard upon us. [Exit Satrius.]

Noble Laco,

You are our trust, and till our own cohorts

Can be brought up, your strengths must be our guard. 310

  He salutes them humbly.

Now, good Minutius, honoured Latiaris,

Most worthy, and my most unwearied friends,

I return  instantly. [Exit.]

LATIARIS

Most worthy lord!

COTTA

His Lordship is turned  instant kind, methinks.

I’ve not observed it in him heretofore. 315

FIRST TRIBUNUS

’Tis true, and it becomes him nobly.

MINUTIUS

I

Am  rapt withal.

SECOND TRIBUNUS

By Mars,  he has my lives,

Were they a million, for this only grace.

LACO

Ay,  and to name a man!

LATIARIS

As he did me!

MINUTIUS

And me!

LATIARIS

Who would not spend his life and fortunes 320

To purchase but the look of such a lord?

LACO

[Aside] He that would nor be lord’s fool nor the world’s. [Exeunt.]

  [Enter] SEJANUS, MACRO, [and SATRIUS].

SEJANUS

 Macro! Most welcome, as most coveted friend! 52

Let me enjoy my longings. When arrived you?

MACRO

About the noon of night.  53

SEJANUS

Satrius,  give leave. 325[Exit Satrius.]

MACRO

I have been, since I came, with  both the consuls,

On a particular  design from Caesar.

SEJANUS

How fares it with our great and royal master?

MACRO

Right plentifully well, as with a prince 54

That still holds out the great  proportion 330

Of his large favours, where his judgement hath

Made once divine  election — like the god

That  wants not, nor is wearied to bestow

Where merit meets his bounty, as it doth

In you, already the most  happy, and, ere 335

The sun shall climb the south, most  high Sejanus.

Let not my lord  b’ amused. For to this end

Was I by Caesar sent for, to  the isle,

 With special caution to conceal my journey;

And thence had my dispatch as privately 340

Again to Rome; charged to come here by night; 55

And only to the consuls make narration

Of his great purpose, that the benefit

Might come more full and striking by how much

It was less looked for or aspired by you, 345

Or least  informèd to the common thought.

SEJANUS

What may this be?  Part of myself, dear  Macro!

If good, speak out, and share with your Sejanus.

MACRO

If bad, I should forever loathe myself

To be the messenger to so good a lord. 350

I do exceed m’instructions to acquaint

Your Lordship with thus much; but ’tis my venture

On your  retentive wisdom, and because

I would no  jealous scruple should molest

Or rack your peace of thought. 56 For I assure 355

My noble lord, no senator yet knows

The business meant, though all, by  several letters,

Are warned to be there and give their voices,

Only to add unto the state and grace

Of what is purposed.

SEJANUS

You take pleasure, Macro, 360

Like a coy wench, in torturing  your lover.

What can be worth this suffering?

MACRO

That which follows,

The tribunicial dignity and power,  57

Both which Sejanus is to have this day

Conferred upon him, and by public Senate. 365

SEJANUS

Fortune, be mine again!  Thou’st satisfied

For thy suspected loyalty.

MACRO

My lord,

I have no longer time; the day approacheth,

And I must back to Caesar.

SEJANUS

Where’s Caligula?

MACRO

That I forgot to tell Your Lordship. Why, 370

He lingers yonder, about Capreae,

Disgraced. Tiberius hath not seen him yet.

He needs would thrust himself to go with me,

Against my wish or will, but I have  quitted

His  forward trouble with as  tardy note 375

As my neglect or silence could  afford him.

Your Lordship cannot now command me aught,

Because I take no knowledge that I saw you,

But I shall boast to live to serve Your Lordship,

And so take leave.

SEJANUS

Honest and worthy Macro, 380

Your love and friendship. [Calling] Who’s there?

[ Enter SATRIUS.]

Satrius,

Attend my honourable friend forth. [Exeunt Macro and Satrius.]

Oh,

How vain and vile a passion is this fear!

What base, uncomely things it makes men do!

Suspect their noblest friends, as I did this, 385

Flatter poor enemies, entreat their servants,

Stoop, court, and catch at the benevolence

Of creatures unto whom,  within this hour,

I would not have vouchsafed  a quarter-look,

Or piece of face!  By you, that fools call gods, 390

 Hang all the sky with your prodigious signs,

Fill earth with monsters, drop the Scorpion down

Out of the zodiac, or the fiercer Lion,

 Shake off the loosened globe from her long hinge,

Roll all the world in darkness, and let loose 395

Th’enragèd winds to turn up groves and towns!

When I do fear again, let me be struck

With forkèd fire, and unpitied die.

  Who fears, is worthy of calamity. [Exit.]

 [Enter TERENTIUS, MINUTIUS, LACO, COTTA, LATIARIS, TRIBUNI, and others.] To the rest POMPONIUS, REGULUS, [and] TRIO.

POMPONIUS

 Is not my lord here? 58

TERENTIUS

Sir, he will be straight. 400

COTTA

[Privately to Trio] What news, Fulcinius Trio?

TRIO

Good, good tidings.

But keep it to yourself. My lord Sejanus

Is to receive this day, in open Senate,

The tribunicial dignity.

COTTA

Is’t true?

TRIO

No words — not to your thought — but sir, believe it. 405

LATIARIS

What says the Consul?

[Latiaris and others join in this hushed conversation.]

COTTA

Speak it not again.

He tells me that today my lord Sejanus —

TRIO

I must entreat you, Cotta, on your honour

Not to reveal it.

COTTA

On my life, sir.

LATIARIS

Say.

COTTA

Is to receive the tribunicial power. 410

But as you are an honourable man,

Let me conjure you not to utter it,

For it is trusted to me with that  bond.

LATIARIS

I am  Harpocrates.

TERENTIUS

Can you  assure it?

POMPONIUS

The consul told it me; but keep it close. 415

MINUTIUS

Lord Latiaris, what’s the news?

LATIARIS

I’ll tell you,

But you must swear to keep it secret —

 [Enter] SEJANUS.

SEJANUS

  I knew the fates had on their distaff left

More of our thread, than so.

REGULUS

Hail, great Sejanus!

TRIO

Hail, the most honoured! 59

COTTA

Happy!

LATIARIS

High Sejanus! 420

SEJANUS

Do you bring prodigies too?

TRIO

May all  presage

Turn to those fair effects, whereof we bring

Your Lordship news!

REGULUS

May’t please my lord withdraw.

SEJANUS

Yes.

 To some that stand by.

I will speak with you anon.

TERENTIUS

My lord,

What is your pleasure for the tribunes?

SEJANUS

Why, 425

Let ’em be thanked, and sent away.

MINUTIUS

My lord —

LACO

Will’t please Your Lordship to command me —

SEJANUS

No.

 You’re troublesome.

MINUTIUS

 The mood is changed. 60

FIRST TRIBUNUS

Not speak?

SECOND TRIBUNUS

Nor look?

LACO

 Ay.  He is wise, will make him friends

 Of such who never love but for their ends. 430[Exeunt.]

 [Enter] ARRUNTIUS [and] LEPIDUS, divers other SENATORS [including SANQUINIUS and HATERIUS] passing by them.

ARRUNTIUS

   Ay, go, make haste. Take heed you be not last

To tender your ‘All hail!’  61 in the  wide hall

Of huge Sejanus. Run  a lictor’s pace.

Stay not to put your robes on, but away,

 With the pale troubled ensigns of great friendship 435

Stamped i’your face! — Now, Marcus Lepidus, [Exeunt Senators.]

You still believe your former augury?

Sejanus must go downward? You perceive

His wane approaching fast?

LEPIDUS

Believe me, Lucius,

I wonder at this rising!

ARRUNTIUS

Ay, and that we 440

Must give our suffrage to it? You will say

 It is to make his fall more steep and grievous?

It may be so. But  think it they that can

With idle wishes   ’say to bring back time.

 In cases desperate, all hope is crime. 445

See, see! What troops of his officious friends

Flock to salute my  lord! And start before

My great proud lord, to get a lord-like nod!

Attend my lord unto the Senate house!

Bring back my lord! Like servile ushers, make 450

Way for my lord! Proclaim his idol  Lordship,

More than ten criers, or six  noise of trumpets!

 Make legs, kiss hands, and  take a scattered hair

From my  lord’s   eminent shoulder! See Sanquinius, 62

With his  slow belly, and his dropsy! Look 455

What toiling haste he makes! Yet here’s another, 63

Retarded with the gout,  will be afore him!

Get thee Liburnian porters,  64 thou gross fool,

To bear  thy obsequious fatness, like thy peers.

 They’re met!  The gout returns, and his great carriage. 460

  LICTORS, CONSULS, SEJANUS, etc. pass over the stage.

LICTOR

 Give way! Make place! Room for the consul!

SANQUINIUS

Hail,

Hail, great Sejanus!

HATERIUS

Hail, my honoured lord!

[Exeunt Sejanus, Lictors, Consuls, etc.]

 [Arruntius and Lepidus remain alone onstage.]

ARRUNTIUS

We shall be marked anon for our not-hail.

LEPIDUS

That is already done.

ARRUNTIUS

It is a note

Of upstart greatness to observe and watch 465

For these poor trifles, which the noble mind

Neglects and scorns. 65

LEPIDUS

Ay, and they think themselves

Deeply dishonoured where they are omitted,

As if they were necessities that helped

To the perfection of their dignities, 470

And hate the men that but  refrain ’em.66

ARRUNTIUS

Oh,

There is a farther cause of hate. Their breasts

Are guilty that we know their obscure  springs

And base beginnings. Thence the anger grows. On, follow! [Exeunt.]

 [Enter] MACRO [and] LACO.

MACRO

 When all are entered, shut the temple doors, 475

And bring your guards up to the gate. 67

LACO

I will.

MACRO

If you shall hear commotion in the Senate,

Present yourself — and charge on any man

Shall offer to come forth.

LACO

I am instructed. [Exeunt.]

  The Senate

 [Enter] PRAECONES, LICTORS, REGULUS, SEJANUS, TRIO, HATERIUS, SANQUINIUS, COTTA, POMPONIUS, LATIARIS, LEPIDUS, and ARRUNTIUS [with NATTA, PRAETOR, and other SENATORS].

HATERIUS

 How well His Lordship looks today!

TRIO

As if 480

He had been born or made for this hour’s  state.

COTTA

Your  fellow consul’s come about, methinks?

TRIO

Ay,  he’s wise.

SANQUINIUS

Sejanus trusts him well.

TRIO

Sejanus is a noble, bounteous lord. 68

HATERIUS

He is so, and most valiant.

LATIARIS

And most wise. 485

FIRST SENATOR

 He’s everything.

LATIARIS

Worthy of all, and more

Than bounty can bestow.

TRIO

This  dignity

Will make him worthy.

POMPONIUS

Above Caesar.

SANQUINIUS

 Tut,

Caesar is but the  rector of an  isle,

He of the Empire. 69

TRIO

Now he will have power 490

More to reward than ever.

COTTA

Let us  look

We be not slack in giving him our voices. 70

LATIARIS

Not I.

SANQUINIUS

 Nor I.

COTTA

The readier we seem

To  propagate his honours,  will more bind

His thought to ours.

HATERIUS

I think right with Your Lordship. 495

It is the way to have us hold our places.

SANQUINIUS

Ay, and get more.

LATIARIS

More office, and more titles.71

POMPONIUS

I will not lose the part I hope to share

In these his fortunes, for my patrimony.

LATIARIS

See how Arruntius sits, and Lepidus. 500

TRIO

Let ’em alone; they will be marked anon.

FIRST SENATOR

 I’ll  do with others.

SECOND SENATOR

So will I.

THIRD SENATOR

And I.

Men grow not in the state but as they are planted

Warm in his favours.

COTTA

Noble Sejanus!

HATERIUS

Honoured Sejanus!

LATIARIS

Worthy and great Sejanus! 505

ARRUNTIUS

[To Lepidus] Gods! How the sponges open, and take in!

And shut again! Look, look! Is not he blest

That gets a seat in eye-reach of him?  More,

That comes in ear- or tongue-reach? Oh,  but most,

Can claw  his  subtle elbow, or with a buzz 510

 Flyblow his ears.

PRAETOR [To Praecones]

Proclaim the Senate’s peace,

And give last  summons by the edict.

FIRST PRAECO

[Proclaiming] Silence!

In name of  Caesar and the Senate, silence!

 Memmius Regulus 72 and Fulcinius Trio, consuls, these present  kalends

of June with the first light, shall hold a senate in the  temple of Apollo Palatine.  73 515

All that are  fathers and are registered fathers that  have right of entering the

Senate we warn or command you be  frequently present. Take knowledge the

business is the  commonwealth’s. Whosoever is absent his fine or mulct will

be taken. His excuse will not be taken.

TRIO

Note who are absent, and record their names. 520

REGULUS

 Fathers conscript, may what I am to utter

Turn good and happy for the commonwealth. 74

And thou, Apollo, in whose holy house

We here are met,  inspire us all with truth,

And liberty of censure, to our thought. 525

The majesty of great Tiberius Caesar

Propounds to this grave Senate the bestowing

Upon the man he loves, honoured Sejanus,

The tribunicial dignity and power. 75

Here are his letters, signèd with his signet. 530

 What pleaseth now the fathers to be done? 76

SENATORS

Read, read ’em, open, publicly, read ’em.

COTTA

Caesar hath honoured his own greatness much

In thinking of this act.

TRIO

It was a thought

Happy, and worthy Caesar.

LATIARIS

And the lord 535

As worthy it, on whom it is directed!

HATERIUS

Most worthy!

SANQUINIUS

 Rome did never boast the virtue

That could give envy bounds, but his: Sejanus —

FIRST SENATOR

Honoured and noble!

SECOND SENATOR

Good and great Sejanus! 77

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] Oh, most tame slavery, and  fierce flattery!

FIRST PRAECO

Silence! 540

 The epistle is read [by the First Praeco].

  ‘Tiberius Caesar to the Senate,  greeting.

 If you conscript fathers, with  your children, be in health, it is abundantly

well. We with our friends here are so. 78  The care of the commonwealth,

howsoever we are removed in person, cannot be absent to our thought;

although, oftentimes, even to princes most present, the truth of their own 545

affairs is hid; than which nothing falls out more miserable to a state, or

makes the art of governing more difficult. But since it hath been our easeful

happiness to enjoy both the aids and industry of so vigilant a Senate, we

profess to have been the more indulgent to our pleasures, not as being careless

of our office, but rather  secure of the  necessity. Neither do these common 550

rumours of many and  infamous libels published against our retirement at all

afflict us, being born more out of men’s ignorance than their malice; and will,

neglected, find their own grave quickly, whereas too  sensibly acknowledged,

it would make their obloquy ours. Nor do we desire their authors, though

found, be censured, since in a free state (as ours) all men ought to enjoy both 555

their minds and tongues free.’ 79

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] The  lapwing, the lapwing!

FIRST PRAECO

 ‘Yet, in things which shall worthily and more near concern the

majesty of a prince, we shall fear to be so unnaturally cruel to our own fame

as to neglect them. True it is, conscript fathers, that we have raised Sejanus, 560

from  obscure and almost unknown gentry — ’

SENATORS

How! How!

FIRST PRAECO

‘— to the highest and most conspicuous point of greatness, and,

we hope, deservingly; yet not without danger — it being a most bold hazard in

that sovereign who, by his particular love to one, dares adventure the hatred 565

of all his other subjects.’

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] This touches,  the blood turns.

FIRST PRAECO

‘But we  affy in your loves and understandings, and do no way

suspect the merit of our Sejanus to make our favours offensive to any —’

SENATORS

Oh! Good, good! 570

FIRST PRAECO

‘— though we could have wished his zeal had run a calmer course

against Agrippina and our nephews, howsoever the openness of their actions

declared them delinquents; and that he would have remembered  no innocence

is so safe, but it rejoiceth to stand in the sight of mercy — the use of

which in us he hath  so quite taken away toward them by his loyal fury, as 575

now our  clemency would be thought but wearied cruelty, if we should offer

to exercise it.’

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] I thank him, there I looked for’t. A  good fox!

FIRST PRAECO

‘Some there be that would interpret this his public severity to

be particular ambition, and that under a pretext of service to us he doth 580

but remove his own  lets; alleging the strengths he hath made to himself

by the praetorian soldiers, by his faction in court and Senate, by the offices

he holds himself and confers on others, his  popularity and dependants, his

urging (and almost driving) us to this our unwilling retirement, and lastly,

his aspiring to be our son-in-law.’ 80 585

SENATORS

 This’s strange!

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] I shall anon believe your  vultures, Marcus.

FIRST PRAECO

‘Your wisdoms, conscript fathers, are able to examine and censure

these suggestions. But, were they left to our absolving voice, we durst

pronounce them, as we think them, most malicious.’ 590

SENATORS

Oh, he has restored all! List!

FIRST PRAECO

‘Yet are they offered to be  averred, and on the lives of the informers.

 What we should say, or rather what we should not say, lords of the Senate,

if this be true, our gods and goddesses confound us if we know! Only, we

must think we have placed our benefits ill; and conclude that in our choice, 595

either we were wanting to the gods, or the gods to us.’

 The Senators shift their places.

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] The place grows hot, they shift.

FIRST PRAECO

‘We have not been covetous, honourable fathers, to change; neither

is it now any new lust that alters our affection, or old loathing, but those

needful  jealousies of state, that warn wiser princes, hourly, to  provide their 600

safety, and do teach them how learned a thing it is to  beware of the humblest

enemy, much more of those great ones whom their own employed favours

have made fit for their fears.’

FIRST SENATOR

Away!

SECOND SENATOR

Sit farther.

COTTA

Let’s remove —

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside] Gods! How the leaves drop  off,  this little wind! 605

FIRST PRAECO

‘We therefore desire that the offices he holds be first seized by the

Senate and himself suspended from all exercise of place or power —’

SENATORS

 How!

SANQUINIUS

[Getting up to leave] By your leave.

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside, speaking of Sanquinius] Come,   porpoise. Where’s Haterius?

His gout keeps him most miserably constant. 81

[Speaking of Sanquinius] Your dancing shows a tempest.

SEJANUS

[To the Praecones] Read no more. 610

REGULUS

Lords of the Senate, hold your seats. [To the Praecones] Read on.

SEJANUS

These letters, they are forged.

REGULUS

[Calling] A guard! — Sit still.

 LACO enters with the guards.

ARRUNTIUS

[Aside]  Here’s change!

REGULUS

[To First Praeco] Bid silence, and  read forward.

FIRST PRAECO

Silence! ‘— and himself suspended from all exercise of place or

power, but till due and mature trial be made of his innocency, which yet 615

we can faintly apprehend the necessity to doubt. If, conscript fathers, to

your more searching wisdoms there shall appear farther cause — or of farther

proceeding, either to seizure of lands, goods, or more — it is not our power

that shall limit your authority, or our favour that must corrupt your justice.

Either were dishonourable in you, and both uncharitable to ourself. We 620

would willingly be present with your counsels in this business, but the

danger of so potent a faction, if it should prove so, forbids our  attempting it,

except one of the consuls would be entreated for our safety to undertake the

guard of us home; then we should most readily adventure. In the meantime,

it shall not be fit for us to  importune so judicious a Senate, who know how 625

much they hurt the innocent that spare the guilty, and how grateful a sacrifice

to the gods is the life of an ingrateful person. We reflect not in this on Sejanus

— notwithstanding, if you keep an eye upon him — and there is Latiaris,

a senator, and Pinnarius Natta, two of his most trusted ministers, and so

professed, whom we desire not to have   appr’ended, but as the necessity of 630

the cause exacts it.’ 82

REGULUS

[To the Guard]  A guard on Latiaris!

ARRUNTIUS

Oh, the spy!

The  reverend spy is caught! Who pities him?

[To Latiaris] Reward, sir, for your service. Now you ha’ done

Your property, you see what use is made? 635

 [Exeunt Latiaris and Natta, guarded.]

 Hang up the instrument.

SEJANUS

[Attempting to leave]   Give leave.

LACO

[Brandishing his weapon] Stand, stand!

He comes upon his death that doth advance

An inch toward my point.

SEJANUS

Have we no   friend here?

ARRUNTIUS

 Hushed. Where now are all the  hails and acclamations?

 [Enter] MACRO.

MACRO

 Hail to the Consuls, and this noble Senate! 83 640

SEJANUS

[Aside] Is Macro here? Oh, thou art lost, Sejanus.

[The Senators begin to rise.]

MACRO

Sit still, and unaffrighted, reverend fathers.

Macro, by Caesar’s grace the new-made  provost,

And now possessed of the praetorian bands —

An honour late belonged to that proud man — 645

Bids you be safe; and to your  constant doom

Of his deservings, offers you the surety

Of all the soldiers, tribunes, and centurions

Received in our command.

REGULUS

Sejanus, Sejanus!

[Sejanus appears not to hear.]

Stand forth, Sejanus!

SEJANUS

Am I called?

MACRO

Ay,  thou, 650

Thou  insolent monster, art bid stand.

SEJANUS

Why, Macro,

It hath been otherwise  between you and I!

This court, that knows us both, hath seen a difference,

And can, if it be pleased to speak, confirm

Whose insolence is most.

MACRO

 Come down,  Typhoeus. 655

If mine be most, lo, thus I make it more:

Kick up thy heels in air, tear off thy robe,

Play with thy beard and nostrils. Thus ’tis fit

(And no man take compassion of thy state)

To use th’ingrateful  viper, tread his brains 660

Into the earth.

REGULUS

Forbear.

MACRO

 If I could lose

All my humanity now, ’twere well to torture

So meriting a traitor.  Wherefore, fathers,

Sit you amazed and silent, and not censure

This wretch, who in the hour he first rebelled 665

’Gainst Caesar’s bounty, did condemn himself?

  Phlegra, the field where all the sons of earth

Mustered against the gods, did ne’er acknowledge

So proud and huge a monster.

REGULUS

Take him hence.

And all the gods guard Caesar!

TRIO

[To Lictors] Take him hence. 670

HATERIUS

Hence!

COTTA

To the dungeon with him!

SANQUINIUS

He deserves it.

FIRST SENATOR

  Crown all our doors with  bays!

SANQUINIUS

And let an ox

With gilded horns and  garlands straight be led

Unto the Capitol!

HATERIUS

And sacrificed

To Jove for Caesar’s safety!

TRIO

All our gods 675

Be present still to Caesar!

COTTA

Phoebus!

SANQUINIUS

Mars!

HATERIUS

Diana!

SANQUINIUS

Pallas!

SECOND SENATOR

Juno, Mercury,

All guard him!

MACRO

[To Sejanus] Forth, thou prodigy of men! [Exit Sejanus, guarded.]

COTTA

Let all the traitor’s titles be defaced.

TRIO

His images and statues be pulled down. 84 680

HATERIUS

His chariot wheels be broken.

ARRUNTIUS

And the legs

Of the poor horses, that deserved naught,

Let them be broken too.

LEPIDUS

O violent change

And whirl of men’s affections!

ARRUNTIUS

Like as both

Their bulks and souls were bound on Fortune’s wheel, 685

And must act only with her motion.

[Exeunt Macro, Regulus, Trio, Haterius, Sanquinius, etc.]

 [Lepidus, Arruntius, and a few Senators remain onstage].

LEPIDUS

Who would depend upon the  popular air,

Or voice of men, that have today beheld

 That which, if all the gods had foredeclared,

Would not have been believed, Sejanus’ fall? 690

He that this morn rose proudly as the sun,

And, breaking through a mist of clients’ breath,

Came on as gazed at and admired as he

When  superstitious Moors salute his light!

That had our servile nobles waiting him 695

As common grooms, and hanging on his look,

No less than human life on destiny!

That had men’s knees as frequent as the gods,

And sacrifices more than Rome had altars —

And this man fall! Fall? Ay, without a look 700

That durst appear his friend, or lend so much

Of vain relief to his changed state as pity! 85

ARRUNTIUS

They that before, like gnats, played in his beams,

And thronged to  circumscribe him, now not seen!

Nor deign to hold a common seat with him! 705

Others, that  waited him unto the Senate,

Now inhumanely ravish him to prison!

Whom, but this morn, they followed as their lord,

Guard through the streets, bound like  a fugitive!

Instead of wreaths, give fetters; strokes for stoops; 710

Blind shame for honours; and black taunts for titles!

Who  would trust slippery chance?

LEPIDUS

They that would make

Themselves  her spoil, and foolishly forget,

When she doth flatter, that she comes to prey.

 Fortune, thou hadst no deity if men 715

Had wisdom. We have placed thee so high

By fond belief in thy felicity.

SENATORS

  (Shout within.) The gods guard Caesar! All the gods guard Caesar!

 [Enter] MACRO, REGULUS, [and SENATORS].

MACRO

 Now, great  Sejanus, you that awed the state, 86

And sought to bring the nobles to your whip; 720

That would be Caesar’s tutor, and dispose

Of dignities and offices; that had

The public head  still bare to your designs,

And made the general voice to echo yours;

That looked for salutations  twelve score off, 725

 And would have pyramids, yea, temples reared

To your huge greatness! Now you lie as flat

As was your pride advanced.

REGULUS

Thanks to the gods!

SENATORS

And praise to Macro, that hath savèd Rome!

Liberty, liberty, liberty! Lead on! 730

And praise to Macro, that hath savèd Rome!

 [Exeunt Macro, Regulus, and Senators.]

[Arruntius [and] Lepidus [remain alone onstage.]

ARRUNTIUS

  I prophesy, out of this Senate’s flattery,

That this new fellow, Macro, will become

A greater  prodigy in Rome than he

That now is fall’n.

 [Enter TERENTIUS.]

TERENTIUS

O you whose minds are good, 735

And have not forced all  mankind from your breasts,

That yet have so much stock of virtue left

To pity guilty  states, when they are wretched:

Lend your  soft ears to hear and eyes to weep

Deeds done by men beyond the acts of furies. 740

The eager multitude, who never yet

Knew why to love or hate, but only pleased

T’express their rage of power, no sooner heard

The  murmur of Sejanus in decline

But, with that speed and heat of appetite 745

With which they greedily  devour the way

 To some great sports or a new theatre,

They filled the Capitol and  Pompey’s Cirque;

Where, like so many mastiffs, biting stones,

As if his statues now were   sensive grown 750

Of their wild fury, first they tear  them down;

Then fastening ropes, drag them along the streets,

Crying in scorn,  ‘This, this was that rich head 87

Was crowned with  garlands and with odours, this

That was in Rome so reverenced! Now 755

The furnace and the bellows shall to work,

The great Sejanus crack, and piece by piece

Drop i’the  founder’s  pit.’

LEPIDUS

O popular rage!

TERENTIUS

The whilst the Senate, at the temple of Concord,

Make haste to meet again, 88 and thronging cry, 760

 ‘Let us condemn him,  tread him down in water,

While he doth lie upon the bank. Away!’

Where some, more tardy, cry unto their bearers,

 ‘He will be censured ere we come. Run, knaves!’

And use that furious diligence, for fear 765

Their bondmen should inform against their slackness,

And bring their quaking flesh unto the  hook.

The rout, they follow with confusèd voice,

Crying,  they’re glad, say they could ne’er abide him;

Inquire, what man he was? What kind of face? 770

What beard he had? What nose? What lips? Protest

They ever did presage  he’d come to this;

They never thought him wise nor valiant; ask

After his garments,  when he dies? What death?

And not a beast of all the herd demands, 775

What was his crime? Or, who were his accusers?

Under what proof or testimony he fell?

 ‘There came’, says one, ‘a huge, long, worded letter

From  Capreae against him.’ ‘Did there so?

Oh!’ — they are satisfied; no more.

LEPIDUS

Alas! 780

They follow Fortune, and hate men condemned,

Guilty or not. 89

ARRUNTIUS

But had Sejanus thrived

In his design, and  prosperously oppressed

The old Tiberius, then, in that same minute,

These very rascals, that now rage like furies, 785

Would have proclaimed Sejanus emperor.

LEPIDUS

But what hath followed?

TERENTIUS

Sentence, by the Senate,

To lose his head 90 — which was no sooner off,

But that and th’unfortunate trunk were seized

By the rude multitude; who, not content 790

With what the  forward justice of the state

Officiously had done, with violent rage

Have rent it limb from limb. 91 A thousand heads,

 A thousand hands, ten thousand tongues and voices,

Employed at once in  several acts of malice! 795

 Old men not staid with age, virgins with shame,

Late wives with loss of husbands, mothers of children,

Losing all grief in joy of his sad fall,

Run quite transported with their cruelty:

These  mounting at his head, these at his face, 800

These digging out his eyes, those with his brain,

Sprinkling themselves, their houses, and their friends.

Others are met  have ravished thence an arm,

And deal small pieces of the flesh for favours;

These with a thigh; this hath cut off his hands; 805

And this his feet; these, fingers, and these, toes;

That hath his liver; he his heart. There wants

Nothing but room for wrath and place for hatred.

What cannot oft be done is now o’erdone.

The whole, and all of what was great Sejanus, 810

And next to Caesar did possess the world,

Now torn and scattered,  as he needs no grave;

Each little dust covers a little part.

So lies he nowhere, and yet often buried.

  [Enter] NUNTIUS.

ARRUNTIUS

 More of Sejanus?

NUNTIUS

Yes.

LEPIDUS

What can be added? 815

We know him dead.

NUNTIUS

Then there begin your pity.

There is enough  behind to melt ev’n Rome

And Caesar into tears —  since never slave

Could yet so  highly offend, but tyranny,

In torturing him, would make him worth lamenting. 820

A son and daughter to the dead Sejanus,

Of whom there is not now so much remaining

As would give fast’ning to the hangman’s hook, 92

Have they drawn forth for farther sacrifice;

Whose tenderness of knowledge, unripe years, 825

And childish silly innocence was such

As scarce would lend them feeling of their danger;

The girl so simple, as she often asked,

Where they would lead her? For what cause they dragged her? 93

Cried, she would do no more. That she could take 830

Warning with beating. And because our laws

Admit no virgin immature to die, 94

The wittily and strangely cruel Macro

Delivered her to be deflow’red and spoiled

By the rude lust of the licentious hangman, 835

Then to be strangled with her harmless brother.

LEPIDUS

 Oh, act most worthy hell and lasting night,

To hide it from the world!

NUNTIUS

Their bodies thrown

Into the Gemonies, I know not how

Or by what accident returned, the mother, 840

Th’ expulsèd Apicata, 95 finds them there;

Whom when she saw lie spread on the  degrees, 96

After a world of fury on herself,

Tearing her  hair, defacing of her face,

Beating her breasts and womb, kneeling amazed, 845

Crying to heaven, then to them; at last

Her drownèd voice  got up above her woes,

And with such black and bitter execrations

As might affright the gods and  force the sun

Run backward to the east — nay, make the old 850

Deformèd Chaos rise again, t’o’erwhelm

Them, us, and all the world — she fills the air,

Upbraids the heavens with their  partial dooms,

Defies their tyrannous powers, and demands

What she and those poor innocents have transgressed 855

That they must suffer such a share in vengeance,

Whilst Livia, Lygdus, and Eudemus live,

Who, as she says, and firmly vows to prove it

To Caesar and the Senate, poisoned Drusus!97

LEPIDUS

Confederates with her husband?

NUNTIUS

Ay.

LEPIDUS

Strange act! 860

ARRUNTIUS

And strangely  opened. What says now my  monster,

The multitude? They  reel   now, do they not?

NUNTIUS

Their gall is gone, and now they ’gin to weep

The mischief they have done.

ARRUNTIUS

I thank ’em, rogues!

NUNTIUS

Part are so stupid, or so  flexible, 865

As they believe him innocent. All grieve.

And some, whose hands yet reek with his warm blood,

And grip the part which they did tear of him,

Wish him collected and created new.

LEPIDUS

 How Fortune plies her sports, when she begins 870

To practise ’em! Pursues, continues, adds!

 Confounds, with varying her impassioned moods!

ARRUNTIUS

 Dost thou hope, Fortune, to redeem thy crimes?

To make amends for thy ill-placèd favours

With these strange punishments?  Forbear, you things 875

That stand upon the pinnacles of state,

To boast your slippery height.  When you do fall,

You  pash yourselves in pieces, ne’er to rise,

And he that lends you pity is not wise.

TERENTIUS

Let this example move th’insolent man 880

Not to grow proud and careless of the gods.

 It is an odious wisdom to blaspheme,

Much more to slighten or deny their powers.

 For whom the morning saw so great and high,

Thus low and little, ’fore  th’even, doth lie. 885[Exeunt.]

 FINIS

  This Tragedy was first

acted in the year

1603

by the King’s Majesty’s Servants.890

 The principal tragedians were

RICHARD BURBAGE WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE

AUGUSTINE PHILLIPS JOHN HEMMINGES

WILLIAM SLY HENRY CONDELL

JOHN LOWIN ALEXANDER COOKE 895

With the allowance of the Master of Revels.

Title-page 0 Large-paper presentation copy given to Sir Robert Townshend, with inscription in Jonson’s hand: ‘The Testemony of my affection, & Obseruance to my noble friend Sr Robert To<h>wnseehend wch I desire may remayne wth him, & last beyond Marble’. For Townshend see Introduction.
6–7 Non . . . sapit Martial, 10.4.9–10: ‘You will not find Centaurs here, nor Gorgons and Harpies; our page smacks of mankind.’ Cf. EMI (F), Prol., 30.
9 Elld George Eld became a freeman of the Stationers’ Company in 1600, and acquired his own shop, The Printer’s Press, in 1604. In 1605 he printed at least sixteen other books, including East. Ho!; in 1607 he printed Volp., and in 1609 Shakespeare’s Tro. and Sonn.
9–10 Thomas Thorpe Bookseller, 1571/2-?1625, also published East. Ho! and Volp. One of his first publications was a speech of 1603 by Jonson’s friend and patron, Richard Martyn. Thorpe was closely involved with Catholic exiles abroad and with their complex intelligence network in England (Martin and Finnis, 2003). He collaborated with Eld on Volp. and Blackness, and on Sonn., for which he wrote the preface.
DEDICATION 0 F1; not in Q
DEDICATION 0 Esmé Stuart (1579–1624), at this time seventh Seigneur d’Aubigny, second son of James’s cousin and former favourite, Esmé, first Duke of Lennox (d. 1583). As a cousin of the King, and one of six gentlemen of the bedchamber, Aubigny was a highly influential figure in James’s court; see Donaldson (1997a), 56–65; Cuddy (1987), 173–225. His elder brother, Ludovick, second Duke of Lennox, ‘first nobleman of the bedchamber’, had been James’s heir until the birth of Prince Henry. Both brothers remained high in James’s favour throughout his reign.
0 Esmé] Esme F1
1 Lord] F3 subst; L. F1
2 ruin Punning on Lat. ruina, ‘fall’ in the play’s title.
3–4 in . . . here That the violence suffered by the ‘poem’ took place in Aubigny’s ‘sight’ implies that the stage version at the Globe is referred to, not one at court. Aubigny was in London from May 1603. For the ‘the people’s beastly rage’ at the Globe performance, see below, ‘To the Most Understanding Poet’, 5, and Introduction.
3 Lordship’s] F2 subst; Lo. F1 (so 9 subst.)
7 Lordship] F2 subst; Lo. F1
8 your benefits Cf. Epigr. 127.12 (to Aubigny) ‘thy benefits’. Jonson told Drummond that ‘Five years he had not bedded with [his wife], but remained with my Lord Aubigny’ (Informations, 192–3). Apart from accommodation and presumably other material support, Aubigny probably helped obtain the release of Jonson and Chapman from imprisonment over East. Ho! in the summer of 1605, and may also have helped obtain the paper with the royal watermark on which Sej. was printed (see Textual Essay, Electronic Edition). For Robert Townshend’s patronage in early 1603, when Sej. was probably being written, see Introduction and ‘In Sejanum’, below, 49n.
To the Readers The first of Jonson’s introductory epistles, and only the second from author to reader in any English play. It may have been prompted by the first, Marston’s ‘To the Reader’ in The Malcontent (second half of 1604), dedicated to Jonson. Parts of Jonson’s epistle were echoed in Webster’s preface to The White Devil (1612).
0–43 To the Readers . . . opimum.] Q; not in F1
1 The following . . . friends The complimentary verses which follow in Q, unusual in a play.
4–5 strict . . . time Aristotle noted that ‘tragedy tends so far as possible to stay within a single revolution of the sun, or close to it’ (Poetics, 5.10–13). This was developed as a ‘law’ by sixteenth-century neo-Aristotelians such as Scaliger and Castelvetro, and formulated in English by Sidney, who offered the ‘rules’ that ‘the stage should always represent but one place, and the uttermost time presupposed in it should be, both by Aristotle’s precept and common reason, but one day’ (Apology for Poetry, ed. Shepherd, 1973, 134). The action of Sej. covers nine years, from ad22 (Tiberius’s speeches to the Senate in Act 1) to the death of Sejanus in ad31.
5 want . . . chorus H&S note that Jonson provided a chorus in Cat., and planned to do so in the unfinished Mortimer (‘Arguments’, 5–28). In 1603–5 Senecan choruses appeared in Alexander’s Croesus and Darius, and Daniel’s Philotas, the latter two printed by Eld. Jonson had welcomed the fact that Menander, Plautus, and others had ‘utterly excluded the Chorus’ from comedy in EMO, Induction, 249–50. In Sej. Arruntius, many of whose speeches are comments on the action rather than contributions to it, has a function that is close to that of a chorus; Jonson also offers a chorus of instrumental music between acts as a substitute. Inter-act music was common in plays acted by the children’s companies and in private performances, but, according to Webster’s 1604 additions to The Malcontent, was a ‘not received custom’ at the Globe (Marston, Plays, ed. Wood, 1934–9, 1.143). It was, however, used to settle the audience’s emotions following a gruesome murder in Robert Yarington’s Two Lamentable Tragedies (printed 1601), thought to have been acted by adults: ‘But though this sight bring surfeit to the eye / Delight your ears with pleasing harmony / That ears may countercheck your eyes, and say / “Why shed you tears, this deed is but a play”’ (1154–7). If the music for Sej. did act like a classical chorus, it may have reflected the emotional tone of each act, as did the inter-act music for Marston’s Sophonisba (1606), promoting reflection on the events just witnessed rather than distancing the audience from them.
5 moods (1) ‘modes’, musical scales and instrumentation associated with particular qualities of feeling in Greek theatre (cf. Milton, Paradise Lost, 1.550–1: ‘the Dorian mood of flutes and soft recorders’); (2) general state of feeling. Jonson uses it in similar conjunction with ‘habit’ in Sej., 1.34–5, EMO, 3.1.108, and ‘Breton’ (1.544), lines 1–3.
7 they . . . laws Probably thinking of Castelvetro, Scaliger, and Sidney. Cf. EMO, Induction, 254–5.
7 presently during the present age.
7 of] Wh; off Q
11–12 observations . . . publish Jonson read to Drummond in 1619 ‘the preface of his Art of Poesy, upon Horace[’s] Art of Poesy, where he hath an apology of a play of his, St Bartholomew’s Fair . . . That, he said, he had done in my Lord Aubigny’s house ten years since, anno 1604’ (Informations, 58–61). It was burnt in the fire which destroyed many of Jonson’s books in Nov. 1623 (see Und. 43.89–91). Two versions of his translation of Horace’s Ars Poetica were published in 1640, both without the ‘preface’.
13–14 truth . . . writer Aristotle had stressed ‘truth to life’ rather than historical truth. Most of these ‘offices’ derive from the influential essay De tragoedia et comoedia by the fourth-century grammarians Donatus and Evanthius, which was attached to many Renaissance school and university texts of Terence; see Doran (1954), 105–9.
14 sentence Lat. sententia, maxim of general application to human moral and practical life. Jonson marked such sentences with inverted commas in Q. He later criticized Terence for ‘the sticking in of sentences’ (Discoveries, 1290). Cf. Poet., 1.2.76: ‘Thou speakest sentences.’
16 prescribe (1) set out the rules for (OED, 2a); (2) limit the confines of (OED, 4).
17 convenient appropriate.
18 nice . . . affected Perhaps recalling Lodge’s title, Catharos, A Nettle for Nice Noses (1591). H&S note that Marston, despite his praise in ‘Amicis, amici nostri dignissimi, dignissimis’ (below), was one such sensitive reader in Sophonisba (1606): ‘Know, that I have not laboured in this poem, to tie myself to relate anything as an historian, but to enlarge everything as a poet. To transcribe authors, quote authorities, and translate Latin prose orations into English blank-verse hath in this subject been the least aim of my studies’ (‘To the General Reader’, in Plays, ed. Wood, 2.5). Dekker was almost as pointed in Whore of Babylon (1607), ‘Lectori’, 23–4: ‘know, that I write as a Poet, not as an Historian, and that these two do not live under one law’, Dramatic Works, 2.497.
20 integrity . . . story (1) soundness of the history; (2) innocence (of current political application) (OED, Integrity 2, 3).
20–3 common . . . virtue A frequent complaint of Jonson’s. Cf. e.g. Bart. Fair, Induction, 101–10.
25 confer bring together (OED, †1).
26–7 one . . . do This is Richard Greneway’s translation, The Annales of Corn. Tacitus (1598). Drummond records Jonson’s later mention of ‘The first four books of Tacitus ignorantly done in English’ (Informations, 482), but despite these two dismissals Jonson frequently echoes Greneway’s version.
27 since . . . page In this edition Jonson’s page references have been replaced by the section or chapter numbers standard in modern editions.
28 editions] Q subst.; Edition H&S
28 Tacitus . . . 1600 Justus Lipsius’s fourth annotated edition of C. Cornelii Taciti Opera quae exstant. Iustus Lipsius postremum recensuit (Antwerp, 1600). Tacitus’s Annales (‘Annals’) are by far the most important source for Jonson in Sej., and he frequently echoes Lipsius’s annotations, both in his main text and marginalia. References to Tacitus in the commentary are to the Annales in this edition unless otherwise indicated.
28 Tacitus . . . 1600] this edn; Tacit. Lips. in 4°. Antuerp.edit.600. Q
28–9 Dio . . . 1592 ΤѠΝ ΔΙѠΝΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΣΣΙΟΥ ΡѠΜΑΙΚѠΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙѠΝ . . .

Dionis Cassii Romanorum Historiarum libri xxv. Ex Guilielmi Xylandri interpretatione. Excudebat Henricus Stephanus

(Geneva, 1592). A parallel Greek/Latin, unannotated text of the history of Rome written in Greek by the Roman consul Dio Cassius in the years ad210–30. Many of the 80 books are lost, but among those which survive 57–8 cover Sejanus’s career, including the account of his fall, which is lost from Tacitus. Jonson appears to have used Xylander’s Latin translation rather than the Greek original (see Introduction and 5.54, n.4). Quotations in the commentary, unless otherwise indicated, are from the Loeb edition, trans. Cary (1914-27).
28–8 Dio . . . 1592] this edn; Dio. Folio.Hen.Step 92. Q
29 Suetonius De vita Caesarum (‘Lives of the Caesars’), often known as The Twelve Caesars, published in ad120. The first printed editions appeared in 1470. Jonson owned a copy of the Plantin edition of C[aius] S[uetonius] T[ranquillus] xii Caesares (Antwerp, 1591), now in Cambridge University Library, the text unmarked. See McPherson (1974), 92–3. The life of Tiberius is inevitably that most used in Sej.
29 Seneca Jonson’s main sources in Seneca are Ad Marciam de consolatione (‘To Marcia on Consolation’) and De beneficiis (‘Of Benefits’). The first, written about ad40 and addressed to the daughter of Cremutius Cordus, is the closest source in date to the events of the play. Jonson also frequently echoes Seneca’s tragedies, especially Thyestes.
31 in all numbers in all parts, in all respects (Lat. numeri). See Textual Essay, Electronic Edition.
32 acted . . . stage For the performance at the Globe, see Introduction.
32 second pen Probably George Chapman: see Introduction, and Textual Essay.
36–40 I . . . weakness The whole passage (including the Lat.) is from Persius, Saturae (‘Satires’), 1.45–9: si forte quid aptius exit . . . laudari metuam; neque enim mihi cornea fibra est. / sed recti finemque extremumque esse recuso / ‘euge’ tuum et ‘belle’. (‘If I happen to turn out something good . . . I am not afraid of being praised; my guts are not made of horn. But I refuse to allow that the ultimate and greatest test of excellence is your “good” and “beautiful”’.)
42 such,] G; such. Q
43 Horace, Epistulae (‘Epistles’), 2.1.181: ‘who grows thin when the palm is denied, and fat again when it is awarded’.
0–174 In Sejanum . . . life.] Q; reprinted, in F1 ¶4v–5v, omitting lines 53–92, 127–58
In . . . Deliciis.] Q subst.; Vpon SEIANVS. F1
In Sejanum In . . . Deliciis ‘On Ben Jonson’s Sejanus, both his and the muses’ favourite’.
3 confer collate and select.
5 enchase set (in gold). A word favoured by Chapman, who uses it in a similar context in the essay ‘Of Homer’ before his translation of the Iliad: ‘Plato . . . with his [Homer’s] verses (as with precious gems) everywhere enchaceth his writings.’ See Chapman’s Homer, ed. Nicoll (1957), 1.20.
5 amelled enamelled. Archaic form used by Chapman, Iliad, 16.122–3: ‘Achilles’ arms (enlightened all with stars / And richly ameld)’ (Chapman’s Homer, 1.326).
7 solid flames ‘Chapman is thinking of the “fire” in the hard jewel’ (Ayres). Cf. poetry’s ‘clear essential flame’ in his sonnet to Northampton (Chapman, Poems, ed. Bartlett, 1941, 398).
7 enrolled] Q (inrould)
12 prize] Q (Prise)
15 engulfèd swallowed up, mired (here in a ‘boggy’ swamp of hostile ignorance).
21 unjustly (1) without justice; (2) inappropriately (‘just’ = exact, accurate).
22–4 only . . . rare The comparison only fails in that jewels are perfect (‘exact’) in regard to an extrinsic measure of value put on them; Sej. is intrinsically ‘dear and rare’, regardless of opinion.
25–8 Minerva, goddess of weaving and wisdom, turned Arachne into a spider when the latter ‘vanquished’ her at weaving. Minerva would have been defeated in a contest with Jonson because she would herself have become entranced as she tried to weave his subject. Jonson uses a similar but less convoluted image in praising Savile’s translation of Tacitus (Epigr. 95.15–16). In both cases the reference may also be to Minerva’s embroidered mantle, carried annually through the streets of Athens: see Briggs (1916b), 178.
26 by . . . advanced set up her sacred looms [in competition] beside his play.
30 semicircle Sejanus’s life is only a semicircle because of its shortness, his failure to achieve his ambition, and its moral incompleteness. Cf. Chapman, Eugenia (1612): ‘Religion his life’s circle closed, / And opened life for ever’ (Poems, 296, lines 1062–3).
31–2 Your muse makes it (1) perfect; (2) a picture of the whole world, offering a set of rules for those in public life, and setting bounds to ambition. Chapman reads the play as relevant to all periods, his own as well as Sejanus’s.
33–44 Bartlett notes Chapman’s use of this river simile on several occasions (Chapman, Poems, 469, 472).
37–8 finding . . . course The ‘supplies Of other fords’ may be the classical sources alluded to in lines 3–4 above, but the context suggests the contemporary help given by the ‘second pen’ (To the Readers, 32–3; cf. Introduction and Textual Essay, Electronic Edition).
38 fords streams (OED, †2c).
40 manned fortified.
41 delightsome] Q; delight some F1
42 flourishes Punning on its use in swordsmanship generally, and especially in a display of fencing; see OED, Flourish v. †13, ‘To give a short fanciful exhibition by way of exercise before the real performance’.
44 passages (1) the action[s] of flowing past; (2) combats, continuing the fencing pun.
45–52 Referring to the promise to withdraw from the theatre, and devote himself to writing tragedy, made in the ‘Apologetical Dialogue’ with which Jonson ended Poet.
45 chaste Term of high praise for Chapman, who uses it many times, but also applied by Jonson to poetry: see Epigr. 49.6, on his own ‘chaste book’, and Poet., 5.1.108 on Virgil’s ‘chaste and tender’ ear.
49 nobly cherished Referring to Aubigny’s ‘noble’ patronage, as well as Jonson’s own cherishing of his muse. Before he lived with Aubigny, Jonson was ‘cherished’ by a gentleman rather than nobleman, Sir Robert Townshend: ‘Ben. Jonson the poet now lives upon one Townsend and scorns the world’; see Manningham, Diary, ed. Sorlien (1976) 187 (12 Feb. 1603). The writing of Sej. probably began during Townshend’s patronage: see Introduction.
50 sable black, for tragedy.
50 orgies The original sense of ‘orgies’ was of ‘secret rites’ (Gr. ὄργια), here those of tragedy.
52 ground ground-bass, i.e. theme, continuing the singing metaphor.
53–80 Based on Plutarch’s Moralia, ‘How one may become aware of one’s progress in virtue’, 77b and 81c – 82c. See Schoell (1926), 228–9.
53–92 But as . . . degrees.] Q; not in F1
59 detects accuses (OED, †2a).
61 Aeschylus Quoted by Plutarch, from the Toxotides, a lost play on the death of Actaeon.
64 vein desire, appetite (OED, †13b).
64 vein] Q (vaine)
71 cureful causing anxiety. Not in OED, but, as Ayres notes, from Cure n.1 †2, ‘care, anxiety, trouble’ plus ‘-ful’. Possibly a coinage of Chapman’s, who uses a similar one in Iliad, 22.27–8: ‘Cure-passing fevers then / Come shaking down into the joints of miserable men’ (Chapman’s Homer, 1.440).
74 direct downright, absolute; ante-dating OED, 5†c (1668).
76 Losing] Q (Loosing)
77 offenders At this date assailants, as well as transgressors.
77 past recure beyond recovery.
78 spleen anger, violent temper.
80 discreet judicious, discerning.
81 natural skill innate ability, not knowledge developed through education, and thus for Chapman a lesser thing. This meaning ante-dates the OED citation (4d) by nearly 200 years, but compare Chapman’s defence of women’s education ‘since it may / Her natural cunning help’ (‘A Good Woman’, 17–18, Poems, 232). Natural skill here gives only the desire to please, not to make considered judgements.
85–92 Continuing the borrowing from Plutarch, Moralia, 78d (Schoell, 1926, 229).
85–7 Who . . . juster Agesilaus, King of Sparta, said this of ‘the Great King’, Zeus (Moralia, 78d).
87–92 No . . . degrees This passage only survives in quotations by Plutarch and Julian, Epistula ad Themistium (‘Epistle to Themistius’); see Aristotelis fragmenta, 417–18. The gist is that wisdom not social or political rank decides the status of individuals in an ideal hierarchy.
89 the great Stagirite Aristotle.
91 known:] Q state 2; knowne. Q state 1
92 degrees.] Q state 2 subst.; Degrees, Q state 1
92 difference are different from.
93 Thy poem Sejanus. Cf. Jonson’s dedication, line 3: ‘It is a poem.’
93 Thy poem, therefore,] Q subst.; Besides, thy Poëme F1
96 renown make famous.
96 renown] Ayres; renowme Q, F1
97–101 Translating Plutarch, Moralia 347a, on Thucydides, with whom Jonson is thus implicitly compared. See Briggs (1916c), 328.
102 numerous (1) extensive (OED, 1†c); (2) rhythmical (of verse). Cf. Und. 28.6, the ‘numerous graces’.
103 handles . . . bowls Referring to the cult of the muses at Thespiae, below Mount Helicon, where shallow, handleless bowls (phialai) were used for libations (cf. Stibbe, 1994, 94–4, 225–7). See also Chapman ‘take full the Thespian bowl’, Ovid’s Banquet of Sense, 15.4 (Poems, 57); and Jonson, ‘Give me my cup, but from the Thespian well’ (Forest 14.11).
104 Palladian casque Pallas Athene, goddess of learning, arts, and arms, is usually shown wearing ‘a wonderful rich helmet . . . [which] signified that the wit and policy of man . . . is . . . so armed, and at all times provided and ready’ (Cartari, The Fountain of Ancient Fiction, 1599, sig. S4). Cf. Epigr. 105: ‘That saw you put on Pallas’ plumèd cask’.
104 casque] Q, F1 (Caske)
105 patronize (1) defend; (2) encourage.
106 Castalian head The spring Κασταλία on Mount Parnassus, sacred to the muses. Cf. Milton, Paradise Lost, 4.274, ‘Th’inspir’d Castalian Spring’.
107 expiscation fishing out; almost always used figuratively. Chapman probably coined the word: OED cites him as the first user of expiscation and expiscate, the latter in Iliad, 10.181: ‘With their outguards, expiscating if the renown’d extreme / They force on us will serve their turns’ (Chapman’s Homer, 1.204).
109 cheerful cheering.
110 Pierian streams Streams from the spring of Pimpla in Pieria (Macedonia), also sacred to the muses.
111 for in exchange for.
112 What, what] Q; What? what F1
112 elect choose to do.
113 Cyrrhan poet Apollo; Chapman explains in his marginal note to Ovid’s Banquet of Sense, 2.1: ‘Cyrrhus is a surname of the Sun [Apollo], from a town called Cyrrha, where he was honoured’ (Poems, 53). Briggs noted this line translates Juvenal, Saturae (‘Satires’), 13.79: Cirrhaei spicula vatis.
116–17 Based on interpretations of the binding of Satan in Revelation, 20.1–3, taken by some Protestants (e.g. the glosser of the Geneva Bible) to refer to ‘the first time [i.e. age] of the Christian church, when the dragon thrown down from heaven by Christ went about to molest the new birth of the Church in the earth’, a period of a thousand years beginning thirty-six years after the Crucifixion, and ending in 1073 with the release of Satan in the reign of ‘that wicked Hildebrand, who was called Gregory the seventh’. Chapman is thus correctly using ‘was’, referring to past history, not, as Ayres says, to the future ‘binding’ at the Second Coming. The Catholic Jonson may not have welcomed the allusion.
121 hundred eyes Fame is described by Virgil as a monstrum horrendum who quot sunt corpore plumae / tot vigiles oculi subter (Aeneid, 4.181–2), translated in Poet., 5.2.85–7: ‘how many plumes are placed / On her huge corpse, so many waking eyes / Stick underneath’. Chapman presents her more positively as ‘Jove’s ambassadress’ in Iliad, 2.79 (Chapman’s Homer, 1.49). Cf. also Tit., 2.1.126–7: ‘The emperor’s court is like the house of Fame, / The palace full of tongues, of eyes and ears.’
122 his Apollo’s.
123–34 From Plutarch, Symposiacon, 626b (Schoell, 1926, 70, 230).
124 the sensor . . . sense the nose. Cf. Ovid’s Banquet of Sense, 31.3: ‘Her odours, odoured with her breath and breast, / Into the sensor of his savour flew’ (Poems, 61, 431, 472). ‘Sensor’ for ‘organ of sense’ is apparently a coinage of Chapman’s; the usual noun in early modern English is ‘sensory’.
126 thence,] Ayres; thence; Q; thence. F1
127–58 Because . . . propagate.] Q; not in F1
127 improve make bad, vitiate; from Lat. improbus, ‘bad, below standard’. Not in OED. The ‘earthy parts’ of the flowers vitiate their sweeter odour when placed too close to the nose. Cf. Bacon, ‘All sweet smells have joined with them some earthy or crude odours’ (Sylva Sylvarum, Century 4.387, in Works, ed. Spedding, 1857–74, 2.470).
128 exhale] Q (exhall)
131 tenuity rarefied condition. From Lat. tenuitas, thinness; OED gives 1603 as date of first use in this sense.
135 Our Phoebus James I, himself a poet, is also characterized thus in Chapman’s Memorable Masque of 1614 (Comedies, ed. Holaday, 1970, 580–2), and by implication in Panegyre, 1–10, 143–7.
135 exampling setting an example. Cf. Iliad, 4.336: ‘Thy brave exampling hand’, and 5.486: ‘thyself (exampling them in all)’ (Chapman’s Homer, 1.101, 123).
136 Arachnean eyes Eyes blinded by spiders’ webs. Cf. Cynthia (Q), 3.4.61, ‘Arachnean workers’. For Arachne see 25–8 and note above. OED’s only citation is from 1854.
137–8 James I’s ‘knowledge’ as poet and savant makes him like the sun which should lead to the extirpation from his court of policies hostile to knowledge. The dating suggested here (see Introduction) would rule out Ayres’s suggestion that this may refer to an intervention by James to ‘clear’ Jonson with the Privy Council.
139 sciential Pertaining to knowledge, from Lat. scientia, knowledge. Jonson had used this word with reference to James as the sun in Blackness (performed 6 Jan. 1605): ‘His light sciential is, and, past mere nature, / Can salve the rude defects of every creature’ (210–11). The Privy Councillors listed subsequently both honour knowledge, and themselves possess it. Several of them had strong Catholic sympathies, while Suffolk, Devonshire, Northampton, and Salisbury had all been commissioners at Ralegh’s trial in Nov. 1603.
139 grace:] Ayres; grace, Q
140 Chancellor Sir Thomas Egerton, Baron Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor since 1603. In 1609 Chapman addressed one of the sonnets prefacing the Iliads to him (Poems, 396); Jonson, Epigr. 74, Und. 31, 32. A former Catholic, and like the others appealed to here, a Privy Councillor.
140 fautor patron, from Lat. fautor, ‘favourer’. OED, †2, citing Iliad, 1.440–1: ‘O thou that all things seest, / Fautor of Chrysa’ (Chapman’s Homer, 1.36).
141 Treasurer Thomas Sackville, created first Earl of Dorset 1604; Lord Treasurer since 1599.
141 them] Briggs; thèm Q (so 142, 145).
142 Northumber Henry Percy, ninth Earl of Northumberland, a Catholic sympathizer, committed on 7 Nov. 1605 to the care of the Archbishop of Canterbury on suspicion of complicity with the Gunpowder plotters, and held in the Tower from 27 Nov. 1605 to 1621. His imprisonment suggests a terminus ad quem for the printing of Sej., since it is unlikely his name would have been retained here long after 7 Nov. Chapman had described him as ‘deep searching’ in the epistle to The Shadow of Night (1594; Poems, 19), and Chapman’s Homer was one of the few English books he had in the Tower. He was a friend of Ralegh and Donne, and Jonson may have known him through them, and/or through his Catholic connections, one of whom was his brother, Sir Jocelyn (or Josceline) Percy, mentioned in Informations (436 and 348n.), and one of those who, along with Jonson, dined with Catesby around 9 Oct. 1605 (see Introduction). Jonson’s close friend Sir John Roe (see Informations, 113–16) had been Jocelyn’s lieutenant in Ireland, and also knew Catesby (see Ribeiro, 1973). Cf. the poem ‘To his learned and beloved friend’ below (p. 225), by John’s cousin Thomas Roe.
142 crescent The arms of the Earls of Northumberland at this date included ‘a [moon] decrescent or’ (Papworth, 1874, 594).
143 Worcester Edward Somerset, fourth Earl of Worcester, Master of the Horse, Earl Marshal for James’s coronation, and a lifelong Catholic, though also, with Suffolk, Devonshire, Northampton, and Salisbury, a Commissioner at the trial of the Gunpowder Plot conspirators (1606). Spenser’s Prothalamion was written for the double wedding of two of his daughters in 1596. Acting companies under his patronage are found between 1589 and Jan. 1604, when Lord Worcester’s Men became the Queen’s Men.
143 nerves sinews etc. which give strength, protection (OED, 2a). East. Ho! has a similar figurative use, perhaps by Chapman, ‘Be sure brave gossip, all that I can do / To my best nerve, is wholly at your service’ (3.2.195–6).
144 Northampton Henry Howard, created first Earl of Northampton March 1604. Another Catholic (despite his denials) and a Spanish pensioner, he corresponded with Mary Queen of Scots and was regarded with deep suspicion for much of Elizabeth’s reign, but gained the favour of James before the accession, when he became a Privy Councillor. He intrigued to bring about Ralegh’s trial (17 Nov. 1603), at which he was a commissioner, and in 1604 was on a commission to expel Jesuit and seminary priests. Jonson told Drummond that ‘Northampton was his mortal enemy for brawling on a St George’s day one of his attenders. He was called before the Council for his Sejanus, and accused both of popery and treason by him’ (Informations, 325–7; see Introduction). He too was addressed in one of the sonnets prefacing Chapman’s 1609 Iliads (Poems, 398).
144–5 height . . . Heightens Camden derives ‘Howard’ from ‘High Warden’ (Remains, 1870, 148–9), an etymology Chapman may refer to here, as Jonson does in Epigr. 67.5–6. Howard was second son of the executed poet Earl of Surrey; his elder brother, also executed, was the Duke of Norfolk.
145 Devonshire Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, created Earl of Devonshire July 1603. High in James’s favour, he was made (9 Nov. 1605) general of a force raised to put down the anticipated Catholic rising following the Gunpowder Plot. By Dec. 1605 he had lost standing at court by marrying his long-time mistress, the doubtfully divorced Lady Rich. Jonson praised his successful Irish campaign in Ode ἀλληγορικὴ (‘allegorical’), prefixed to Holland’s Pancharis (1603).
146 When the streams of ‘human skills’ (140) ebb back to him, their source, they become a flood again. Blount was a popular patron, with eight dedications in 1604–5, including Bacon’s Apology for his (Bacon’s) part in the Essex affair.
147 Salisbury Robert Cecil, secretary of state since 1596, was created first Earl of Salisbury in May 1605, a date providing a terminus a quo for Chapman’s poem. Jonson appealed to him for help when he and Chapman were imprisoned over East. Ho! some time between May and Sept. 1605 (Letter 3), and in the immediate aftermath of the Gunpowder Plot he employed Jonson to contact and promise safe conduct to a Catholic priest ‘that offered to do good service to the State’ (Letter 9). Jonson praised him in Epigr. 43, 63, 64, and wrote Burse for his New Exchange, but told Drummond that ‘Salisbury never cared for any man longer nor he could make use of him’ (Informations, 353–4). He is another of those to whom Chapman wrote a sonnet prefacing the Iliads (Poems, 397).
148 proportions rhythms, harmonies (OED, 10†a).
148 mysteries The ‘mysteries of state’ were reserved to the King and his ministers: see 1.534–40n.
151 Suffolk Thomas Howard, became Privy Councillor and Lord Chamberlain May 1603 and first Earl of Suffolk July 1603. Though a Catholic, he was, with his uncle the Earl of Northampton, a commissioner to expel Catholic priests in 1604, but unlike Northampton he refused a Spanish pension (though his wife, notoriously, did not). He too is addressed in a sonnet prefaced to Chapman’s Iliads (Poems, 397). Jonson praises him in Epigr. 67. He told Drummond that at Christmas 1604 he and Sir John Roe ‘were ushered by my Lord Suffolk from a masque’ (Informations, 113–14).
152 fall by fortune As Sejanus does, despite his courting of Fortuna.
153–5 Probably referring to Howard’s help in obtaining the release from prison of Jonson and Chapman following the performance of East. Ho!. See Jonson’s Letter 2.
154 importune ask for urgently, beg (OED, 4); although OED records different uses by Chapman (2, 6), this is its only possible meaning here, and, as Ayres notes, the only person Suffolk could importune would be the King.
155 river The River Permessus was named for the father of the nymph Aganippe, who also gave her name to one of the fountains of Helicon; Helicon and Permessus were both sacred to the muses. See Virgil, Eclogae (‘Eclogues’), 6.64.
157 poorest virtue Characterized thus because virtue and wealth are rarely compatible: cf. Beaumont and Fletcher, Faithful Friends, 2695–6: ‘I prize poor virtue with a rag / Better than vice with both the Indies’ (ed. Pinciss, 1975, 89).
159 how sweet a touch (1) how sweet the impression on the mind or soul (OED, Touch n.13b; cf. v. 23a, Ayres); (2) how sweet a gentle, hence harmonious, musical technique. Cf. Marston, Jack Drum’s Entertainment 1.15, ‘I had the best stroke, the sweetest touch’ (Plays, ed. Wood, 3.181).
160 A . . . one] Q; The Knowledge hath, which is F
162 composed rage controlled inspiration of the poet. Cf. Iliad, 1.66–7: ‘his prophetic rage / Given by Apollo’ (Chapman’s Homer, 1.25).
162 woodness madness, including violent, destructive rage.
163 heats passions, intense feelings.
165 A common Renaissance view. Cf. Augurs, 228–32; Sidney, Apology, 96: ‘that which, in the noblest nations . . . hath been the first light-giver to ignorance, and first nurse, whose milk by little and little enabled them to feed afterwards of tougher knowledges’.
166 solely)] H&S; solely, Q, F1; Folly; F3; solely: G
167 this,] this edn; this) Q, F1 subst.
168 vanities futile or trivial things.
174 Cf. Jonson’s advice to Thomas Roe: ‘study conscience, more than thou would’st fame. / Though both be good, the latter yet is worst, / And ever is ill got without the first’ (Epigr. 98.10–12), and Cat., 5.5.279–81. Perhaps originating with Plato, Crito: ‘Not life, but a good life, is to be chiefly valued’ (Dialogues, trans. Jowett, 1871, 1.369).
[‘Come forth, Sejanus’] 1–2 Sejanus should fall prostrate before the text (by 1605 called Sejanus his Fall) whose author has brought his original tragic fall back to life, and in doing so has given his career a moral significance to which Sejanus himself could not aspire. ‘Reviver’ was also a relevant legal term for the renewal of a suit abated by the death of one of the parties (OED, Revivor2 2).
1–14.1 Come . . . est] Q; not in F1
3 low birth An exaggeration: though not of senatorial rank, Sejanus was son of an eques, seen as equivalent to an English knight or gentleman.
6 plucked plumes Sejanus has stolen the feathers of virtue.
6 calling station in life.
7 marking watching.
7 states estates, positions in life (cf. 6 above, ‘calling’).
9–10 from . . . house Based on Ovid’s description of the House of Fame, which is ‘in the middle of the world, between earth and sky and sea . . . wholly made from echoing brass’ (Met., 12.39, 46).
10 tower Ovid places Fame in a citadel on a hill.
11 Homer’s Barathrum From Gr. βἁραθρον, a pit. The hell with which Jove threatens any gods who support Greeks or Trojans in The Iliad, 8.10–14: ‘as deep / as Tartarus . . . where Barathrum doth steep / Torment in his profoundest sinks, where is the floor of brass / And gates of iron; the place for depth as far doth hell surpass / As heaven (for height) exceeds the earth’ (Chapman’s Homer, 1.166). Cf. EMI (Q), 5.3.261.
12 ruins See dedication, 2n.
13 ground (1) foundation (OED, 5a), from which Sejanus’s ‘ruins’ will grow; (2) ground-base, for the ‘song’ of line 14 (see ‘In Sejanum’, pp. 216ff., 52n.).
15–16 Haec . . . Chapmannus ‘George Chapman devised this.’
14.1–2 Haec . . . Chapmannus] Q subst.; Geor. Chapman F1 (after previous poem)
For . . . Holland] Q subst.; reprinted in F1 ¶6r
0 For] Q; To F1
For his Worthy Friend, the Author 1 deign condescend to take (OED, 2†b).
1 Sejanus’] Ayres; Seianv’s Q; Seianvs F1
3 could not could not go.
4 heave] Q state 2, F1; heau’d Q state 1
9–14 Referring more clearly than Chapman to contemporary interpretations of the play as subversive (see Introduction).
13 times’] Ayres; Times: Q, F1 subst.
14 acts sets in motion (OED, †1).
15 Hugh Holland Educated like Jonson at Westminster, and like him a Catholic convert, he was prominent in the Inns of Court circle of Donne, Richard Martyn, and others. He also knew Shakespeare, contributing a poem to the 1623 folio.
15 Hugh Holland] Q subst.; H. Holland. (following title of poem) F1
To . . . Cygnus] Q subst.; not in F1
To the Deserving Author 1 respect pay attention to, consider with care.
1 argument theme (OED, †6).
4 retrieved brought back. Cf. Volp., Epist. 60: ‘to see . . . those antique relics of barbarism retrieved’.
7 playwrights One of the earliest known uses of the word; the first OED citation is dated 1687, but Jonson uses it in Epigr. 49 and 68. If the latter describes the beating of Marston roughly contemporaneous with Poet. (1601–2) it would slightly ante-date this example.
14 act imitate; punning, as Ayres notes, on ‘mimic’ (OED, 4).
15 Cygnus ‘Swan’. This poem is almost certainly also by Holland; Jonson had recently called him ‘Cygnus’ in Ode ἀλληγορικὴ prefixed to Pancharis: ‘But should they know (as I) that this, / Who warbleth Pancharis, / Were Cygnus, once high flying’ (2.413–17, lines 97–9). The whole long poem is built around the idea that Holland is a swan.
To . . . Th. R.] Q; not in F1
To His Learned and Beloved Friend 0.2 Equal Fair, impartial; Lat. aequus (OED, 5). Cf. Epigr. 63.8, ‘By constant suffering of thy equal mind’; Volp., Epistle, 1; Marston, Fawn, ‘To my equal Reader’ (Plays, ed. Wood, 2.143).
3 prince’s] Ayres; Princes Q
4 popular dependence dependence of the common people; but ‘dependence’ also meant a large following (OED, 4†b).
10 medals An anachronism; Roe is probably thinking of Renaissance portrait medallions. The Romans did put portraits on coins, but the most likely form of such a gift to a follower would be on a ring.
11 lose] G; loose Q
18 industrious] Ayres; industrious, Q
21 Th. R. Thomas Roe (1581–1644), courtier, explorer, and diplomat, one of the circle of the Harington family and Lucy, Countess of Bedford. From 1603 he was in the household of Princess Elizabeth; between April and June 1605 he was part of a diplomatic mission to Spain, and in September he was in the Netherlands (Strachan, 1989, 6–12), suggesting this poem was written between June and September. Jonson praised him in Epigr. 98 and 99.
Amicis, amici nostri dignissimi, dignissimis 0.1–0.4 Amicis . . . Marstonius ‘To the most worthy friends of our most worthy friend, an epigram presented by John Marston’. The rivalry between Jonson and Marston (see Poetaster, Introduction) had been briefly buried after Poet., with Marston dedicating The Malcontent (1604) to Jonson, and collaborating with him and Chapman on East. Ho! (1605); but in 1606 Marston returned to the quarrel in the epistle to The Fawn: ‘the factious malice, and studied detractions of some few that tread in the same path with me, let all know that I most easily neglect them, and . . . smile heartily at their self-hurting baseness’ (Plays, 2.143); in the same year he disparaged Jonson’s use of Roman history in Sej. in the epistle to Sophonisba (see ‘To the Readers’, 18n.).
Amicis . . . more.] Q; not in F1
1 bays garlands of bay leaves awarded to a victorious poet in classical times; hence here critical praise.
4Sejanus] Ayres subst.; Seianus Q
4–6 shall . . . graced] italic in Q
6 much . . . more Referring to the then current stylistic ideal of brevity, in reaction to Ciceronian eloquence. Jonson praises throughout Discoveries ‘the brief style . . . which expresseth much in little’ (Discoveries, 1397–8). Marston makes the loquacious Gonzago praise it in Fawn, 1.2: ‘wise heads use but few words . . . plain meaning shunneth art’ (Plays, ed. Wood, 1934–9, 2.154). Cf. Polonius’s equally incongruous ‘brevity is the soul of wit’ (Ham., 2.2.90).
Upon . . . Strachey] Q; not in F1
Upon Sejanus 2 frame competent (1) condition suitable to his rank; (2) framework adequate (continuing the building metaphor).
3 cedar Sejanus.
3 fate:] G; Fate, Q
4 confluence ‘flowing together’, Lat. confluere. Here a flowing together of power and/or fortune.
9 vaunt-curring warning, foretelling; see OED, Vaunt-courier 2b.
10 forced violently achieved.
13–14 From Seneca, Troades, 258–63: (Briggs, 1916c, 328–9).
15 William Strachey b. 1572, d. after 1618; entered Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 1588. A friend of Donne and Jonson, he became secretary of the colony in Virginia in 1610.
To . . . ΦΙΛΟΣ] Q; not in F1
To Him that Hath So Excelled on This Excellent Subject 1 deceit Apart from its common meaning of ‘deception’, ‘deceit’ was also a legal term (OED, 1b) in keeping with the rest of this poem.
3 Art] G; Are Q
5 eschew avoid, escape, possibly also with contemporary legal connotations.
5 cheat (1) deception (OED, Cheat n.1 †4a, ante-dating earliest example); (2) escheat, a legal term (OED, Cheat n.1 †1).
7 action . . . file Legal terminology for a case that is current or pending (OED, File n.2 3b), punning on ‘action’ = a play (OED, †13).
8 conceit understanding, intelligence. Cf. AYLI, 5.2.42–3: ‘I know you are a gentleman of good conceit.’
9–11 The clearest account of Sej.’s reception when performed: some were simply unmoved (i.e. bored or indifferent), others interpreted it as about recent or contemporary events.
12 simples ignorant or foolish people (OED, 2b).
12 elves Used in a patronizing, depreciatory sense (OED, Elf n.1 5), probably here including a hint of idiocy, as in Hobbes, Leviathan, 4.47: ‘natural fools, which common people do therefore call elves’.
13–14 The ‘wary simples’ cannot enter into the necessary deception of the theatre, the ‘simple elves’ deceive themselves by interpreting the play in terms of contemporary allusions.
15 ΦΙΛΟΣ ‘Friend’. Probably a lawyer. Hotson (1949), 50, plausibly suggests Jonson’s friend Richard Martin, the dedicatee of Poet., but possibly someone from an Inn of Court who had taken the part of ‘Philos’ in a masque.
15 ΦΙΛΟΣ] G; ΦΙΛΟΕ Q, corr. by pen in Townshend copy
To . . . Ev. B.] Q state 2; Ed. B. Q state 1; not in F1
To the Most Understanding Poet 1 Globe’s The first performance at the Globe was either in mid-May 1603 or after 9 April 1604; see Introduction.
3–4 spoil . . . conquest May be alluding to Jonson’s claim (made later to Drummond) that when a soldier in the Netherlands ‘he had, in the face of both the camps, killed an enemy and taken opima spolia from him’ (Informations, 199–200).
5 beastly rage irrational, unintelligent anger. Cf. Dedication, 4.
7 oil for lamplight.
8 hardly ’suage] this edn; hardly’assuage Q
9–11 At the time the judgement of many wiser spectators was clouded by their emotions (‘passion’) so that they could not be sure whether Jonson was more at fault for showing so learned a play at a public playhouse, or the spectators for rejecting it.
12 doubtful hell A state of indecision which left both Jonson and the spectators in a kind of purgatory (sometimes seen as part of hell), with a suggestion that the Globe has become a microcosmic imitation of hell rather than the world. ‘Hell’ was the common name of parts of the prisons in the Exchequer at Westminster and the Counter in Cheapside, and was also used for the area below the stage.
13 sets . . . free Cf. New Inn, title-page: ‘Now at last set at liberty to the readers’ after a similar reception at its first performance.
15 Ev. B. Q’s early correction from ‘Ed’ to ‘Ev’ means this cannot be by Jonson’s antiquarian friend Edmund Bolton, as H&S (11.317) suggested. ‘Ev’ was probably short for Everard (Evelyn, Eustace, and Eugene were extremely rare). The only plausible candidate I have found is Everard Buckworth of Wisbech, Cambridgeshire, who entered Trinity College, Cambridge c. 1591 as a pensioner (Venn), brother of the Edward Buckworth ‘of co. Camb., gen[t].’ who was admitted to Lincoln’s Inn on 27 Jan. 1593, a few months after Donne; see Lincoln’s Inn (1896), 115. The ‘E. B.’ who wrote the commendatory poem which precedes Jonson’s in Holland’s Pancharis (see ‘In Sejanum’, pp. 216ff., 145n.) is more likely to be Edmund Bolton, to whose Elements of Armories (1610) Holland wrote a commendatory sonnet.
The Argument 1 Seius Strabo Prefect of the praetorian guard under Augustus (Tacitus, 1.7), a post he later shared with his adopted son Sejanus (Tacitus, 1.24). Sejanus became sole commander of the Praetorians when Strabo became Prefect of Egypt (Dio, 57.19.6).
1 gentleman . . . Vulsinium Apparently echoing Greneway, 89: ‘born at Vulsinium, son of Seius Strabo, gentleman of Rome’. (Cf. Tacitus, 4.1, equite Romano, ‘a Roman knight’.)
1 Vulsinium Modern Bolsena, an Etrurian town on the via Cassia 50 miles north-west of Rome. Tacitus, 4.3, refers to Sejanus contemptuously as a ‘provincial adulterer’ (municipalis adulter).
3 won . . . arts Tacitus, 4.1, writes mox Tiberium variis artibus devinxit: ‘he soon entangled Tiberius by his various arts’; Jonson may be translating devinxit as if it was devicit ‘he overcame’, though he quotes devinxit in his note to 2.279.
5–6 Drusus . . . face Tacitus, 4.3: ‘Drusus, impatient of a rival and prone to anger, had raised his hand at Sejanus in a casual quarrel, and, when he defended himself, had hit him in the face.’ Lipsius noted that in Dio’s version (57.22.1) it was Sejanus who hit Drusus; cf. 1.565, n.77.
5 Drusus Drusus Julius Caesar, ‘Drusus Senior’ in Sej., son of Tiberius, and his prospective successor (see Names of the Actors, 2n.).
7–10 Livia . . . Drusus Cf. Tacitus, 4.3, Dio, 57.22.2.
7 Livia Claudia Livia, sometimes called Livilla, daughter of Tiberius’s younger brother Drusus Nero Claudius, and sister of Germanicus, married her cousin Drusus Julius Caesar, and as described here was accused of helping Sejanus to poison him (see Names of the Actors, 18n.).
7 before Before the plot proceeded, not (as Barish assumes) before Drusus struck him. Tacitus implies this sequence (4.3), and Jonson follows it, though he makes clear that Sejanus is already planning the seduction before the blow (1.179–95, 261–365, 580–1).
7 him Sejanus.
8 practiseth plots to some evil end (OED, 9†b).
9 Lygdus A follower of Drusus, a ‘eunuch . . . who by his youth and looks had become dear to his master, and was prominent among his attendants’ was himself seduced by Sejanus (Tacitus, 4.10) and later confessed under torture to administering the poison (Tacitus, 4.8, 11).
10–14 This . . . succession Translating Tacitus, 4.12, Nam Sejanus . . . successio.
11 insolent Combining the senses ‘arrogant’ and ‘presumptuous’, the latter not recorded by OED before 1678.
12 lets impediments. Cf. Poet., 4.9.6, ‘the two lets of our love’.
13 issue of Germanicus The popular Germanicus, nephew and adopted son of Tiberius, had died in ad19 (see 1.159 n.30), but his faction, thought like him to favour a return to the republic, were subsequently led by his wife Agrippina, his three sons, Nero, the younger Drusus, and Caligula, and (in this play) by Silius, Sabinus, Gallus, and Arruntius.
The Argument 13–14 in . . . succession)] F1 state 2; in hope) Q, F1 state 1 subst.
14 succession Although there was no constitutional ‘succession’, Germanicus’s sons and the elder Drusus’s son Tiberius Gemellus also stood between Sejanus and the de facto succession. Drusus and Germanicus were Tiberius’s son and nephew respectively (an elder Drusus, Tiberius’s brother, was father of Germanicus and Livia).
16 Caesar Tiberius.
18 Sejanus] F1 state 2; hee Q, F1 state 1 subst.
18 with all] F1; withall Q
18 engine ingenuity, cunning.
20 retired] F1 state 2; seperated Q, F1 state 1 subst.
22 The former Sejanus’s desire to marry Livia.
23 suspect suspicion. Cf. Err., 3.1.87: ‘within the compass of suspect’.
24 underworketh works secretly. Cf. ‘To the Readers’, 22: ‘blindly working under earth’. ‘Work’ is frequently used in Sej., almost always in the pejorative senses of conspiring, manipulating, or destroying; see e.g. 1.171, 2.24, 3.718, 730.
25 the other’s Sejanus’s.
26 least] F1; lest Q
27 trains allures.
28 a . . . day] F1 state 2; with one Letter, & in one Day Q, F1 state 1 subst.
28 long . . . letter Tacitus’s account of this episode is lost. Suetonius (Tiberius, 65) merely calls it ‘a shameful and pitiable message’ (pudenda miserandaque oratione), but its length is stressed by Juvenal, Satires, 10.71, verbosa et grandis epistula, and Dio, 58.10.1. The phrase is used in 1647 as if proverbial, but apparently from Sej., by Mildmay Fane: ‘Let shoemakers no more exceed their last / Nor princes obey that subjects might reign / Lest these become all long letters at last’ (Poetry, ed. Cain, 2001, 210).
28 doubtful ambiguously worded.
30–4 This . . . working Added late in the printing process (see Textual Essay, Electronic Edition), apparently to anticipate accusations of disloyalty in the aftermath of the Gunpowder Plot (Whalley).
30–4 ] Q in larger type than 1–29; not in F1
1 The . . . Actors] Q; The Persons of the Play. F1
The Names of the Actors 1 TIBERIUS Tiberius Julius Caesar Augustus (42BCAD37), emperor from AD14, succeeding his stepfather Augustus. Jonson’s characterization is based on the largely hostile accounts of Tacitus, Dio, and Suetonius, not the adulatory one of Tiberius’s contemporary, Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae (‘History of Rome’), 2.94–131.
2 drusus senior Drusus Julius Caesar (c.13BCAD23), son of Tiberius and his first wife Vipsania, said to have been poisoned on Sejanus’s instructions. He was ‘licentious and cruel’ (Dio, 57.13.1) and ‘inclined naturally towards severity’ (Tacitus, 1.29), but nevertheless retained a certain popularity, partly in contrast to his father (Tacitus, 3.37), and partly through his support of the games.
2 SEJANUS Lucius Aelius Sejanus, d. AD31, gained increasing power under Tiberius, first as commander of the praetorian guard, which by AD23 he had concentrated in a single barracks on the north-eastern boundary of Rome. After the death of Drusus Senior, he consolidated his position through control of the Senate and a series of manipulated treason trials. He encouraged Tiberius’s retirement to Capri in AD26, and intensified his attacks on Agrippina’s family and supporters. He shared many honours and powers with Tiberius, and was elected consul with him in AD31. When Tiberius was warned by his sister-in-law Antonia, the mother of Livia and Germanicus, that Sejanus was aiming for supreme power, he wrote the ‘long letter’ which led to his arrest and execution.
3 NERO Nero Julius Caesar, eldest surviving son of Agrippina and Tiberius’s nephew Germanicus. After the death of his uncle Drusus Senior he was heir-apparent to the principate. In AD29 Sejanus persuaded Tiberius of Nero’s and Agrippina’s treachery (Tacitus, 4.60, 5.3). Deported to Pontia, he was starved to death in AD31.
3 LATIARIS Latinius (or Lucanius) Latiaris, former praetor and follower of Sejanus. Tacitus (4.68) says he had a ‘slight connection with Sabinus’ (modico usu Sabinum contingebat); Greneway’s ambiguous rendering of this as ‘somewhat allied to Sabinus’ (113) may have led Jonson to present him as a ‘cousin’ of Sabinus (1.21), making his betrayal of the latter (Sej., 4.93–232) more despicable (cf. Ayres, 15). Latiaris was later himself betrayed by an informer (Tacitus, 6.4).
4 DRUSUS JUNIOR Drusus Julius Caesar, second surviving son of Agrippina and Germanicus, and next in succession to the principate after Nero. He colluded with Sejanus against his elder brother, and thus escaped when Agrippina and Nero were arrested in AD29, but Sejanus had him arrested in AD30, gaining evidence against him by seducing his wife (Dio, 58.3.8). He was starved to death in the Palatine dungeons in AD33, surviving an extra eight days by eating his mattress (Tacitus, 6.24).
4 VARRO Lucius Visellius Varro, follower of Sejanus. While consul in AD24 he prosecuted Caius Silius (Tacitus, 4.17–19), the conflict of interest involved being sanctioned by Tiberius.
5 CALIGULA Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus, nicknamed ‘Caligula’ (‘Little Boot’), youngest surviving son of Agrippina and Germanicus. Brought up under Tiberius’s protection on Capri after Agrippina’s arrest, he succeeded him as emperor in AD37.
5 MACRO Quintus Naevius Cordus Sutorius Macro, Prefect of the Vigiles, used by Tiberius to overthrow Sejanus, whom he succeeded in AD31 as commander of the praetorian guard (Dio, 58.9.2–6, 59.12.7). Arruntius judged him worse than Sejanus (Tacitus, 6.48).
6 arruntius Lucius Arruntius, consul in AD6. Senator of influence, wealth, and unusual independence and integrity. The probably spurious account of Augustus naming him as ‘not unworthy, and bold enough’ to succeed him as emperor (Tacitus, 1.12) was believed in Jonson’s time (Lipsius prints it without comment). Mistrusted by Sejanus, but not by Tiberius (despite what Tacitus says of Tiberius’s suspicion at 1.12), he was made governor of Nearer Spain in about AD23, but ruled the province from Rome. Charges brought against him in AD31 by Sejanus’s followers were quashed, but when in AD37 Macro contrived a charge of treason he committed suicide. Jonson’s characterization is influenced by Tacitus’s account of his valedictory speech (6.48) in which he says he had been ‘impatient of villainies’ (impatiens flagitorium), had been hated by Sejanus and Macro, and yet had not taken decisive action, but had ‘endured an anxious old age amid dangers and mockery’ (inter ludibria et pericula anxiam senectam toleravisset).
6 COTTA Marcus Aurelius Cotta Maximus Messalinus, probably consul in AD20. A harsh and unpopular senator, opponent of Lepidus and Arruntius, but a supporter of Tiberius, who saved him when indicted in AD32 (Tacitus, 6.5).
7 SILIUS Gaius Silius Caecina Largus, consul in AD13, successful general and friend of Germanicus, under whom he served in Germany (see 1.1 n.1). Because of Silius’s continuing friendship with Agrippina, Sejanus brought about his indictment and suicide in AD24 (Tacitus, 4.18–19, Sej., 3.1–339).
7 AFER Gnaeus Domitius Afer, d. AD59, orator; prosecuted Claudia Pulchra (Augustus’s great-niece), in AD26 (see Tacitus, 4.52, Sej., 4.21–4).
8 SABINUS Titius Sabinus, of the knightly equestrian order (see 3.515–17n.), apparently not active in public life. Nothing is known of him except that he continued to be a friend and supporter of Agrippina and her children after the death of his friend Germanicus. Betrayed by Latiaris and executed for treason in AD28 (Tacitus, 4.18, 68–70).
8 HATERIUS Quintus Haterius, orator, d. in AD26 aged almost 90. Tiberius despised him for his foedissimae adulationis (‘most repulsive adulation’, Tacitus, 3.57). Tacitus describes him knocking Tiberius over in his attempt to kneel before him (Tacitus, 1.13; cf. 3.27), an episode exploited by Jonson at 1.375. Ayres suggests Jonson’s note to 5.456 shows he is conflating him with his son, Haterius Agrippa, in presenting him as a gouty sycophant of Sejanus (cf. 5.608–9).
9 LEPIDUS MarcusAemelius Lepidus. Called ‘Marcus’ at 4.276, which, with 1.511 n.69, confirms that Jonson has in mind Marcus, consul with Arruntius in AD6, and not his cousin Manius Lepidus. Lipsius was aware of the distinction between the two, both often simply ‘M. Lepidus’ in Tacitus (see his note to 3.35). Tacitus says Marcus had great influence with Tiberius, and calls him a ‘grave and wise’ man (4.20), unusually generous praise, as Lipsius noted.
9 SANQUINIUS Sanquinius Maximus, consul suffectus (substitute consul) in AD39; probably the same man described by Tacitus as one of the ‘accusers of L. Arruntius’ (6.7).
10 CORDUS Aulus Cremutius Cordus, historian of the period of Augustus, accused at Sejanus’s instigation of writing without the usual respect for Augustus. According to Dio (57.24.2) he was ‘on the threshold of old age’ (probably 50 to 60) when indicted in AD25. He committed suicide, and his work was burnt, but copies were saved by his daughter Marcia, who later published them. See 1.73 n.17, 1.84n.
10 POMPONIUS A follower of Sejanus. There are five so named in the Annales. Jonson would have followed Lipsius, who identifies him as Quintus Pomponius Secundus (note to Annales, 6.8). Jonson’s characterization is based on Terentius’s coupling there of a ‘Pomponius’ with Satrius as contemptible followers of Sejanus.
11 GALLUS Gaius Asinius Gallus, consul 8BC, proconsul of Asia 6BC. He was a friend of Augustus, and married Tiberius’s divorced wife Vipsania. Seen by Tiberius as a threat throughout his principate until he was arrested (AD30) and starved to death in AD33, aged seventy-one.
11 POSTUMUS Julius Postumus, unknown except as the lover of Mutilia Prisca (see Sej., 1.292 n.51). Through her he had access to her powerful friend, the dowager empress Livia, and was thus a useful go-between for Sejanus (Tacitus, 4.12).
12 REGULUS Publius Memmius Regulus, consul suffectus in AD31 at the time of Sejanus’s fall, when he acted against the latter. Presented here as a Germanican (2.220; cf. 4.439–40), though he had been a protégé of Tiberius. Tacitus praises him highly as a man of independence and integrity, admired even by Nero (14.47).
12 TRIO Lucius Fulcinius Trio, consul suffectus with Regulus in AD31, but sided with Sejanus. A notorious informer (Tacitus, 2.28).
13 TERENTIUS Marcus Terentius, equestrian, follower of Sejanus, known only from his courageously honest speech in his defence after the fall of Sejanus (Tacitus, 6.8; Dio, 58.19.3–5). Jonson makes use of the speech in 1.534–40, and treats him with greater respect than the rest of Sejanus’s clients, giving him the last words of the play.
13 MINUTIUS Minucius Thermus in modern eds., but ‘Minutius’ in Lipsius, the form used by Jonson; equestrian follower of Sejanus, known only from Tacitus’s report that he used his friendship with Sejanus discreetly (6.7).
14 laco Gracinius Laco, ‘provost of the watch’ (5.230), i.e. commander of the vigiles (night watch), loyal to Macro when the latter entered Rome at night to overthrow Sejanus (Dio, 58.9.3; cf. Sej., 5.116–52).
14 SATRIUS Satrius Secundus, client of Sejanus and accuser of Cordus (see 1.22 n.7–8). Later he saved himself by revealing Sejanus’s plot to assassinate Tiberius and seize the empire (Tacitus, 6.47).
15 EUDEMUS Described by Tacitus as Livia’s ‘friend and doctor’ (amicus et medicus, 4.3). Pliny, Naturalis historia (‘Natural History’), 29.8, says he was also her lover (Lipsius’s note). He later confessed under torture to poisoning Drusus Senior (Tacitus, 4.11).
15 NATTA Pinarius Natta, client of Sejanus and prosecutor, with Satrius, of Cordus (Tacitus, 4.34). He is mentioned briefly by Seneca, Epistolae morales (‘Moral Epistles’), 112.11.
16 RUFUS Petilius Rufus, client of Sejanus, and one of the senators who eavesdropped on Sabinus, and then prosecuted him. Tacitus describes him as a former praetor greedy to become a consul (4.68).
16 OPSIUS Marcus Opsius, like Rufus an ex-praetor and follower of Sejanus, who spied on and betrayed Sabinus.
17 TRIBUNI Officers of the praetorian guard.
18 AGRIPPINA Widow of Germanicus, regarded with suspicion by Tiberius (Tacitus, 1.69) as ambitious to replace him with Germanicus, and after the latter’s death with her eldest son, Nero.
18 LIVIA Sister of Germanicus, she married her cousin Drusus Senior, son of Tiberius. Seduced by Sejanus, who sought to marry her (Tacitus, 4.3), she was later accused by Apicata, Sejanus’s estranged wife (a dubious witness), of complicity in the poisoning of Drusus. She was put to death either by Tiberius, or by her own mother, Antonia (Dio, 58.11.6; Tacitus, 4.11; see below, 5.841 n.95, 859 n.97).
18 SOSIA Sosia Galla, wife of Gaius Silius. Her friendship with Agrippina meant that she was accused of treason along with her husband, and sentenced to exile.
19 PRAECONES Criers.
19 LICTORES Guards attendant on magistrates, carrying the fasces (see 1.376n.) before them.
20 FLAMEN Priest of a particular deity, here Fortuna.
20 MINISTRI Assistants attendant on the priest.
21 TUBICINES Trumpeters.
21 TIBICINES Flute-players.
22 NUNTIUS Messenger.
22 SERVI Servants.
22 servi] G; servvs Q, F1
23 PRAETOR Senior magistrate.
23 praetor, guards] this edn; not in Q, F1
24 ] F1; not in Q
ACTUS PRIMUS 0 ] Q; Act. Ⅰ F1; act ⅰ. scene ⅰ G
SEJANUS HIS FALL 0 ] Wh, Bolton, Ayres subst.; SEIANUS Q, F1
0 SD] Ayres; Sabinvs. Silivs. Natta. Latiaris. Cordvs. / Satrivs. Arrvntivs. Evdemvs. / Haterivs. &c. Q, F1 subst.; A State Room in the Palace. Enter sabinus and silius, followed by latiaris. G, Barish subst.; [The Palace. Enter] sabinus, silius Bolton
Actus Primus 0.SD Gifford places this act in ‘the Palace’ (cf. 1.32), meaning the domus Tiberiana which Tiberius built on the Palatine. Jonson does not give locations other than the Senate (3.0 SD.1, 5.479 SD.2), but usually makes his characters identify them early in each scene. Altogether six different locations are employed, as well as the public places of Rome: the houses of Tiberius (Acts 1, 2, and 3), Agrippina (2 and 4), Sejanus (5) and Regulus (5), Eudemus’s garden (2) and the Senate House (3 and 5), but there would have been little or nothing onstage to confirm a more precise location than ‘Rome’. In this scene the ‘court’ in which Silius and Sabinus meet (1.2, 13) is conceived anachronistically as akin to a royal court, the same as that in which Eudemus has access to ‘ladies’ privacies’ (1.301), not the administrative one in which Tiberius attends a meeting of the Senate (1.51–2; for the Senate as a ‘court’ of judicature cf. also 2.328, 3.123). Jonson distinguishes between ‘court’ and ‘Senate’ elsewhere (e.g. 2.263, 5.582). Sabinus and Silius probably entered from different doors in the tiring-house screen onto a bare stage. For the use in the Blackfriars theatre of boards indicating ‘Rome’ as scene, cf. Poet., Ind., 27–8.
1 SH sabinus] Sab. Q; not in F1
1 Caius Silius!1]a Caius Silius Q; Q uses alphabetical note anchors throughout
1 De Caio Silio, vide Tacitum, Lipsii editio quarto, Annales, 1.31, 2.6–7 et 25.
1 n.1 De . . . quarto Superscript numbers refer to Jonson’s own Latin notes, printed as marginalia in Q, but at the foot of the text in this edition. The notes and the passages they cite are translated in the commentary. ‘On Caius Silius, see Tacitus in Lipsius’s fourth edition’ (see ‘To the Readers’, 28n.). Jonson’s page references to this edition are here silently modernized. Tacitus, Annales, 1.31, hereafter simply ‘Tacitus’, refers to Silius’s command of one of the two armies in Germany under Germanicus at the time of Augustus’s death (ad14). The other army mutinied against Tiberius’s succession, in favour of Germanicus, but that commanded by Silius ‘looked on with a divided mind’ (mente ambigua). Tacitus, 2.6–7 and 25, refers to Silius’s campaigning in Germany, still under Germanicus’s overall command, in ad16. Jonson refers later (2.291, n.24) to his main achievement, the defeat of the Gallic rebel Sacrovir in ad21.
1 n.2 Tacitus, 4.18 describes Tiberius’s decision in ad24, under pressure from Sejanus, to attack both Silius and Sabinus. ‘The friendship of Germanicus was ruinous to both’. Sabinus’s fate was postponed until ad28.
2 De Titio Sabino, vide Tacitum, 4.18.
2 rarely Punning on ‘seldom’ and ‘very well’ (Ayres).
4 enginers] Q (Inginers)
4 enginers plotters, layers of snares (OED). Cf. Cat., 3.4.6.
5 the fine arts the fine arts of conspiring. Cf. Staple, 1.6.57.
7–10 We . . . fall Ricks (1961) points to the way in which in its use of imagery of parts of the body, such as this ‘grotesque collection’, the play ‘anticipates and works towards’ the dismemberment of Sejanus in the final scene.
7 shift of faces A succession of different faces, as in a shift (change) of clothes. Cf. Epigr. 115.25–6: ‘shifting of its faces, doth play more / Parts than th’ Italian could do with his door’.
7 cleft divided, hence deceitful. Cf. the ‘tongue / Forkèd as flattery’ of 5.38–9 and the ‘forkèd tricks’ of 4.423.
8–10 Cf. Dryden and Lee, Duke of Guise 3.1.72–3: ‘Daubing the inside of the court like snails, / Sliming our walls, and pricking out your horns’, in The Works of John Dryden, vol. 14, ed. Dearing and Roper.
9–10 on . . . Creep Cf. the serpent of Genesis 3.14: ‘upon thy belly shalt thou go’.
11 n.3 Tacitus writes that when Augustus gained power ‘there was no opposition, since the boldest had died in battle, or in the proscription, while the rest of the nobility, the readier they were to be slaves, the higher they rose in wealth and honours’. Cf. below, 43 n.11.
3 Tacitus, Annales, 1.2.
12 then therefore.
14–15 nn.4–5 Jonson cites two passages of Juvenal, Satires, 1.75 ‘to their crimes men owe their gardens, great houses and tables’ (H&S note he had used this line in Cynthia, Q, 3.4.32 and n.), and 3.49–54: ‘Who is valued nowadays unless he is an accomplice, one whose inflamed soul burns with secrets which are always unspoken? . . . He who is dear to Verres is the one who can inform on him at any time he wishes.’
4 Juvenalis, Satura, 1.75.
5 et Satura, 3.49 etc.
16 dear Both in hypocritical affection, and in the cost of blackmail.
16–17 live . . . jealousies live in fear of the anger of those being blackmailed.
18 subverting destroying.
19 lines queues. Not used with military connotations at this date (despite the implications of ‘advance’), but there is a pun on lines of verse advancing towards a full stop.
20 courted (1) sought after; (2) of the court.
20 SD] Barish; not in Q, F1; G adds ‘at a distance’
20 lean ‘lean towards us’, meaning approach obliquely (OED, 4b) with a suggestion that they incline towards the corrupt practices described in lines 4–19 above (cf. OED, 5). Cf. ‘bending to the better’, 3.369.
21 SD] Bolton; not in Q, F1
21 sabinus . . . Latiaris] this edn; Sab. (Good . . . Latiaris) Q, F1, F2
21 cousin Latiaris See Names of the Actors, 3n.
21 n.6 De . . . consule ‘On Latiaris consult’.
21 n.6 Dionem . . . fol ‘Dio in Stephanus’s folio edition’ (see ‘To the Readers’, 33–4n.).
6 De Latiari consule Tacitum, Annales, 4.68–9 et Dionem, Stephani editio 58.1.1–3.
22 n.7–8 Satrio . . . Natta Tacitus describes these two accusers of Cordus as Sejani clientes (‘clients of Sejanus’) indicating a formal relationship of dependants and patron (cf. 1.57). Seneca asks Cordus’s daughter Marcia to ‘Recall that most bitter time for you when Sejanus gave your father as a present to his client Satrius Secundus’ (‘To Marcia’, 22.4; cf. 1.84n, 1.542–5n.). Cf. ‘clientele’, Cat., 3.3.180.
22 n.7–8 lege ‘read’.
7–8 De Satrio Secundo, et Pinnario Natta lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.34. et de Satrio consule Senecam, Ad Marciam de Consolatione, [22.4].
7–8 De Satrio Secundo, et Pinnario Natta lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.34. et de Satrio consule Senecam, Ad Marciam de Consolatione, [22.4].
24 Know Who know.
24–7 whose . . . organs ‘whose secretive breasts, if they could be opened up, would reveal that it is a trivial offence indeed that is not harboured there’. For the breast as ‘the repository of consciousness, designs, and secrets’, see OED, Breast n. 5a; for ‘rip up’ meaning to open up something unpleasant, see OED, Rip v.2 4b. Cf. Cat., 3.3.252–4: ‘my sword . . . b’inspired of itself to rip / My breast for my lost entrails’.
28 forswear swear falsely. For the same conjunction with ‘swear’ cf. Greene, James Ⅳ, 5.4: ‘You swear, forswear, and all to compass wealth’ (Complete Works, ed. Grosart, 1881–6, 13.308, line 2358).
28 deprave defame, disparage (OED, 4).
28 n.9 Seneca says that ‘Under Tiberius Caesar there was a constant and almost general rage for bringing accusations, which took a heavier toll of Roman citizens than the whole Civil War; it snatched eagerly at the common talk of drunks, the openness of jokers; nothing was safe; every occasion for violence was welcome, and there was no need to wait for the outcome of affairs, since there was only one.’ Cf. below, 4.314–20.
9 Vide Senecam, De Beneficiis, 3.26.
29–30 beg . . . livings In both Tiberian Rome and early modern England, informers (Lat. delatores, accusatores) were entitled to a portion – in Rome usually a quarter, in England a half – of the fines or estates of those convicted through their information. In societies without a police force, such inducements played a significant role in helping enforce the law. For Rome, cf. 64–72 below, 3.356–63, and Jonson’s note to 3.368, citing Tacitus, 4.20. See also Tacitus, 4.30, and Dio, who says: ‘those who had accused or testified against persons divided the property of the convicted by lot and received in addition both offices and honours’ (57.19.2). In England they mainly accused or blackmailed those breaking economic statutes, but also informed on recusants. The issue was especially topical when Jonson was writing and revising Sej.; in 1604 the judges decided unanimously in the Case of the Penal Statutes that such rewards were ‘utterly against the law’. Informers or ‘promoters’ were regularly attacked in Parliament, but no action was taken by the King until 1616, or by Parliament until 1624. See Beresford (1957–8).
30–1 cut . . . whisp’rings Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 4.110: ‘Pompeius, whose slight whisper could cut men’s throats’ (Sejanus, ed. W. D. Briggs).
31–2 sell . . . palace Cf. Martial, 4.5.7: ‘To sell no empty smoke around the palace’, i.e. to make no empty promises of obtaining royal favours. A Roman proverb, taken up by Erasmus, who writes about it at unusual length (Adagia, 1.3.41, in Works, ed. Mynors, 1982–92, 31.270). Cf. Tilley, S576.
36 watch watchman. Usually seen as an anachronism, since the Romans had no mechanical clocks or watches, using water clocks and sundials. But mechanical watches do not ‘observe’ clocks, whereas Martial (8.67.1) mentions a boy whose task is to call out (nuntiat) the time, and Petronius, Satyricon, 26, describes a man employed to watch a clock and blow a trumpet on the hour. Brisson, De formulis, 479, quotes Pliny, Nat. Hist., 7.60 and Varro, De lingua Latina (‘On the Latin Language’), 6.89, on similar announcements. From all these Jonson could have correctly derived the idea of a servant keeping watch on a water clock or sundial; cf. McDaniel (1913), 158–60. This primary meaning does not exclude the anachronistic one: the etymological connection of the mechanical watch (developed in the early sixteenth century) to the human watch (both ‘called out’ the time) was still fresh, and Jonson plays on ‘watch’ as both human vigil and timepiece in Bart. Fair, 3.1.16–17, where Haggis the ‘vishe vatchman’ asks: ‘Why? Should the watch go by the clock, or the clock by the watch, I pray?’ The spring-driven pocket watch of Jonson’s time was notoriously unreliable, needing correction by a larger clock with a more sophisticated mechanism. Cf. LLL, 3.1.187–8: ‘And never going aright, being a watch, / But being watched, that it may still go right’.
37–8 true . . . him Ironically varying the proverbial ‘true as steel’ (cf. MND, 2.1.195, Tro., 3.2.184). Gifford quotes John Swan on how the colour of the turquoise changes to reflect its wearer’s health: ‘if the wearer of it be not well, it changeth colour and looketh pale and dim, but increaseth to his perfectness as the wearer recovereth to his health’ (Speculum mundi, 1635, 296). Swan himself misquotes Donne, First Anniversary (1611), 343–4: ‘As a compassionate turquoise which doth tell / By looking pale the wearer is not well’ (Poems, ed. Grierson, 1912, 1.241).
37 turquoise] G; Turkise Q, F1, F2 subst.
38 n.10 Though Jonson only cites Juvenal, Satires, 3.105, he is imitating lines 100–8, part of a long passage attacking Greeks and Greek influence: ‘You smile, he shakes violently with immoderate laughter; he weeps if he notices his friend’s tears, but he does not grieve; if you ask for a small fire in winter, he puts on his woollen cloak; if you say “I am hot,” he sweats. Thus we are not equals, he and I; he is the better who can always, night or day, take his expression from another man’s face, throw up his hands ready to applaud if his friend belches well or pisses straight, or if his golden basin makes a farting noise when it is turned upside down.’
10 Juvenalis, Satura, 3.105.
41 catch apprehension. Not separately noticed as a noun in OED, but derived from Catch v. 37.
42 conferred compared.
43 n.11 Tacitus, 1.7 describes Rome at Tiberius’s accession: ‘consuls, senators, knights rushed headlong into slavery. The more illustrious the person, the greater his hypocrisy and his haste, and the more contrived his looks, showing neither excessive joy at the departure of one prince nor sorrow at the accession of another, tears mixed with joy, lamentations with flattery.’
11 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.7.
44 gentry’s chief] Bolton; Gentries Chiefe Q; gentries chiefe F1
46 consuls During the republic two consuls were elected annually by the Senate to serve as supreme magistrates, the joint authority being a defence against abuse of power by a single ruler. Under the empire their authority greatly decreased, except when the emperor nominated himself for ‘election’, as Augustus did thirteen times and Tiberius three. Tacitus admits that under Tiberius the consulship at first regained some of its power and prestige, but that this declined with the death of Drusus and the rise of Sejanus (4.6–7).
46–53 nn.12, 14 Tacitus, 3.65: ‘so very corrupted were those times, so abject their sycophancy, that not only the leading citizens, whose splendour they safeguarded by their servility, but all those of consular rank, a large part of those who had been praetors, and even many of the lesser senators [pedarii senatores], would emulate each other in rising to propose the most vile and preposterous motions. Tradition has it that Tiberius, as often as he left the curia, used to declare in Greek, “O men prepared for slavery!” It was clear that even he, who opposed public liberty, was disgusted at the abject servility of his creatures.’
12 Tacitus, Annales, 3.65.
47 praetors Annually elected magistrates subordinate to the consuls. By this date there were twelve (Tacitus, 1.14), but their powers also diminished under the empire.
48 n.13 Pedarii Pedarii senatores (lit. ‘foot senators’) were not yet enrolled by the censors and thus could not vote. Rosinus (Johann Rosen, 1551–1626), whose Romanarum antiquitatum libri decem (‘Ten Books of Roman Antiquities’), 1583, was used by Jonson for Poet. and the early masques, gives this as the most likely of a number of explanations (Bk. 7, ch. 5).
48 n. 13 Pedarii] also in F1
13 Pedarii.
14 [Tacitus,] Ibid. [3.65]
55 flat Translating Tacitus’s projectae, ‘stretched out’ on the ground, thus ‘abject, contemptible’, to give a sense not recorded in OED; also conveying the common meaning of ‘downright’, ‘absolute’ (OED, Flat adj. 6a).
56 worthy of us deserved by us (OED, Worthy adj. 9).
57 riots debaucheries, extravagances (OED, 1a).
59–60 Going back to 49–8bc, when Julius Caesar defeated Pompey and began the process which was to lead to the destruction of the republic.
60–3 Echoing Tacitus’s description of the accession of Tiberius (see above, 43 n.11) and of Augustus’s Rome (11 n.3 above). Cf. also his description of the jeers at Augustus’s funeral from those who remembered the day of Caesar’s assassination ‘when servitude was still new and liberty sought again in vain’ (1.8).
60 triumphèd conquered. Cf. Ovid, Amores, 1.15.26, Roma triumphati caput orbis, ‘Rome head of the triumphed world’, and Cat., 3.280, ‘The far-triumphèd world’ (Sejanus, ed. W. D. Briggs).
61 affections Emotions as opposed to reason, hence especially passions, lusts (OED, 3).
64 n. 15 Hispone] H&S; Hispane Q
64 n.15 Lege . . . et caeteris ‘Read Tacitus . . . on Romanus Hispo and the rest.’ Tacitus describes Hispo Romanus and Caepio Crispinus as among the first professional informers. Juvenal, Satires, 10.87, is part of a description of the mob in Sejanus’s Rome: ‘but let our slaves see that none denounce us, and drag their fearful master into court with his neck bound’. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61, says ‘No day was lacking an execution, not even those that were holy and sacred. Some were punished even as the New Year began. Many were accused and condemned with their children, and even by their children. Relatives of the condemned were not allowed to mourn for them. Special awards were voted for accusers, sometimes even for witnesses. Nobody questioned the trustworthiness of an informer. Every crime was treated as capital, even if it consisted of a few simple words.’ The note underlines the accuracy of Jonson’s description of Tiberian Rome, but contemporaries would have recognized parallels with the unpopular, if less dangerously pervasive, role of informers in Tudor and Jacobean England (see above, 29–30n.).
15 Lege Tacitum, Annales, 1.74 de Romano Hispone, et caeteris ibid. et Annales, 3.37–8. Juvenalem, Satura 10.87[–8]. Suetonium, Tiberius, 61.
67 n.16 Tacitus says: ‘for [Tiberius] was distorting words and looks, which he stored away’. For Seneca, see above, 28 n.9.
67–70 Our . . . treason In 1592, Francis Bacon said Elizabeth did not like ‘to make windows into men’s hearts and secret thoughts’ (referring to the myth of Momus’s wish that Hephaestus had made a man equipped with such windows); but treason, being a matter of intention almost as much as action, was ‘proved’ by circumstantial evidence or by confession obtained under torture, especially during the later years of Elizabeth’s reign and that of James. Ralegh complained at his trial (Nov. 1603) of being convicted by circumstantial evidence over his intentions, and English Catholics like Jonson were always at risk from similar interpretation of their motives. See Bacon, Certain Observations Made upon a Libel, in Letters, ed. Spedding (1861–74), 1.178.
16 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.7 et 3.38. Suetonium, Tiberius, 61. Senecam, De Beneficiis, 3.26.
70–2 H&S note the paraphrase of Machiavelli, Il Principe, 19, ‘that princes should give burdensome affairs to others to manage, and keep those of grace in their own hands’ (che i principi debbono le cose di carico fare amministrare ad altri, e quelle di grazia a lor medesimi). Jonson transcribed the same passage in Discoveries, 829–31. Machiavelli himself derived it from Aristotle, Politics, 5.11 (1315a), a text Jonson seems to have known (cf. 1.421 n.62). His copy of the 1619 edn of the Opera Omnia is now at St John’s College, Cambridge.
70 Tyrants’] Wh subst.; ”Tirannes Q, F1 subst.
71–2 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
71 accusers] Q, F1; corr. by pen in Townshend Q to Accusers (to agree with Flatterers in Q, F1)
72 SD] G; not in Q, F1
73 Cremutius Cordus See Names of the Actors, 10n.
73 n.17 Tacitus, 4.34–5 describes Cordus’s trial and suicide (see below, 3,407–60); Dio gives a similar account, adding that Augustus had read the work himself (see below, 84n.). The references from Suetonius add little, but Seneca’s ‘To Marcia’ describes Cordus’s arrest and suicide from the viewpoint of his daughter (see Jonson’s note, 1.22 n.7–8). According to Dio, Cordus’s lost history covered the ‘achievements of Augustus’ (57.24.3). It did so, however, from a republican point of view (Tacitus, 4.34).
17 De Cremutio Cordo vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.34–5. Senecam, Ad Marciam de Consolatione [1.3, 22.4–7]. Dionem, 57.24.2–4. Suetonium, Augustus, 35, Tiberius, 61, Caligula, 16.
73 SD.2] Silius . . . aside] this edn; They whisper F1; not in Q
74 your cousin Sabinus. See Names of the Actors, 3n.
76, 77 Annals] Annal’s Q, F1 subst.
76 Annals Historical accounts organized by the year, like those of Livy and Tacitus. The Lat. form ‘Annales’ was retained in English, as in Cor., 5.6.116, ‘If you haue writ your Annales true, ’tis there’ (1623 folio spelling), but Jonson habitually half-anglicizes it as ‘Annal’s’ to indicate pronunciation as only two syllables.
78 Caius Caesar’s Referring to Julius, whose full name was Caius (Gaius) Julius Caesar.
78 n.18 Suetonius cites Cordus on Augustus’s fear of assassination by the more vulgar senators.
18 Lege Suetonium, Augustus, 35.
80 n.19 de factionibus ‘on factions’. Tacitus says: ‘the court was divided and torn by concealed partisanship for Drusus or Germanicus’ (2.43); ‘Sejanus was pressing [Tiberius] and complaining that the state was divided as if by a civil war. There were those who called themselves of Agrippina’s party, and unless it was opposed, there would be more’ (4.17). Drusus and Germanicus were Tiberius’s son and nephew respectively. For the continued popularity of Germanicus, see Argument, 13n.
19 Vide de factionibus Tacitum, Annales, 2.43 et 4.17.
82 queasy unsettled (of the political situation, OED, †1a).
84 Cordus had been ‘published’ in that his work had been read to (or by) Augustus and ‘esteemed as good’ (probarentur) by 18bc (Dio, 57.24.3; cf. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61.3) and his histories were certainly in the public domain before his suicide in 25. Though they were ordered to be burnt at his death, copies were kept and later published by his daughter Marcia (Seneca, ‘To Marcia’, 1.2–4, 22.4–7). The burning of the histories had been paralleled in England in 1599, when the order for burning various satires and epigrams added ‘Englishe historyes’ to the list of subversive books banned ‘except they be allowed by some of Her Majesty’s Privy Council’ (Arber, 3.677).
85 SD] Ayres; not in Q, F1; G omits Latiaris
86 n.20 De . . . isto ‘On this Lucius Arruntius’; see above, Names of the Actors, 6n.
20 De Lucio Aruntio isto, vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.13 et 3.31 et Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.[27.4–5].
87–9 ’tis . . . fathers The theme of degeneracy from a once honourable patrician (not democratic) order recurs in Tacitus. Here Jonson echoes Tacitus’s description of Nero’s Rome: ‘the morality of their fathers, which had gradually been forgotten, was so completely overturned by this new licentiousness, that whatever could in any way be corrupted or could corrupt was to be seen in the city, so the youth degenerated through foreign influences to the practice of sports, idleness, and corrupt loves, with the encouragement of the emperor and Senate’ (14.20).
88 degenerate degenerated.
90–2 Cato . . . master Marcus Portius Cato Uticensis (95–46bc), whose suicide after hearing of Julius Caesar’s victory at Thapsus made him a potent symbol of republican virtue. Cf. Lucan, De Bello Civili (‘The Civil War’), 1.128. Riddell (1975), 207, notes Jonson is also echoing Martial, who praises Nerva for daring to be good ‘under a hard prince and in evil times’ (12.6.11–12).
93–6 Brutus . . . country Marcus Junius Brutus (85–42bc), Cato’s son-in-law, became with Cassius leader of the conspirators who assassinated Caesar in 44bc.
94 charm of benefits allurement of favours.
96 unkindly] F1; vnkindly) Q, corr. by pen in Townshend Q to (vnkindly)
96 unkindly unnaturally (Whalley).
96 captive Stressed on second syllable.
98 raked up hidden, covered over: cf. Volp., Epistle, 53–4: ‘faults which charity hath raked up, or common honesty concealed’.
100 blaze momentary flare, as of lightning (OED, Blaze n.1 2c). Cf. Hym., 3–4: ‘the glory of all these solemnities had perished like a blaze’.
104 ] G; Q, F1 print all but Cassius in italic
104 Tacitus says Cordus ‘called Caius Cassius the last of the Romans’ (4.34). As Lipsius noted, Plutarch, writing at about the same date as Tacitus, gives these words to Brutus on Cassius’s death (Lives, Brutus, 44), whence JC, 5.3.98: ‘The last of all the Romans, fare thee well.’
105 Stand by Stand aside (OED, Stand v. 91b).
105 n.21 Tacitus records that Tiberius sent Drusus to Pannonia (in the area of modern Slovenia and Bosnia); Suetonius describes Tiberius’s exasperation with and lack of affection for his son; and Dio characterizes Drusus as ‘licentious and cruel’.
21 Lege de Druso Tacitum, Annales, 1.24. Suetonium, Tiberius, 52. Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.13.1–2.
105 SD drusus . . . by] F1, not in Q
105 SD passeth by The actors playing Drusus and Haterius may simply have entered by one tiring-house door, walked around the stage, and left by the other door, but it is possible that they came on to the stage from the yard, crossed it, and left by descending into the yard again. See 176n. below for ‘passing over the stage’. In either case, they would only have been onstage briefly.
106–13 nn.22, 24 The mixed judgements on Drusus, and the contrast with his father (though not the evidence of promise) are derived from Tacitus, especially 3.37: ‘By his moving about the city amid the meetings and talk of men, it was thought that his father’s inscrutable policy was mitigated. Because of his youth, even his voluptuousness did not cause offence. Better that he should lean in that direction, spending the day in building projects, his nights in banquets, than [like Tiberius] live alone, attracted by no pleasures, and absorbed in sullen watchfulness and sinister schemes.’
22 Tacitus, Annales, 3.37.
111 me, I] this edn; me I F1; me’I Q; me’, I H&S
112 n. 23 For Tacitus’s account of the rise of Sejanus, and his enmity towards Drusus, see Argument, 1–10 and notes.
23 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.1–3.
113 kinsmen] F1; kinsman Q, corr. by pen in Townshend Q
24 Annales, 4.8.
114 The sons . . . Germanicus Nero, Drusus Junior, and Caligula – the latter’s notorious later career as emperor adds a poignant irony to the praise bestowed on him here in the name of the republican tradition.
114 n.25 qui . . . nominatus ‘who was born in a military camp, and was named “Little Boot”’ (from Lat. caliga, the leather sandal worn by soldiers).
25 Nero. Drusus. Caius, qui in castris genitus, et Caligula nominatus. Tacitus, Annales, 1.[41].
114 n.26 De . . . consule ‘On Germanicus consult’.
26 De Germanico consule Tacitum, Annales, 1.33–4 et Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.[5–6].
116 Drusus might have been expected to be wary of them as rivals who could exploit their father’s popularity.
119 virtue Used for Lat. virtus, signifying the manly excellencies of courage, fortitude, etc., as well as moral ones. Cf. OED, 7.
120 fruits Echoing Cicero, In Pisonem (‘On Piso’), 24.57: ‘the justified fame which is the most honourable fruit of true virtue’ (Ayres).
120–1 fruits . . . seeds Sweeney (1981), 71–2, notes the recurrent emphasis on the impotence of the Germanicans as opposed to the ‘procreative energy’ of the conspirators’ language.
27 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.18.
122 know him] F1; know’him Q
122 within inwardly, in his true character (OED, Within adv. 3).
124–6 He . . . nature As Whalley noted, this translates Velleius Paterculus on Cato: homo Virtuti simillimus (History of Rome, 2.35, a passage Jonson cites below, 150 n.29). As a deity, Virtus was worshipped in Rome together with Honor (see below, 197n.).
124 virtue in] this edn; virtue’; in Q, F1 subst.; virtue; In F2; virtue, ’in Barish
127 reverend worthy of reverence; translating Tacitus’s venerabilis (2.72).
128 state high rank, position of power.
28 Tacitus, Annales, 2.72–3 et Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.18.6–9.
130 avoided banished, sent away (translating effugerat).
131–3 What . . . sorrow Later (3.5), Tacitus reports criticism of Tiberius for not giving Germanicus a full state funeral. The images of Germanicus and his ancestors were not displayed, as was normal, at the funeral because he was buried at Antioch, where he had died; the family portrait masks were kept in the lararium at Rome.
134–6 silent . . . losses the soldiers mourned without tears or the noise of sobs; their profession meant that they associated tears only with their defeated enemies.
136–9 I thought . . . Alexander Tacitus says ‘there were those who’ made the comparison between Germanicus and Alexander (2.73). He does not say Cordus was among them. The practice of ‘paralleling’ Greek and Roman figures had been established by Plutarch, who had, however, set his life of Alexander against that of Julius Caesar. Sejanus, Afer, and Natta all accuse Cordus of ‘paralleling’ present times with the past (2.303–11, 3.39.–406); in 1600 Attorney-General Coke similarly accused the historian Hayward of giving support to the Earl of Essex through his Henry Ⅳ. Jonson faced such charges over Sej. (see Introduction).
137 forms outward appearances.
138 nearness . . . fell Alexander died at Babylon, Germanicus at Antioch, cities which were in fact several hundred miles apart.
140 best feature well shaped; cf. R3, 1.1.18–19: ‘I that am curtailed of this fair proportion / Cheated of feature by dissembling Nature’.
140 high race exalted heritage.
142 Accounts of Alexander’s poisoning by his son were fictions. Germanicus died believing he had been poisoned by Piso, who committed suicide protesting his innocence (cf. below, 159 n.30, 167n.).
143 for about, as to.
143 wrest it contrive a dubious parallel.
146 drunken Macedon’s Alexander’s, who died after a long bout of drinking.
147 bondman’s slave’s.
150 speak him declare who Germanicus truly was.
150 n.29 Vide . . . Caracteres ‘See in Velleius Paterculus History of Rome the fourth edition by Lipsius . . . for the characters of these men.’ For ‘Pompey’s dignity’, see Velleius, 2.29; Cato, a homo virtuti simillimus, 2.35; Caesar, 2.41; Brutus, 2.72. A contemporary of Sejanus and a serving soldier under Tiberius, Velleius gives a much more enthusiastic account of both these men than the other historians used by Jonson. Lipsius’s edition of his Historia was frequently bound with his edition of Tacitus.
29 Vide apud Velleium Paterculum Lipsii [editio] quarto 2.29, 2.35, 2.41, 2.72 istorum hominum Caracteres.
151 innocence moral purity (OED, 1).
152 temperance] Wh; temp’rance Q, F1
152–4 every . . . him As Briggs noted, this recalls Claudian, De consulatu Stilichonis (‘On Stilicho’s consulship’) 1.33–5: ‘to all others blessings are dispersed, in you they flow mixed together’. These lines are underlined and marked in the margin with Jonson’s flower symbol in his copy of Claudian, Cl. Claudianus, Theod. Pulmanni . . . e vetustis codicibus restitutus (Antwerp, 1585), 226. The book is slightly charred, and may therefore be a rare survival of the fire which destroyed most of Jonson’s library in 1623 (see Und. 43). It passed to Selden, and is now Bodleian 80 c 90 Art. Sel.
159 n.30 Tacitus says that ‘The turbulence in the East did not come as an unwelcome occurrence for Tiberius, since it gave him an excuse for transferring Germanicus from his familiar legions and appointing him to new provinces where he would be open to both treachery and accident’ (2.5); later, when Tiberius enticed Germanicus back to Rome, the latter ‘understood that envy was the motive’ (2.25). Dio describes Germanicus’s death at Antioch: ‘as a result of a plot formed by Piso and Plancina . . . that poisoning was the means of his carrying off was revealed by the condition of his body, which was brought into the Forum, and exhibited to all who were present’.
30 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 2.5 et 2.26. Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.18.9–10.
159–66 When . . . lessen Anticipating Silius’s cynicism about ‘princes’ at 3.300–8.
159 fast securely.
162 decline thwart, avert (Lat. declino, –are).
163 colours semblances.
166 purge (1) grow thin in the alien air by being purged (cf. OED, Purge v.1 4b, though there is no example of this figurative use); (2) purge their offence in having grown ‘honoured, and loved’.
166 n.31 de occultis . . . in occulto ‘on the secret instructions given to Piso and afterwards . . . the speech of Domitius Celer “you have the connivance of the Augusta and the favour of Caesar, but only covertly”’.
31 Consule Tacitum, Annales, 2.43, de occultis mandatis Pisoni. Et postea 2.55,77. Oratio Domitii Celeris Est tibi Augustae consciencia, est Caesaris favor, sed in occulto etc. Lege Suetonium, Tiberius, 52. Dionem, 57.18.9–10.
167 seconds . . . Tiberius Piso (consul with Tiberius in 7bc) was made governor of Syria while Germanicus was in that region. Tacitus (2.43) says he had ‘secret instructions’ (occulta mandata) from Tiberius, but whether these were to spy on Germanicus and thwart his mission (as in the following lines) or to murder him is left vague. The plural ‘seconds’ embraces Piso’s wife, Plancina.
168 dam Livia, Tiberius’s mother, who had earlier persuaded Augustus to name Tiberius rather than Germanicus as his successor.
169 detract disparage.
173 n.32 Tacitus says that Germanicus’s final ‘illness was made worse by his belief that he had been given poison by Piso’ (2.69), but casts doubt on Piso’s guilt in describing his trial: ‘only the charge of poisoning seemed to be weakened’ (3.14). Suetonius says Germanicus died ‘not without suspicion of poisoning . . . He died, moreover, as opinion had it, through the guile of Tiberius, aided and abetted by Gnaeus Piso.’
32 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 2.69 et 3.14. Suetonium, Caligula, 1 et 2.
175 n.33 principalis . . . totum ‘mainly and throughout’. These are the main sources for Sejanus’s career, of which Pliny, Nat. Hist., 7.39, 8.74, and 36.46, are all relatively trivial. For details of Jonson’s more substantial classical sources see Introduction and ‘To the Readers’, notes to 28 and 29.
33 De Sejano vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.24, [lib.] 4 principalis et per totum. Suetonium, Tiberius. Dionem, 57 et 58. Plinium et Senecam.
176 SD sejanus . . . terentius] Q, F1 subst.; Enter sejanus talking to terentius; followed by satrius, natta, &c. G, after 174
176 SD They . . . stage] F1 in margin; not in Q
177 SD To Satrius] this edn; not in Q, F1; To Natta G
176 SD pass . . . stage Allardyce Nicoll argues persuasively that such stage directions meant the actors moved ‘from yard to platform to yard again’ (1959, 47–55, p. 53). Here, Cordus and his companions would watch the actors emerge from one of the entrances nearest the stage into the yard (175 above), and climb steps onto the stage, where they would probably have remained from 177 to 194–5, leaving by climbing down to the yard again. Experience at the reconstructed Shakespeare’s Globe in London suggests this would be possible, though it might have proved slightly more difficult to clear a lane through the groundlings than Nicoll assumed.
177 SH sejanus] Sei. Q; not in F1
177 I . . . well Satrius has pointed out the group of Germanicans. Sejanus’s first words in the play express in a single line suspicion, conspiracy, confidence, and control.
179 Please] Q; ’Please F1
179 Lordship] F1 subst; Lordsh. Q
180 n.34 De . . . vide ‘On this Eudemus see’. Cf. Names of the Actors, 15n.
34 De Eudemo isto vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.3.
180 physician Pronounced as four syllables.
182 said —] F1; said. Q
182 tribune’s place An influential position, whether as one of the tribuni plebis (tribunes of the people) or tribuni militares (military tribunes).
183 n.35 Monetae . . . Asse £375 in our money. See Budaeus, On the As.’ The as was a Roman copper coin. De asse et partibus eius forms vol. 2 of Guillaume Budé’s Opera Omnia (Basel, 1557). Jonson’s estimate, based on Budé’s conversion to French crowns (‘coronatorum nostrorum’), that fifty thousand sesterces were worth £375 sterling agrees almost exactly with Godwyn, Romanae historiae (1614), 138, who estimated the sestertius at ‘three halfpence farthing’, giving a total of £364.10s. Jonson’s friend Richard Martyn (see Poet., Dedication) borrowed more than four times this sum (£1,500) from Lionel Cranfield to buy the roughly equivalent Recordership of London (bribing Buckingham) in Nov. 1618: see State Papers Domestic, 114/103/93.
35 Monetae nostrae 375 li. vide Budaeum de Asse, 2.64.
190 ’Thank] F2; Thank Q, F1 subst.
192 deep (1) learned (OED, Deep adj. 16); (2) cunning, corrupt (OED, 17), as implied in R3, 2.1.38, ‘Deep, hollow, treacherous, and full of guile’.
193 gallery Of an Elizabethan, not a Roman house (cf. Poet., 2.1.138); a rare anachronism, perhaps a survival from the stage version, anticipating the meeting with Eudemus at 1.269 which may have taken place in the ‘gallery’ (cf. note to 260 SD.2 below).
195 grief injury (OED, †5a). Cf. 1.276, 294.
195 — On.] Q state 2, F1; On? Q state 1
195 SD] this edn, Briggs, Ayres subst.; not in Q, F1; Exeunt Sejanus, Satrius, Terentius, &c. G
196 So, yet! . . . Yet?] Q, F1 subst.; So! yet another? yet? G
197 honour Ayres suggests used in neutral sense of ‘preferment’ (Lat. honor), not in OED, but in this sense Lewis and Short, 1.B.1. But this is only part of a typically compressed allusion, whose primary meaning is that those who, like the unnamed suitor, are reduced to grovelling bribery, would formerly have sought such positions both honourably and because of honour due. The deity Honor was worshipped bare-headed in a major temple outside the porta Capena, shared with Virtus (see above, 124–6n.), and Q capitalizes ‘Honor’, suggesting the god himself grovelling. The concept of honour is interrogated thoroughly in Sej.: cf. the use by Eudemus (1.325, 2.70, 72), Sejanus (1.327–32), Tiberius (1.455, 496, 518, 529, 3.40), Drusus (1.552), and many more. Almost always used ironically, its most positive expression is Cordus’s judgemental one: ‘Posterity pays every man his honour’ (3.456).
199 his its.
200–1 Gifford notes the origin in Juvenal, Satires, 8.84; ‘and in order to live, lose the reason for living’.
200 circumstance The trivial, contingent details, as opposed to the substance (OED, 8).
201 Nothing so Not so.
202 if . . . ruin if Jove himself punished the world, perhaps by blacking out the sun, as Arruntius has just suggested must happen as a consequence of Rome’s current malaise.
202 n.36 De ingenio . . . Sejani ‘On the character, conduct and power of Sejanus’.
36 De ingenio, moribus, et potentia Sejani lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.1–2. Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.22.1–4.
203 now current. Commonly used as an adjective in the 1600s; see OED, now, adj. a.
203–4 applied With applied to, supplicated by means of.
204 sacrifice of knees See above, 7–10n.
204 crooks bendings of the knee (OED, 10a, citing this line).
206 thousand hecatombs A hecatomb was a sacrifice of one hundred oxen: thus a hundred thousand oxen.
208 Rhadamanth A proverbially severe judge of the dead in Hades.
209 Furies Lat. Furiae, infernal goddesses who punish the guilty in hell.
209 fire-brands those doomed to burn in hell (OED, 1†b).
210 adverse part opposite side, usually in the sense of ‘the enemy’.
211 e’er] Q (ere)
212 boy!] F2; boy. Q; boy? F1
213 Caius’] Wh; Caiu’s Q; Caivs F1
213 n.37 divi . . . nepos ‘grandson of the deified Augustus’. Tacitus rightly describes Caius (Gaius) as Augustus’s grandson, but does not mention that he had been adopted as his son in 17bc with a view to the succession (Dio, 54.18.1). He died in ad4.
37 Caius Caesar, divi Augusti nepos. consule Tacitum, Annales, 4.1.
213 trencher Usually a plate or tray, here the table on which it was placed.
213–15 for hire . . . Apicius Cf. Greneway: ‘for money he had suffered his body to be abused by Apicius’ (89).
214 n.38 Tacitus and Dio both refer to M. Gavius Apicius’s sexual relationship with the young Sejanus. Dio adds that Apicius committed suicide when he found he only had ten million sesterces left, fearing that he would die of starvation (Dio, 57.19.5). The link between gourmandizing and sexual excess recurs in Jonson: cf. Volp., 3.7.200–39, Alch., 2.2.57–87.
38 Tacitus, ibid. et Dio, Historia Romana, 57.19.5.
216 pathic ‘man or boy upon whom sodomy is practised; a catamite’ (OED, citing this as its earliest English usage). Possibly coined by Jonson from its adjectival use in Lat.; cf. Catullus 16.2, Aureli pathice (‘pathic Aurelius’).
217 Juvenal’s graphic image (see Jonson’s n.39) of Sejanus’s burning statue (‘now the fires are blazing . . . and from what was once the second face in the whole world emerge pitchers, basins, frying pans, chamber-pots’) suggests Jonson’s ‘second face’, but ‘face’ is in general a powerful word for Jonson with its varied associations of superficiality and boldness, honesty, and hypocrisy. ‘Face’ occurs 26 times in Sej. alone. Cf. among many other uses the character Face in Alch., and Bart. Fair, 1.3.106–7, ‘One that stands upon his face more than his faith’ and 1.6.56–7, ‘a foul face, but that face may have a veil put over it’.
39 Juvenalis, Satura, 10.63.
219 ensigns military standards. Tacitus (see below, 223 n.40) says Sejanus’s effigies were honoured in the principia, the centre of a legion’s camp where the standards were kept, a sacred place. In adding ‘ensigns’ Jonson may be recalling Lipsius’s note, ‘inter militaria signa’, or Greneway’s ‘ensigns of the legions’ (89). Suetonius reports that the Syrian legions refused to allow Sejanus’s image in their principia (Suetonius, Tiberius, 48.2).
220 Commands Has at his disposal.
220 dignity office of importance.
221–2 Centurions . . . consuls A Centurion commanded a centuriae, usually, despite the name, of about 80 soldiers; heads of provinces were governors of such overseas provinciae as Gaul; for tribunes, see above, 182n.; for praetors and consuls, see 46n., 47n., above.
223 general suffrage selection by the republic at large.
223 n.40 Tacitus says that Sejanus ‘himself chose the centurions and tribunes [of the praetorian guard]. Nor did he abstain from showing off in the Senate the offices and governorships with which he had provided his clients, for Tiberius, yielding and readily favourable, acclaimed him as the partner of his labours, not only in private conversations, but among the Fathers and the ordinary people, and allowed his statues to be erected in theatres and marketplaces, and even in the headquarters of the legions.’ Dio places this outburst of adulation much later, describing the Romans as being deceived by Tiberius’s strategy of undermining Sejanus while praising him effusively (see 3.704 n.35).
40 Tacitus, ibid. [4.2]
224–5 Translating Claudian, In Rufinum (‘Against Rufinus’), 1.193–4: Congestae cumulantur opes orbisque ruinas / Accipit una domus (Briggs). Partially underlined, but with no marginal symbol, in Jonson’s copy of Claudian (see above, 152–4n.).
226 strangely exceptionally, unusually (OED, 5).
229 riot debauchery, dissoluteness. Cf. 1.57n.
230 enterprise Specifically at this time an attack: see OED, Enterprise v. 2 and 3.
233 n.41 Though Jonson cites Dio, lines 225–33 are clearly based on Greneway’s translation of Tacitus: ‘His forces, which at the first were small, he augmented by reducing the cohorts into one camp, which before were scattered abroad in the city . . . He pretended that the soldier living scattered, grew riotous: and if any sudden attempt should be enterprised, their strength would be greater united, than separated and that they would live more severely, if their garrison were lodged further from the wanton allurements of the city’ (89).
41 Dion, ibid.
234–7 nn.42–3 See Tacitus 4.2: ‘he gradually insinuated himself into the hearts of the soldiers, approaching them, addressing them by name’.
42 Tacitus, ibid.
235 heard] corr. by pen in Townshend Q; hard Q, F1
43 [Tacitus,] ibid.
238 kind nature.
239 n.44 Though placed in the margin against lines 237–8, the reference to Dio is not keyed to the text, and refers (like n.41) to Dio’s account as generally supporting that given by Tacitus.
44 Et Dion, ibid.
240–1 letting . . . ambition shooting he cares not what at the target of his ambition; see OED, Fly v. 10.
244–50 Briggs quotes Coleridge’s amusement at the ‘anachronistic mixture in this Arruntius of the Roman republican . . . with his James-and-Charles-the-First zeal for legitimacy of descent’. For Jonson’s attitude to republicanism, see Introduction. Here, Arruntius displays a patrician preference for the Julian clan (especially the sons of Germanicus) over the upstart Sejanus. Jonson may also have been influenced by Tacitus’s report that Augustus had named Arruntius among those worthy to succeed him (see Names of the Actors, 6n.). Cf. below, 400–24n.
244 emp’ror] Q, F1 (Emp’rour); emperor Wh
244–5 The name . . . keep I hope that Tiberius will retain for himself the name of emperor. In fact Tiberius made a point of declining grandiose titles: see below, 375 n.57, 394 n.58, and Dio, 57.8.1–3.
246 Sure Assuredly.
249 n.45 For the succession see Argument, 13n.
45 Nero. Drusus. Caligula.
249 — ha! —] Q ((ha!))
251 their face the outward appearance (as opposed to the heart) of Sejanus’s designs, but with a secondary suggestion of boldness.
252 n.46 Tacitus says that because of the numbers standing between Sejanus and the succession, ‘deceit called for the spacing out of crimes. He decided, however, to take the more devious way, and begin with Drusus’.
46 Tacitus, ibid. [4.3]
255 But . . . out Sooner than that I should fail to find out Sejanus’s secret thought.
255–8 and . . . bed Arruntius’s vow closely anticipates the violence dealt out by the mob in 5.787–807.
256 panting throbbing (OED, Pant v. 3).
257 atomi This Lat. form for ‘atoms’ was the most common in the early 1600s. Cf. Epigr. 133.127, ‘all those atomi ridiculous’, but Fort. Isles, 121, has ‘Spirits and atoms’.
257 to undo] F2 subst; to’vndoe Q, F1
258 knotted bed Possibly ‘the intricately woven base’ [of his designs] (OED, Knotted 1b, Bed 10–11), rather than the ‘tangled cluster of serpents’ suggested by Bolton.
258 You’re] this edn; You’are Q; You are F1
259 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
260 SD.2] this edn; Satrivs. Evdemvs. Seianus Q, F1 subst.; A Gallery discovered opening into the State Room. Enter satrius with eudemus. G, beginning a new scene
260 SD.2 Gifford placed this episode in a ‘Gallery’, as suggested by 1.193; Chambers, ES, 3.115, Barish, 186–7, and Berry (1983), 168–9, support the case for using a gallery. Ayres rejects it, as does Kidnie, who makes Sejanus’s group ‘stand apart’ on the main stage. Such long scenes in the gallery are unusual, because of limited sightlines and audibility, and the ‘gallery’ of 1.193, being that of a house, could be represented on the main stage, with the group of Germanicans, and later Tiberius and the Senators, both at a distance. ‘Let’s walk a turn’ (1.261) supports this interpretation. But Berry argues persuasively that Jonson here exploited ‘stage elevation . . . the gallery in its superior relation to the platform, in illustration’ of the play’s central themes of rising and falling.
263 SD] G (after 264); not in Q, F1
264 Jove and Apollo The first explicit invocation of Roman deities (cf. Virtus and Honor above, 1.124–6n., 197n.) whose implied presence (and often apparent absence) is a feature of the play. Fortune, the most important of them for Sejanus, is mentioned in the next line. Though this is not the goddess, the noun has an initial capital in Q.
265 n.47 Terentii defensionem[Marcus] Terentius’s defence’ (see Names of the Actors, 13n.). Terentius said that he rejoiced at gaining Sejanus’s friendship in part because he had ‘the greatest power to help or to harm’.
47 Lege Terentii defensionem Tacitum, Annales, 6.8.
268 He’s] F1; He’is Q
268 noblest Roman An ironic echo of JC, 5.5.68, ‘This was the noblest Roman of them all.’
268 SD] G; not in Q, F1
272 spoke out declared, proclaimed (OED, Speak v. 36b).
275 virtue skill, expertise.
276 that, Satrius?] Wh. subst.; that? Satrius — Q, F1 subst.
276 grief injury, ailment (cf. 1.195).
279 n.48 Germanici . . . Drusi ‘Sister of Germanicus, wife of Drusus’. Tacitus says that ‘as if fired with love [Sejanus] seduced her into adultery, and after the first shameful act had been achieved (and a woman who has lost her modesty will not deny anything else) he moved her to the hope of marriage, to a partnersip in power, and the murder of her husband’.
48 Germanici soror, uxor Drusi. Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.3.
284 physic medicine; here, cosmetics.
285 fear no colours Proverbial (Dent, C520, TN, 1.5.9), here punning on military colours, as in the original saying, and on the unreliable ‘colours’ of early cosmetics.
286 conceited witty.
287 read deliver.
288 Pray] Q, F1; ’Pray F2
291 n.49 Mater Tiberii ‘Mother of Tiberius’. Augusta was conferred as a title on the dowager empress, Livia Drusilla, in the will of her husband Augustus. It was later used for other senior members of the imperial family. Tacitus and Dio both mention the suspicion that Livia had eased Tiberius’s path to the principate by poisoning his rivals. Suetonius deals only with her falling out with Tiberius, and her death in ad29, when he refused to allow her to be deified.
291 n.49 moritur ‘she dies’.
49 Mater Tiberii. Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1, 2, 3, 4. moritur 5. Suetonium, Tiberius [50–1]. Dionem, Historia Romana, 57, 58.
291 Urgulania Called delicium Livia (‘Livia’s darling’, Jonson’s n.50) by Lipsius, in his marginal note to Annales, 2.34, where Tacitus says her friendship with the Augusta had ‘raised her above the law’.
50 Delicium Augustae. Tacitus, Annales, 2.[34] et 4.[21–2].
292 n.51 Adultera . . . Postumii ‘Adulteress with Julius Postumus’. Mutilia Prisca was another close friend of the Augusta, to whom her lover, Julius Postumus, thus had access (Tacitus, 4.12). She killed herself in the Senate (Dio, 58.4.6).
51 Adultera Julii Postumii. Tacitus, Annales, 4.12.
292 n.52 Pisonis uxor ‘wife of Piso’. Munatia Plancina was suspected with her husband of murdering Germanicus on Tiberius’s instructions (1.159 n.30, 1.167n.). She too was a friend of the Augusta, who protected her when she was charged with murder.
52 Pisonis uxor. Tacitus, Annales, 2, 3 et 4.
298 Go to An exclamation of impatience.
299 You’re] Bolton; Yo’are Q, F1
299 nation A particular class of persons (OED, 6a, citing this line). Frequently used thus by Jonson; see e.g Bart. Fair, 3.5.128, ‘you vile nation of cutpurses’.
300 cabinets repositories of secrets. For this figurative use, cf. OED, 6.
300 n.53 Tacitus says ‘Eudemus, Livia’s friend and doctor, was taken into their confidence, his profession giving a pretext for frequent private meetings.’ Pliny (Nat. Hist., 29.8) describes the ‘adultery . . . of Eudemus with Livia’. Cf. 1.368 n.56.
53 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.3 et Plinium, Naturalis Historia, 29.1.
301 privacies (1) intimacies (OED, †5); (2) private parts (OED, †4b, dated 1656).
302 pleasant witty, amiable, but also willing to please; continuing the sexual innuendo.
304–10 I . . . it Cf. Discoveries, 1147–51 on flatterers as informers.
305 smells] Q, F2, F3 (smels); smel’s F1
305 violet Early modern medicine attributed a wide range of curative powers to preparations made from the violet, but it was also symbolic of love (OED, 1d) and faithfulness (cf. Ham., 4.5.180–1).
305 siege excrement (OED, †3c); analyses of urine and excrement were the primary diagnostic tools of classical and early modern medicine.
306 her] F1; the Q
306 stool commode (OED, 5a).
307–10 Which . . . it Jonson adapts the same passage from Martial (9.37.3–5) in Cynthia (F), 4.1.113–15 and Epicene, 4.2.74–82 (H&S).
310 box Perhaps an obscene double entendre, as in Bart. Fair, 1.4.19–20: ‘Pray God . . . your clerk, be not looking i’the wrong box.’
314 intergatories interrogatories, questions. Cf. Cynthia (Q), 4.4.9 (H&S).
314 but merely.
315 Augusta The dowager empress; see above, 291 n.49.
315–16 perverse . . . fit bad-tempered and hard to please in her temperament.
316 She’s] F1; Shee’is Q
320–1 quaintly . . . strange For quaintly as ‘elegantly, attractively’ see OED, 3, but Sejanus’s language becomes more aggressively sexual, since ‘quaint’ was also ‘cunt’ (OED, †Quaint n.1), and ‘strange woman’, as Ayres notes, meant ‘harlot’ (OED, Strange adj. 4, citing Bart. Fair, 2.4.55).
321 she’s] F1; sh’is Q
323 He breathes not There is no person alive.
323 on] F1; the Q
327 coarsest] Q, F1 (coursest)
330–2 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
330 These virtuous definitions that people talk idly about. (‘Your’ is generic.)
332 The truly honourable deeds are those that serve self-interest.
336 your own your own secret counsels.
337 faith trustworthiness.
340 See above, 300 n.53 for the use of Eudemus as go-between.
54 Consule Tacitum, Annales, 4.3.
340 you should if you should.
343 jealous suspicious, mistrustful (OED, 5).
343 Happily (1) ‘Happily’, (2) ‘perhaps’ (Ayres).
350 n.55 See above, 279 n.48.
55 Tacitus, ibid.
354 gardens, whither] F1; Gardens. whether Q
355 Aesculapius Greek god of medicine, worshipped also in Rome, where he had a temple on the island in the Tiber.
356 physic,] this edn; physic! F1; Physic: Q
356 outspeaks is of superior significance to (OED, †1, citing this as earliest example).
358 it!] F1; it, Q
359 juleps] F2 subst.; Iulebes Q; iulebes F1
359 juleps sweetened drinks, in this case used to mask medicines.
359 apozems infusions.
360 Magistral Of a concoction ‘devised by a physician for a particular case; not included in the recognized pharmacopoeia’ (OED, 2a).
363–5 Fortune . . . wishes The first mention of Sejanus’s ‘one deity’ (5.81). Briggs noted the adaptation of Lucan, De Bello Civili: ‘how ill Fortune deserves, who only comes after your prayers’ (5.581–3). Cf. above, 264n.
364 deserved, thus] Barish; deseru’d thus Q, F1
365 To come . . . wishes To be so tardy in rewarding your merits and answering your desires.
366 Ambition] ”Ambition Q; “Ambition F1
366 than need than does need.
367 n.56 Eudemus . . . secretis For this direct quotation from Tacitus, see above, 300 n.53.
367 n.56 in . . . Medicorum ‘on the accusation against doctors’. A misleading reference, taken from Lipsius: Pliny’s word crimine, ‘through crime’ in fact refers to Aesculapius’s sin in bringing Tyndareus back to life, not to Eudemus’s less ambitious activities.
56 Eudemus specie artis frequens secretis. Tacitus, ibid. Vide Plinium, Naturalis Historia 29.1.[3] in criminatione Medicorum.
368 oft-times] F1; oftimes Q
371 endures tolerates.
373 Pallas Title of Athena, Greek goddess of wisdom (and hence of ‘wit’); in Rome identified with Minerva.
374 SD] this edn; Tiberivs. Seianvs. Drvsvs. Q, F1 subst.; Enter tiberius and drusus, attended, G
375 SH tiberius] Tib. Q; not in F1
375 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
375 n.57 De . . . Principatus ‘On the beginning of Tiberius’s principate’. Tacitus describes (1.72) Tiberius’s refusal to take the title patris patriae (‘father of the country’), which had been held by Augustus, but notes the undermining of such claims to be a mere ‘citizen’ by his revival of the lex maiestatis, the law of treason which could only apply to him as head of state. 4.6 describes Tiberius initially allowing free discussion in the Senate, and checking any lapses into flattery (adulationem lapsos cohibebat ipse). Suetonius says: ‘He was so hostile to flattery that he would not let any senator approach his litter, either to honour him or on business, and when an ex-consul, apologizing, tried to embrace his knees, he fell over backwards trying to avoid him.’ Tacitus, 1.13, identifies the ex-consul as Haterius.
57 De initio Tiberii Principatus vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.72, 4.6, et Suetonium, Tiberius, 27. De Haterio vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.13.
376 axes, rods The fasces, bundles of rods bound around an axe, which were the emblems of authority, carried before the consuls and other magistrates by lictors. Tacitus describes the fasces being carried reversed for the funeral of Germanicus (3.2).
378 Look . . . us With eyes raised as to an equal; but Jonson’s punctuation also suggests Tiberius wants to be looked up to.
379 How . . . Caesar! Berry (1983, 169) suggests Sejanus is here looking down from the gallery, Jonson envisaging the imperial palace as a contemporary Roman palazzo, with a loggia overlooking the central court. See above, 260 SD.2n. Sejanus has nothing to say between this statement and line 503, giving Burbage at least five minutes to come down from the gallery.
379–88 There . . . name Ayres notes that these are not asides, but that since Tiberius and his followers cannot hear them, the Germanicans must occupy a distinct area of the stage.
380 second second piece of flattery (following the kneeling supplicant of 1.375), not a ‘follower’ as Barish suggests.
380 that’s no flattery Said sardonically.
381–3 Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 4.70–1, on the Emperor Domitian: ‘there is nothing he is not able to believe of himself when he is praised as equal to the gods’ (Gifford).
384 meanly ignobly, not like a prince, whose more subtle behaviour is described in the following lines. Tiberius cannot afford to do anything so ‘mean’ as accept flattery like Sejanus’s in public.
385 your Generic, as in 330 above.
385 confederacy conspiracy. OED, 1b, quotes Bart. Fair, 1.2.45–6: ‘Why, this is a confederacy, a mere piece of practice upon her by these impostors!’
386–8 To . . . name The later account of Tiberius’s secret love of flattery (1.410–18) clarifies these lines: the parasite’s role is to make up in private for the flatteries the prince must reject in public to gain a reputation for modesty and integrity.
386 private Here in the senses both of ‘not holding public office’ and ‘belonging to one person’.
388 SD] this edn; not in Q, F1
388 lord —] F1; Lord. Q
389–90 Cf. R2, 3.2.215–16: ‘He does me double wrong / That wounds me with the flatteries of his tongue.’
389 make up stop up (OED, Make v.1 96d, citing this line).
390 charming magical, enchanting. Cf. Lovers MM, 93–4: ‘stop your ears against the charming god. / His every word falls from him is a snare.’
391 contumelies insults. Ayres suggests Jonson is recalling the Lat. use of contumelia to mean ‘assault’, thus reinforcing the oxymoron of ‘assaults / Of charming tongues’. But in Lat. as English the connotations remain those of insult and abuse.
392 Or Either.
394 n.58 Tacitus records that Tiberius repeated his refusal of the title father of the country (see above, 375 n.57), ‘and sharply rebuked those who called his occupations divine and he himself Lord (dominus)’. Suetonius also describes him rejecting the title dominus (27). For Tiberius’s speech to the Senate quoted by Suetonius, Tiberius, 29, see below, 441 n.64.
58 Consule Tacitum, Annales, 2.87. Et Suetonium, Tiberius, 27 et 29.
395 n.59 Nullam . . . diligebat ‘Tiberius esteemed none of his virtues as high as dissimulation.’ Cf. Machiavelli, Il Principe, 18: ‘But it is necessary to know well how to colour this attribute, and to be a great pretender and dissimulator’ (Ma è necessario questa natura saperla bene colorire, et essere gran simulatore e dissimulatore).
59 Nullam aeque Tiberius, ex virtutibus suis quam dissimulationem diligebat. Tacitus, Annales, 4.71.
396–7 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
396–7 Cf. Discoveries, 796–9 with the marginal title Mores aulici (‘Customs of the Court’): ‘I have discovered that a feigned familiarity in great ones is a note of certain usurpation on the less. For great and popular men feign themselves to be servants to others, to make those slaves to them. So the fisher provides baits for the trout, roach, dace etc., that they may be food to him’ (W. D. Briggs, ed. 1911).
400 stay await.
400–24 If . . . offenders Briggs suggests this speech, and that of Sabinus at 4.161–6, are anachronistic since a Roman republican would not prefer even ‘a virtuous prince’ to ‘our old liberty’. For Jonson’s probable attitude, see Introduction.
401 words,] F1; wordes. Q
402 blest] F1; blist Q
402 were] F1; where Q
402 Rome!] G; Rome? Q, F1
403 We could not imagine another state that would be better than the one we have under Tiberius (if he were as worthy as his word).
405 n.60 Bruti . . . Catonis ‘Of Brutus, Cassius, Cato’.
405–6 Imitating Martial, 11.5.5–14, addressed to Nerva: ‘If our ancient fathers . . . should come back, if it was allowed to empty Elysium, Camillus, unconquered in the name of liberty, will honour you, Fabricius will accept the gold you offer, Brutus will rejoice in you as his commander, the cruel Sulla will surrender his power to you when he lays it down, the great Captain [Pompey], with Caesar as a private citizen, will love you, Crassus will give all his wealth to you. If Cato himself should return, called back from the infernal shades of Dis, even he will be a follower of Caesar’ (Briggs).
60 Bruti, Cassii, Catonis, etc.
407–9 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
407–9 Translating Claudian, On Stilicho’s consulship, 3.113–15: ‘He is deceived who thinks it servitude beneath a noble (egregius) prince. Liberty never looks more attractive (gratior) than under a good king’ (Gifford). These two lines are underlined and marked with one of Jonson’s flower symbols in his copy of Claudian (see above, 152–4n.). Cf. Milton, Tenure of Kings and Magistrates: ‘look how great a good and happiness a just king is, so great a mischief is a tyrant’ (Complete Prose, ed. Wolfe, 1952–82, 3.212).
410 lip-good good in words, not deeds.
410 n.61 de . . . Tiberii ‘on the character of Tiberius’. Dio describes Tiberius’s ‘most peculiar nature’ at length, stressing his habitual dissimulation and hypocrisy (cf. 395 n.59 above), and the dangers of both misunderstanding and understanding him: both could lead to death.
61 Vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.1.1 de moribus Tiberii.
413–14 strokes . . . him ‘Strokes’ are commonly contrasted with ‘strikes’ (cf. Epigr. 61.2; OED, Stroke v.1 1c and e); but although ‘stripes’ can be synonymous with punitive ‘strikes’, the meaning here is more likely to be derived from the way flatterers ‘rub gently . . . by way of charm’ (OED, Strike v. 3c).
416–17 he . . . ears Proverbial for being easily led by flattery: see Dent, E21, quoting (as do OED, and H&S) Chapman’s May Day, 3.1.154–5: ‘An arrant rook by this light; a capable cheating stock; a man may carry him up and down by the ears like a pipkin’ (Comedies, ed. Holaday, 1970a, 347). Horace, Carmina (‘Odes’) 1.9.8, refers to the diota, a ‘two eared’ wine jar that held the Sabine wine, as Jonson’s acquaintance John Bond noted in his important 1606 edition of Q. Horatii Flacci Poemata.
421–4 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
421 n.62 Tyrannis . . . principem ‘For the most part, tyranny in a prince arises above all from excessive flattery.’ Not a quotation from any pre-1605 Lat. translations of Aristotle I have seen. Though Jonson cites chs. 10 and 11 of Bk 5 of the Politics, which deal with monarchy and tyranny, there is no mention of flattery in 10. The nearest equivalent is in 11: ‘Hence tyrants are always fond of bad men, because they love to be flattered’ (1314a); cf. also 4.4, 1292a, and Son., 114.2, ‘the monarch’s plague, this flattery’. In chapter 23 of Il Principe Machiavelli had made almost the opposite argument, that listening to flatterers weakened the prince.
421 n.62 Delatorum auctoritate ‘On the encouragement of informers’.
421 n.62 Sub . . . praemia ‘Under which special rewards were voted for accusers’. A modified quotation from Suetonius, Tiberius, 61 (see above, 64 n.15).
62 Tyrannis fere oritur ex nimia procerum adulatione, in principem. Aristoteles, Politica, 5.11 et Delatorum auctoritate. Lege Tacitum, Dionem, Suetonium, Tiberius, per totum. Sub quo decreta accusatoribus praecipua praemia. Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 61 et Senecam, De Beneficiis, 3.26.
423 grace favour, privilege. Cf. the same association of ‘grace’ with tyranny, flattery, and informers in 1.70–2.
426 fools and blind Echoing Matthew, 23.17–19, addressed to the ‘hypocrites’, i.e. dissemblers: ‘Ye fools and blind. Whether is greater, the gold, or the Temple that sanctifieth the gold? . . . Ye fools and blind, whether is greater, the offering, or the altar which sanctifieth the offering?’ (Geneva Bible).
427 n.63 Tineas . . . Victor ‘Sextus Aurelius Victor called them the worms and shrews of the Palatine’ (Spadonum et aulicorum omnium vehemens domitor tineas soricesque palatii eos appellans, Epitome de Caesaribus, 41.10).
427 n.63 qui . . . laudatum ‘they defame [the legate Manlius Valens] by secret accusations of which he is unaware, and so that he might be deceived while off guard, praise him openly’ (slightly misquoting Tacitus).
63 Tineas, Soricesque Palatii vocat istos Sextus Aurelius Victor et Tacitus, Historiae 1.64 qui secretis criminationibus infamant ignarum, et quo incautior deciperetur, palam laudatum, etc.
427 bane poison.
428–9 Proverbial. Dent, F346.11: ‘Flatterers are worse than crows (ravens).’ Thomas Forrest attributes it to Antisthenes: ‘Antisthenes’ opinion was, that it were better to be in company with crows, than with flatterers, for crows will but devour the body when it is dead, but the other will eat up a man alive.’ A Perfect looking-glass for all estates (1580), sig. F3v, margin.
431 abide wait for.
432 We must do what is allowed by decorum as well as what is needed.
433–4 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
433 Recalling Horace, Satirae (‘Satires’), 2.1.18–19, which Jonson had translated in Poet., 3.5.31–3: ‘But if I watch not a most chosen time, / The humble words of Flaccus cannot climb / Th’attentive ear of Caesar.’ Cf. also Julius Caesar’s deafness (JC, 1.2.213).
436 Do not deny that I invoke you now.
436 now)] this edn; now.) Q, F1; now,) F2
437–8 Of all . . . flatterer ‘Preserve me from a tyrant, who is the most terrifying of all wild beasts, and from a flatterer, the worst of all tame beasts.’ From Plutarch, who attributes the saying to Bias, Quomodo adulator ab amico internoscatur (‘How to tell a flatterer from a friend’), 19 (Moralia, 61c), and to Thales, who denies it, attributing it to Pittacus, in Septem sapientum convivium (‘The Dinner of the Seven Wise Men’), 2 (Moralia, 147b).
439 Return Deliver to, answer.
439 voice:] Barish; voice, Q, F1 subst.
439 creature,] Wh; Creature: Q, F1 subst.
439 creature servant.
441 n.64 Lines 439–46 translate the speech reported by Suetonius, already partially used at 1.392–4: ‘I have said both now and often at other times, conscript Fathers, that a good and helpful prince to whom you have furnished such great and unconstrained power ought to be a servant to the Senate, often to the whole body of citizens, and frequently even of individuals; nor do I regret having said this, but I have always held you, and still do hold you, to be good, just and indulgent masters.’ Cf. Dio, 57.8.22–3.
64 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 29 et Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.7.1–5.
441 instructed furnished, provided; translating Suetonius’s instruxistis. In English nearly always meaning ‘to furnish with knowledge’ (always thus in Shakespeare), but OED, Instruct v. †4 is close to the wider Lat. meaning.
442 dilate widely extended (Lat. dilatatus, though here translating tanta).
443 office performance (OED, 2c). Cf. Temp., 1.1.32–3: ‘A plague upon this howling! They are louder than the weather, or our office.’
445 e’er] Q (ere)
446 fav’ring] F1; fauo’ring Q
445–6 us The royal plural. (As also with ‘Our’ in 451.)
447–8 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
448 To a] G; To’a Q; T’a F1
450 want fail.
451 prevent come before; from Lat. praevenio, –ire.
452 empire sovereignty, supreme power; from Lat. imperium.
454 n.65 Tacitus, 4.37, says that ‘At about the same time Further Spain petitioned the Senate, through a legation, to be allowed to build a shrine, after the example of Asia, to Tiberius and his mother. On this occasion, the Caesar, robustly contemptuous of honours at any time, and now convinced a response was due to the gossip which said he had given way to vanity, began his speech in this manner: “I know, conscript Fathers, that my consistency has been questioned by many, because recently I was not opposed to a similar petition from the Asian cities. I will therefore lay open both the case for my earlier silence, and what principles I will follow in future. Since the deified Augustus had not prohibited the erection of a temple at Pergamum to himself and the City of Rome, I, who observe all his deeds and sayings in place of laws, followed that pleasing precedent, the more readily in that to my worship was joined the veneration of the Senate. And yet, though once to have accepted may be pardonable, yet to be consecrated in the image of a god through all the provinces would be vain and arrogant; and the honour given Augustus will disappear if it is vulgarized by such promiscuous flatteries. [4.38] As for me, conscript Fathers, I wish you to witness, and posterity to remember, that I am mortal and limited to the functions of mankind, and I hold it enough if I can adequately fill the foremost place. They will pay enough, and more, honour to my memory if they believe me to have been worthy of my ancestors, careful of your interests, constant in danger, not afraid of unpopularity in the cause of the State. These are my temples in your hearts, these are my fairest and most lasting monuments. For those which are raised of stone, if the judgement of posterity turns to hatred, are scorned as sepulchres. I pray therefore to our allies, our citizens, and the gods themselves, that the latter may give me to the end of my life a tranquil mind and an understanding of human and divine laws, and the former that, whenever I shall cease to be, they will honour the deeds and reputation attached to my name with praise and kind recollections.”’
65 Tacitus, Annales, 4.37, 38.
461 after-purpose future intentions. Not in OED, but such constructions were common in seventeenth-century English: cf. Epigr. 51.8, ‘after-state’, 56.11, ‘after-times’, and OED, After-.
462–4 deified . . . Rome Augustus (then Octavian) promoted the joint worship of himself and Rome in Pergamum (modern Bergama, in Turkey) in 29bc as a way of encouraging romanization. Pergamum was one of the main cities of the Roman province of Asia. The cult was later extended to other provinces (see below, 472).
465 n.66 Strabonem Strabo’s Geography: ‘Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father’ (Loeb).
66 Consule Strabonem, 6.[4.2] de Tiberio.
468 Senate’s reverence Veneration of the Senate; veneratio senatus in Tacitus, 4.37.
468 also there] Barish; also, there, Q, F1
469–73 To have once accepted such deification may be pardonable, but to continue to allow it across the empire would show excessive ambition and pride.
470 gain reward, profit.
470 so] Barish; so, Q, F1
471 note ‘name or distinctive appellation’ (OED, Note n.2 †6).
472 wild ambition Commonly characterized thus later in the century, perhaps following this example, e.g. by Dryden, Absolom and Achitophel, 198, and Cowley, Ode Upon Liberty, 9.
478 can Used elliptically: ‘can perform’ (OED, Can v.1 8).
484–90 Echoing Horace on completing his third book: ‘a monument more lasting than brass and higher than the pyramid’s royal pile’ (Odes, 3.30.1–2).
486 during enduring.
492 The one The gods.
492 race life. A common metaphor, favoured by Cicero; see e.g. Pro Sestio (‘For Sestius’), 21.47: vitae brevem . . . cursum, gloriae sempiternum (‘the short race of life, the everlasting glory’). Cf. also Hebrews, 12.1: ‘let us run with patience the race that is set before us’.
494 human] Q, F1 (humane)
495 The other Men.
498–502 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
498–502 Based on Tacitus, 4.38: ‘All other things come at once to princes. [But] one thing they must seek insatiably: a glorious memory. For in contempt of fame is the contempt of virtue.’ This is said against Tiberius, not by him. H&S note Jonson repeats the aphorism in Queens, 605–6, Gypsies (Windsor), 394-400, 1079–80, and Chlor., 209–12.
503–4 Though these three speeches could be delivered from the gallery, it is more likely that if 1.261–379 was played there, Sejanus and his followers have by now come down to the main stage.
503 divine!] F1; diuine. Q
503 The . . . ceased The pagan oracles were said to have been silenced by the birth of Christ; see Prudentius, Apotheosis, 435–3; Micah, 5.12; Milton, On the Morning of Christ’s Nativity, 173–80, Paradise Regained, 1.455–9. W. D. Briggs (ed. Sejanus) cites Selden, Table Talk, 95: ‘Oracles ceased presently after Christ, as soon as nobody believed them.’ Thus, like Satrius’s ‘divine’, Sejanus’s flattery is restoring to Tiberius the divinity he has rejected. James I had compared his clarity favourably with the obscurity of the oracles in a widely read speech at the opening of his first parliament in Mar. 1604.
505 gone!] this edn; gone, Q, F1
505 felt palpable.
508–9 A statue of Fortuna equestris, given by the Roman equestrian order pro valetudine Augusta (‘for the [recovery of the] health of the Augusta’) was placed in a temple dedicated to the goddess at Antium (Tacitus, 3.71). Cf. Horace, Odes, 1.35, addressed to the goddess Fortuna who presides over Antium (modern Anzio).
67 Tacitus, [Annales,] 3.71.
68 Fortuna equestris, ibid.
511 n.69 Tacitus, 3.72: ‘Marcus Lepidus petitioned the Senate that he might restore and decorate the Basilica of Paulus, a monument of the Aemilians, at his own expense.’
69 Tacitus, ibid. [3.72].
514 n.70 Tacitus, 3.69: Tiberius suggested to the Senate that since Gyarus, where Silanus was to be exiled, was barren, he should instead be sent to the island of Cythnus (Lipsius gives ‘Cythera’ for ‘Cythnus’).
70 Tacitus, Annales, 3.69.
515 Cythera, at] F1 subst.; Cithera. at Q
516 n.71 Torquata . . . Romae ‘Torquata a vestal virgin, whose memory marble preserves at Rome’. The reference is to two inscriptions (Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, 1862, 6.1.2127 and 2128) which are on statue bases in the House of the Vestals, their formal residence behind the temple of Vesta. Lipsius’s commentary on Tacitus, 3.69, from which Jonson is quoting, gives the two inscriptions.
71 Torquata virgo vestalis, cuius memoriam servat marmor Romae. Vide Lipsium commentarios in Tacito.
518 n.72 Tacitus says that ‘the Caesar promised to rebuild Pompey’s theatre, which had been destroyed by an accidental fire . . . At the same time he lauded Sejanus, in that it was through his exertions and watchfulness that so great a conflagration had been confined to one building; and the Fathers voted a statue to Sejanus, to be placed in Pompey’s theatre.’ The theatre, first of its kind in Rome, was in the Campus Martius, near the Pantheon.
72 Tacitus, Annales, 3.72.
519 advance raise (OED, 9).
528 Blush not, Sejanus The fact that Sejanus makes no reply does not necessarily mean he is still in the gallery. Though the text gives no indication that Tiberius has become aware of his presence, he probably acknowledges Sejanus at this point, bestowing these honours before a grand exit.
528 n.73 Jonson cites two passages of Tacitus: ‘Tiberius, yielding and readily favourable, acclaimed him as the partner of his labours, not only in private conversations, but among the Fathers and the ordinary people’ (4.2); and Drusus’s complaint of ‘a stranger being invited to be a helper in [Tiberius’s] rule’ (4.7).
73 Tacitus, Annales, 4.2, 7.
530 force rape.
532 take undertake (OED, 19a).
533 hyperboles] F2; Hyperbole’s Q, F1 subst.
534–40 Though this partially translates Terentius’s speech in his own defence (Tacitus, 6.8), these lines refer as much to contemporary politics as to Tiberian. Both Elizabeth and James insisted that the arcana imperii, the ‘mysteries of state’, were their prerogative, not to be meddled with by Parliament or the courts. H&S noted that Thomas Fuller quoted an abridged version of Jonson’s lines in The Holy State (1642): ‘But princes have their grounds reared above the flats of common men; and who will search the reasons of their actions must stand on an equal basis with them’ (4.1.6). Cf. Macro’s soliloquy, 3.714–49, esp. 718–20. Tiberius’s denial of flattery might likewise have reminded contemporaries of James’s condemnation of flattery as ‘the pest of all princes’ in Basilikon Doron (Selected Writings, ed, Rhodes, 2003, 235), which was circulating in England before his accession. Cf. Jonson’s predictably flattering use of this in Epigr. 36.4.
534 flattering] G; flat’ring Q, F1 subst.
537–40 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
537 still always.
537 grounds justifying motives.
539 who whoever.
542 n.74 Seneca writes that ‘A statue was being voted for him to be placed in the theatre of Pompey, which Caesar was restoring after a fire. Cordus exclaimed “Now the theatre really is ruined.” And why not! Was he not to explode with anger, to see Sejanus placed on the ashes of Pompey, a false soldier honoured in the memorial of the greatest of generals?’ The reference to Seneca is given by Lipsius, note to Tacitus, 3.72.
74 Vide Senecam, Ad Marciam de Consolatione, 22.[4–5].
545 world,] G; world! F1; world: Q
546 bruise crush.
548 n.75, 552 n.76 Tacitus, 4.3: ‘Drusus, impatient of a rival and prone to sudden anger, had raised his hand to Sejanus in a chance quarrel, and being resisted [contra tendentis], hit him in the face.’ 4.7: ‘[Sejanus] was in fear of an avenger whose enmity was not hidden, and who often complained of a stranger being invited to be a helper in [Tiberius’s] rule while his son still lived. And how long would it be before he was called a colleague? The first steps toward power were hard; but once taken, a party and helpers were at hand . . . already his statue could be seen among the monuments of Pompey . . . after this, they could only pray for modesty, and that he would be contented.’
75 Tacitus, Annales, 4.3, 7.
550 praise? . . . mate?] Q; praise! . . . mate! F1
551 rival partner. Not in OED in this sense, but H&S note its use in Ham., 1.1.13, ‘the rivals of my watch’, where the quarto of 1605 prints ‘partners of my watch’. Jonson’s use here also, however, suggests the tensions inherent in the near parity between Sejanus and Tiberius.
551 Empire?] Q; empire! F1
76 Tacitus, ibid.
553 Brave Bravo! (Cf. 1.565).
554–6 ] gnomic pointing in Q, F1
555 or either.
558 Modesty The goddess Pudicitia. The shrine of Pudicitia Patricia stood in the Forum Boarium; that of Pudicitia Plebeia was in a private house (Livy, 10.23.6–10).
558 contented —] F1; contented Q
559 emperor] Wh; Emp’rour Q, F1 subst.
559 SD] this edn; Seianvs. &c. Q; Seianvs, Drvsvs, Arrvntivs, &c. F1; He enters followd with clients. F1 in margin
560 SH sejanus] Sei. Q; not in F1
560 bill any official document. The next line suggests they are letters of appointment, meaning Sejanus’s clients have been given a position by the Emperor, such as the ‘tribune’s place’ Sejanus is selling at 1.182–3. Sale of offices through favourites had become a notorious feature of the late Elizabethan court (see Introduction and 1.183 n.35.).
561 moved made a request.
563 over us An ellipsis: walk over us, but with the secondary suggestion that he will rise over Drusus in power.
564 Colossus At this date specifically a gigantic statue. Cf. JC, 1.2.135–6: ‘He doth bestride the narrow world / Like a Colossus.’
564 lift lift the hand threateningly. Not in OED but, as Ayres says, the passage from Tacitus cited in n.77 (see following) clarifies the meaning. Lipsius noted that to raise the hand thus was still (1590s) an insult among Italians.
565 n.77 Tacitus . . . legitur ‘We follow Tacitus . . . although in Dio and Zonaras it is read otherwise.’ For Annales, 4.3, see above, 548 n.75. Dio (57.22.1) says that Sejanus hit Drusus, and fearing the resultant enmity of both Drusus and Tiberius, decided to poison the former.
565 n.77 Zonaram Joannes Zonaras compiled a twelfth-century Epitome of Histories based (for this period) on Dio, including Dio’s now-lost books.
77 Tacitum sequimur, Annales, 4.3 quanquam apud Dionem, et Zonaram, alitur legitur.
565 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
566 SD.2] G; not in Q, F1
566 At gaze Gazing in an attitude of bewilderment (OED, 3b).
567, 569 thy Drusus’s use of the second person singular is contemptuous; cf. 3.275–82n.
567 spirits] F1; spirit Q
568 dull camel] F1 subst.; dull, Camel Q, corr. by pen in Townshend Q
568 camel Shakespeare’s similar use as a term of abuse in Tro. suggests it signified a man fit only to be used as a beast of burden, not simply ‘a great awkward hulking fellow’ as OED, 1b states. See Tro., 1.2.250, ‘Achilles! a drayman, a porter, a very camel’, and 2.1.51 (Thersites to Ajax), ‘do, rudeness; do, camel, do, do’.
569 brav’ry finery (OED, 3b); but referring also to Sejanus’s swaggering manner (OED, 1).
570 advance raise.
571 bulk Used to mean both a large body (cf. Tro., 4.4.130, ‘the great bulk Achilles’) and a carcass (OED, Bulk n.1 †2b and c).
571 n.78 Servile . . . constet ‘Crucifixion was a servile and most ignominious type of death amongst the Romans as is shown in Livy himself, Tacitus . . . Dio and nearly all the ancient writers, especially historians.’
571 n. 78 pone . . . servo ‘crucify that slave’ (Juvenal, Satires, 6.219). This and the other references in this note appear to be taken from Lipsius, De cruce (Antwerp, 1594), 26–8.
78 Servile (apud Romanos) et ignominiosissimum mortis genus erat supplicium Crucis, ut ex Livio ipso [1.26] Tacito [Historiae 2.72, 4.11] Dione et omnibus fere antiquis, praesertim historicis constet. Vide Plautum in Mile Glorioso [372–3], Amphitruone [793], Aulularia [59], Horatium, Sermones 1.3.[82], Petronium in Satyrico [126] et Juvenalem, Satura, 6.[219] pone crucem servo, etc.
575 A . . . Castor!] F1 (capitals); Ac Castor, a Castor, a Castor, &c. Q
575 n.79 Sic . . . cognominatus ‘So Drusus was called because of his violent temper.’ Dio gives the sobriquet, but neither Xylander (1592), 701 nor Lipsius explain it. It derives from the fierceness of a gladiator of that name, mentioned by Horace, Epistles, 1.18.19, and identified by Bond in his 1606 edition.
79 Sic Drusus ob violentiam cognominatus. Vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.[14.9].
575 SD] G; Seianvs. Q, F1
576 SH sejanus] Sei. Q; not in F1
576–9 Translating Seneca, Medea, 151–4: ‘Whoever has born heavy blows with patience and a calm mind has been able to repay them. Anger which is hidden causes harm; professed hatred loses the chance of revenge.’
578 Wrath] F1; ”Wrath Q
578 carries fate i.e. is deadly in intent and effect.
579 Revenge] F1; “Reuenge Q
579 profess merely express.
580 practice plot, intrigue.
581 fell fierce, deadly.
581 This . . . new This insult I have just received from Drusus has christened anew my revenge, turning it to an active pursuit.
581 SD.1] G; not in Q, F1
581 SD.2] this edn; Mv. Chorvs. Q; Chorus of musicians F1
581 SD.1 Musicorum Chorus Chorus of Musicians. Inter-act music, an innovation in the public theatres, providing an equivalent to the ‘proper chorus’ of classical tragedy (see ‘To the Readers’, 6 and note).
ACTUS SECUNDUS ] Q; Act. Ⅱ. F1; ACT Ⅱ. SCENE 1. / The Garden of Eudemus. G
0 SD] G subst.; Seianvs. Livia. Evdemus. Q
1 SH sejanus] Sei. Q; not in F1
Actus Secundus 1–138 Gifford places the first part of this act in ‘The Garden of Eudemus’, as suggested at 1.354, but there is no reference to location within the dialogue in this scene, and the stage may have remained bare, making the transition to Tiberius’s palace (2.139) smoother.
3 greatest Livia Livia, greatest among the great.
5 aught . . . means any adequate way.
9 this potion The phrase could suggest that a vial of poison is now visible in Livia’s hands, or it may simply mean ‘this poison we have talked about’.
9 n.1 For Tacitus, 4.3, see 1.279 n.48. Tacitus, 4.8: ‘Therefore Sejanus, having decided to press on, chose a poison which, introduced little by little, simulated the progress of a natural illness.’
1 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.3, 4.8.
11 abled endowed with ability. Cf. Donne, Progress of the Soul, 131: ‘The plant thus abled, to itself did force’ (Poems, ed. Grierson, 1.300). Jonson uses the negative form in Epicene, 5.4.37: ‘Utterly unabled in nature, by reason of frigidity’.
12 n.2 Tacitus, 4.8: ‘It was given to Drusus by the eunuch Lygdus, as became known eight years later.’
2 Tacitus, ibid. [4.8]
14 cup-bearer An addition of Jonson’s. As Ayres notes it suggests a homosexual relationship (cf. 24 n.3 below), derived from Jove’s relationship with his cup-bearer Ganymede.
19 laboured contrived with difficulty, elaborate.
21 gold] F1; ”Gold Q
21 gold . . . charm Varying such proverbial uses as ‘Gold is a cordial’ and ‘Gold is a god’ (Dent, G282.10 – G282.11).
24 n.3 Spadonis . . . devinxit ‘He ensnared the eunuch in a debauched relationship.’
3 Spadonis animum stupro devinxit. Tacitus, ibid. [4.10].
26–7 like . . . trembles Cf. Und. 59.7–8, where the trembling but mounting fire makes the fencers more ‘rarefied’ (line 10), just as Sejanus claims the fires of love have rarefied him in 32 below.
32 through-rarefied purified throughout. Cf. EMO, 2.3.83–4: ‘how their wits are refined and rarefied’.
35 flash (1) brief flare, as opposed to the flame (32) of Sejanus’s love; (2) fop, flashy person. See OED, Flash n.2 †5, citing this as earliest example, but cf. also Sir Petronell Flash in East. Ho! and Randolph, Aristippus (1630), 636: ‘an admirable witty rogue, a very flash’.
36 Briggs notes the origin in Horace, Odes, 1.12.46–8: micat inter omnes / Iulium sidus, velut inter ignes / luna minores, ‘the Julian constellation shines amongst all, as the moon among lesser lights’.
40 Augusta’s star] marked with a note anchor in Q, but no marginal note
40 Augusta’s See 1.291 n.49. Ayres is wrong in referring to a note by Jonson at this point: in Q ‘Augusta’s’ is marked with a superscript letter for a note which was never printed (see Textual Essay, Electronic Edition).
42 n.4 Germanici uxor ‘The wife of Germanicus’. For Agrippina, see Names of the Actors, 18n.
4 Germanici uxor.
44 folded arms folded around each other in an embrace.
46 SD] Bolton; not in Q, F1
48 Illustrous Illustrious, shining; continuing (as Ayres notes) the imagery of bright light. Cf. Cynthia (Q), 3.4.70 and (F), 3.4.94.
48 Stay –] F1; stay. Q
48 SD] Bolton; not in Q, F1
53 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
54 fruition enjoyment, possession.
59 means . . .  it Referring to Eudemus.
60 fucus make-up, originally rouge (Lat. fucus, red dye), but here white (61). In Cynthia (F), 5.4.338–9, it is made of ‘sublimate, and crude mercury, sir, well prepared and dulcified, with the jaw-bones of a sow, burnt, beaten, and searced’.
62 scarlet rich cloth (almost invariably red at this time), here specifically the small piece used by women to apply cosmetics. In Devil the ‘admirable varnish for the face’ is ‘rubbed on / With a piece of scarlet’ (4.4.36–8). Cf. Volp., 3.4.63: ‘And these applied with a right scarlet-cloth’. Not in OED in this sense.
63 ceruse Originally white lead (Lat. cerussa), commonly used as make-up. By 1605 any foundation cream or similar cosmetic. An elaborate recipe is given in Devil, 4.4.52–3, to make ‘oglio reale, / A ceruse neither cold or heat will hurt’. Massinger may have recalled this passage in Duke of Milan, 5.2.184–5: ‘Your Ladyship looks pale / But I, your doctor, have a ceruse for you’ (Plays and Poems, ed. Edwards and Gibson, 1978, 1.297).
63 n.5 Cerussa . . . timebat ‘Ceruse, among the Romans, was one of the artificial colours which feared the sun because of its heat.’
63 n.5 Quam . . . solem ‘As much as whitened Fabulla fears a storm, / Cerused Sabella dreads the sun.’
5 Cerussa (apud Romanos) inter fictitios colores erat, et quae solem ob calorem timebat. Vide Martialem, Epigrammaton, 2.41.10–11 Quam cretata timet Fabulla nimbum, Cerussata timet Sabella solem.
65 love!] Q (loue?)
67 ]in parentheses in Q, F1
71–2 livia . . . withal] in parentheses in Q, F1
73 strange extreme, abnormal.
73 insolent extravagant, immoderate (OED, †3), often with a sexual connotation for women, as in Devil, 2.3.3–5: ‘to tempt your wife / With all the insolent uncivil language / Or action he could vent?’. Cf. Cowley, Guardian, 5.2.49–50: ‘Are not their lusts unruly, insolent, / And as commanding as their beauties are?’
74 addition style of address, and in heraldry something added to a coat of arms (OED, 4, †5).
74 bear out give specious support to.
76 study undertaking, attempt.
78–81 ’Tis . . . skin] in parentheses in Q, F1
79 dentifrice tooth paste or powder. Pliny (Nat. Hist., 32.26) recommends dried whale meat mixed with salt, or the ash of the murex (a shellfish).
80 pomatum A sweet ointment, at this date still made from apples. OED quotes Gerard, Herbal (1597), 3.95.1295–6: ‘There is likewise made an ointment with the pulp of apples and swine’s grease and rosewater, which is used to beautify the face . . . called in shops pomatum, of the apples whereof it is made.’
82 curious careful.
82 form beauty (OED, 1†e), from Lat. forma.
82 still always.
85 n.6 Ex . . . suspectaretur[Apicata,] who had borne him three children, so that he should not be suspected by his mistress’.
6 Ex qua tres liberos genuerat, ne pellici suspectaretur. Tacitus, Annales, 4.3.
87 spacious ample. Jonson uses it in a similar but more clearly pejorative way in EMO, 1.3.59–60: ‘Is’t possible that such a spacious villain / Should live and not be plagued?’
88 returned reciprocated.
89 n.7 Tacitus says that besides Drusus’s public complaints about Sejanus, even ‘his intimate confidences were revealed [to Sejanus] by his seduced wife’.
7 Lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.7.
91–103 Ayres, citing Allen (1966), 40–2, notes that the fifteenth-century astrologer Giovanni Pontano suggested that ‘fortune was connected with prudence, but not with virtue. He developed a theory of the fortunate, who are outside the moral law . . . Eudemus praises an amoral “prudence” in Livia (2.92) which will enhance her “fortune” (2.95) through her alliance with “the thunder of Sejanus” (2.97). Sejanus is imaged in Jovian terms (Jupiter is the “thunderer”), and one notes that in astrological parlance, Jupiter was the greater of the two “good Planets and Fortunes”, Jupiter and Venus.’
93 without beyond; OED, 3†b, quotes this and Cynthia (Q), 1.4.42, as the only two examples of the sense ‘beyond the capacity or comprehension of’.
94 that rare so remarkable an.
95 sound (1) measure of depth; (2) note.
98 strike the stars H&S note the source in Horace, Odes, 1.1.36, Sublime feriam sidera vertice, translated by Herrick as ‘Knock at a star with my exalted head’ (‘The Bad Season makes the Poet Sad’, 214.2). See also Seneca, Thyestes, 885–8: ‘I walk level with the stars, and raised above all things touch the high heavens with my proud head.’ Jonson uses the same figure again at 5.7–9. Cf. also Cat., 1.1.125–6, ‘my emergent fortune . . . which now shall hit the stars,’ and New Inn, Ode, 58: ‘No harp e’er hit the stars’.
99 concave vault of the sky, heavens (OED, Concave n. 2).
100 are himself are commensurate with his deserts.
102–3 Then those awed observers will renounce all their previous notions (about you and Sejanus), and be ashamed ever to have harboured such petty thoughts.
103 SD] G subst.; not in Q, F1
108 n.8 See the passage from Tacitus, 4.8, cited above at 9 n.1; Dio adds that ‘he administered poison to the son through the agency of those in attendance upon him and of Drusus’s wife, whom some call Livilla’.
8 Tacitus, ibid. [4.8]. Et Dion, Historia Romana, 57.22.2.
114 change reciprocate exactly; a sense not in OED.
116 you:] F1; you? Q
120 The] gnomic pointing in Q
120 Proverbial; see Tilley, T248: ‘Your thoughts close and your countenance loose’.
121–2 When I shall When I have a mind to.
123 made initiated, prepared. See OED, Make v.1 45†b, citing this and EMI (F), 4.11.37: ‘Come, let’s before, and make the Justice, Captain.’ Perhaps derived from ‘making’ (training) a hawk (OED, 45a).
125 resolve melt, dissolve; OED, 21, quoting Cat., 3.3.250–1: ‘May my brain / Resolve to water and my blood turn phlegm.’
127 cutis OED cites this as the first example, meaning ‘The true skin or derma of the body, underlying the epidermis or cuticle’, but Jonson probably just uses it as an appropriately Latinate medical term for ‘skin’.
127 against when in anticipation of which time.
130 lay . . . oil Either puff on in a powdered form or wipe on in an oil-based solution.
134 choler . . . up For the adverse effects of ‘choler adust’ on the complexion (though not as here on that of the spouse), see Anne Bradstreet, ‘Of the Four Humours in Man’s Constitution’, 437–8: ‘When by thy heat thou’st baked thy self to crust, / And so art called black Choler or adust’ (ed. Hensley, 1967, 45).
137 Echoing Ausonius, Epigrams, 2.7–8: ‘Use your fortune with regard, whosoever rises unexpectedly to riches from a lowly place.’ Cf. Volp., 3.7.186-7, New Inn, 5.2.58, Barriers, 397–8, Und. 26.23 (H&S).
138 SD.2] G subst., starting a new scene: SCENE Ⅱ. / An Apartment in the Palace.
139 SH sejanus] Sei. Q; not in F1
139–404 Gifford places these lines in ‘An Apartment in the Palace’ of Tiberius, to which Sejanus has just been summoned (above, 104–5). Since both men sit (below, 165), it is possible that a thronelike chair for Tiberius was brought onstage during Sejanus’s soliloquy.
140 n.9 Hi . . . aestimabantur ‘Among the Romans, these [Egyptians, Parthians, and Hebrews] were regarded as barbarous and most base.’ Briggs suggests that the passages Jonson had in mind are Martial, 10.76, 12.57; Juvenal, 1.26, 1.130, 4.24; and Tacitus, Historiae (‘Histories’), 5.4, 5.8.
9 Hi apud Romanos barbari, et vilissimi aestimabantur. Iuvenal, Martial etc.
143 Thou The second person singular is used contemptuously throughout this soliloquy.
143 child Also used contemptuously (OED, 3b; cf. ‘outskip’ in next line, and the opposing ‘man’ of 146). Drusus was in his mid-thirties when he died.
144 outstand hold out against.
145 crush . . . air Gold beaten into leaf was sometimes spoken of as crushed into air; cf. Donne, ‘Like gold to airy thinness beat’, ‘A Valediction: Forbidding Mourning’ (Poems, ed. Grierson, 1.50), and ‘beat the yielding metal into air’, Samuel Holland (attrib.), ‘Elegy on Mr Cleaveland’ in John Cleveland, Cleaveland Rivived, ed. Kelliher (1990), 5. This poem also mentions Sej. (line 7).
149–56 Based on Seneca, Thyestes, 24–7, 44–7, 192–5: ‘drive your sinful ancestors to madness . . . let their rage know no limits nor shame, let blind fury goad their minds . . . let wars be carried over the seas, let streams of blood flood all lands . . . in this sinful house let defilement be the lightest thing . . . my soul, do what no posterity will approve, nor yet pass over silently. I must dare some crime terrible, bloody, such that my brother would wish his’ (Whalley).
149 mean measure, moderation.
155 close secret.
157 empty name Perhaps recalling the ‘nomen inutile’ of Horace, Odes, 1.14.13. Jonson refers ‘to the rumour that Tiberius was misled by Sejanus into believing that Drusus had poisoned his cup at a banquet, and, without checking any fact of the matter, passed it to his son to drink, who in ignorance drained it and died. Thus Tiberius received the opprobrium due to Sejanus’ (Ayres). Tacitus rejects the story (4.10–11).
158 On . . . soul Echoing Seneca, Thyestes, 192: Age, anime.
158 start swerve (from a course, purpose, principle). (OED, †7.)
159 sulphur lightning (OED, 4†a). Cf. Persius, Satires, 2.25, ‘sulpure sacro’, ‘sacred fire’ (of Jupiter).
162 n.10 Translating the same commonplace from Petronius, Fragmenta, 22 (not Satyricon) and Statius, Thebaid, 3.661: ‘primus in orbe deos fecit timor’.
10 Idem et Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon et Statius, [Thebaid,] 3.661.
162 SD] G: Tiberivs. Seianvs. Q, F1 subst.
163 SH tiberius] Tib. Q; not in F1
163 He’s] F1; H’is Q
164 that chamber Establishing for the audience the location in Tiberius’s palace, perhaps gesturing towards one of the tiring-house doors.
165 n.11 De . . . consultatione ‘On this interview’; consultatio was used specifically for a praetor’s meeting with the emperor (Lewis and Short, Ⅱ.A), but it also signified a meeting in which advice was taken. Suetonius at this point says Tiberius advanced Sejanus merely to make use of him in destroying the children of Germanicus.
11 De hac consultatione, vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 55.
170–3 Briggs notes the similarity to Seneca, Thyestes, 215–18: ‘atreus: Wherever honourable behaviour alone is allowed to a ruler, his reign is insecure. attendant: Where there is no shame, nor care for law, honour, duty, faith, then power is unsure. atreus: Honour, duty, faith are the virtues of the private man. Let kings go where they please.’
170 laws of kind Usually at this date laws of nature in general (OED, Kind n. †4a, citing MV, 1.3.77), but perhaps here also ‘laws of kinship’ (cf. OED, Kind n. †11a).
171 policy and state government and interest of the state, but with a suggestion of cunning (Jonson’s normal use of ‘policy’) and cynically expedient statecraft.
172–209 As H&S note, the rhyme expresses strong emotion. The couplets also emphasize the sententiae. Cf. the similar sustained use of rhyme in 2.238–77, 3.625–60, 714–49, 5.1–24.
173–87 ] gnomic pointing in Q
172 respects considerations (OED, 14a).
174–5 Whom . . . sov’reignty Echoing Seneca, Oedipus, 703–4: ‘He who fears hatred overmuch does not know how to rule’ (H&S) and Phoenissae, 654: ‘He who fears hatred does not wish to rule’ (Briggs). Cf. Machiavelli, Il Principe, 17: ‘It is much better to be feared than loved.’
178–87 Based on Lucan, De Bello Civili, 8.489–95. For what may be a preliminary study for Sej. see Jonson’s translation of this passage, ‘A Speech out of Lucan’, 2.192–3, lines 9–20. Cf. Briggs (1915b), 247–8. Macro echoes this speech of Sejanus’s at 3.736–49, underlining the similarities between the two.
181 it command.
182 nice fastidious.
183 licence A condoned or acknowledged freedom to break rules, often in Jonson with implication of abuse of such licence. Cf. Cat., 4.2.117–18, ‘To what licence / Dares thy unbridled boldness run itself?’, and Bart. Fair, Epil., 3–5.
186–8 Briggs compared Mortimer, 1.1.24–8, and Machiavelli, Il Principe, 3: ‘Here it must be noted that men must either be treated well or crushed, because they can avenge themselves of lighter injuries, of grave ones they cannot; thus the injury that is done to a man ought to be of a kind that does not lay one open to revenge.’
186 so in that way.
187 and Conditional: ‘as long as’, with the subsequent ‘we’ omitted.
189 sense of hearing, as in Staple, 3.4.21–5: ‘Ha? I am somewhat short / In my sense, too . . . My hearing is very dead.’
189 n.12 Dio merely records that Agrippina was daughter of Agrippa and Julia, Augustus’s daughter.
12 De Agrippina vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.5.6.
191 n.13 De . . . lege ‘Concerning Sejanus’s advice on Agrippina read’. Tacitus, 1.69, describes Agrippina’s role in saving the Vetera bridge over the Rhine, and inspiring the legions in Germany: ‘Agrippina was more powerful now with the armies than legates or generals . . . Sejanus inflamed and aggravated [Tiberius’s] jealousy, with his knowledge of Tiberius’s character laying down future hatreds, which he would store away and then bring out, when they had grown larger.’ 4.12 describes his use of ‘the Augusta’s old hatred, and Livia’s recent guilt to induce them to inform the Caesar that, proud in her fecundity and confident in the favour of the people, [Agrippina] desired the throne’. For Tacitus, 4.17, see 1.80 n.19.
191 n.13 de . . . suspicione ‘about Tiberius’s suspicion’. Tacitus, 3.4, describes how ‘nothing pierced Tiberius more deeply than the igniting of men’s enthusiasm for Agrippina’.
13 De Seiani consilio in Agrippina lege Tacitum, Annales, 1.69 et 4.12, 17. de Tiberii suspicione 3.4.
194 n.14 Gnaris . . . ducebat ‘ “It was known to all that his joy at the death of Germanicus was badly hidden by Tiberius” . . . Compare to this Tacitus’s account of the death of Piso . . . “he counted the death of Germanicus among his blessings.”’
14 Gnaris omnibus laetam Tiberio Germanici mortem male dissimulari. Tacitus, 3. ibid. [2] Huc confer Taciti narrationem de morte Pisonis [3.16] et 4.1. Germanici mortem inter prospera ducebat.
195 But] F1; “But Q
195 fame rumour.
196–201 ] gnomic pointing in Q
197 than An ellipsis: ‘rather than’.
197 thought idea, conception.
198–9 See Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.15.14, quoting from the lost epic cycle Cypria: ‘Foolish is he who, having killed the father, suffers the children to live.’
200 make . . . hence make away with, kill them.
203 out of time too late.
205 thunder] F1; “Thunder Q
205 thunder . . . hit Conflating the sound of thunder and the ‘thunderbolt’, the supposed destructive agent within the lightning flash. The sound is not heard until after the thunderbolt strikes (cf. OED, Thunder n. 1b). Jonson uses ‘thunder’ for ‘thunderbolt’ similarly in Alch., 4.5.59–60, ‘a bolt / Of thunder’.
206–9 ] gnomic pointing in Q
206 secure overconfident, complacent; from Lat. ‘without care’ (OED, Secure adj. 1). Cf. 2.363.
206–7 none . . . rest Briggs notes the source in Velleius Paterculus, History of Rome, 2.118.2: ‘Nobody is more quickly destroyed than he who fears nothing.’
208 Do not let reckless courage put you in that danger.
209 Briggs suggests that this echoes Tacitus, Historiae, 2.92: ‘nor is there ever adequate trust, when there is excessive power’.
211 great thought noble or ambitious ideas, attitudes. Cf. John, 5.1.45: ‘Be great in act, as you have been in thought.’
211 n.15 De . . . Agrippinae ‘On the masculine spirit of Agrippina’. Tacitus, 1.33 describes her as ‘excitable, but a strong morality and love of her husband directed her wild spirit towards the good’. 1.69 recounts her part in saving the Vetera bridge (see above, 191 n.13); 2.72 quotes Germanicus’s unromantic dying advice that she should ‘divest herself of her boldness, submit her spirit to the rage of fortune’.
15 De animo virili Agrippinae consule Tacitum, Annales, 1.33 et 69, 2.72.
212 slacks neglects. Cf. Oth., 4.3.83: ‘Say that they slack their duties’.
212 put them on promote their interests, encourage them. Cf. Love Rest., 283: ‘Drawn back by doubt, put on by love’.
213 allowance Ayres suggests an allowance of money, but ‘approbation’ (OED, 2) is equally appropriate, as in Althorp, 164–5: ‘Now he hopes he shall resort there / Safer and with more allowance.’
213 popular presentings putting them on show to the populace
214 suing for titles claiming their legal rights (OED, Title n. 7†c).
216 n.16 Tacitus, 4.17 describes Tiberius’s anger when the high priests, thinking to please him, added prayers for Agrippina’s sons, Nero and Drusus, to those for himself. He asked them whether in doing so ‘they had yielded to the entreaties or the threats of Agrippina’.
16 Tacitus, Annales, 4.17.
220 Asinius Gallus See Names of the Actors, 11n. He was not so much a Germanican as an enemy of Tiberius, as is implied at 3.294–5 and 356–8.
220 Furnius Unknown except as the adulterous partner of Claudia Pulchra (see 4.21–4, and Tacitus, 4.52). He was probably son of the consul of that name in 17bc.
220 Regulus See Names of the Actors, 12n.
223 n.17 Erat . . . uxor ‘She was the granddaughter of Augustus, daughter of Julia, and wife of Germanicus.’
223 niece granddaughter; Jonson is translating Lat. neptis, but OED shows that ‘niece’ meaning ‘granddaughter’ was only just dying out around 1600. He distinguished between nephew and grandchild when he recalled this line in Forest 14.41–2: ‘’Twill be exacted of your name, whose son, / Whose nephew, whose grandchild you are.’
17 Erat enim Neptis Augusti. Agrippae, et Iuliae filia, Germanici uxor. Suetonius, Augustus, 64.
224 they must she insists that they.
226 n.18 De . . . vide ‘On her fecundity see’. Tacitus says that ‘in fecundity and fame’ Agrippina surpassed Livia (2.43); for Annales, 4.12, see above, 191 n.13.
18 De faecunditate eius vide Tacitum, Annales, 2.43 et 4.12.
228 blow rekindle (OED, Blow v.1 17). Cf. Latiaris’s less ironical use of the same imagery in relation to the ‘bright flame / Of liberty’, 4.142–8.
229 puffing arrogantly inspiring, elating; OED quotes Benlowes, Theophila, 13.7, using the same phrase ‘puffing hopes’.
229 aspiring ambitious, but punning on Lat. aspiro, –are, to breathe or blow on, continuing the imagery of blowing and puffing.
230 ticklings delights, gratifications. Cf. Volp., 3.7.69: ‘My joy, my tickling, my delight’.
232 stick not do not hesitate.
232 they’re] F1; they’are Q
233 As . . . out As these flatterers exaggeratedly report them to be.
234 competitors Since the principate was not hereditary, and Tiberius had not designated an heir, all potential successors were theoretically equal competitors. Agrippina’s sons are accused of claiming to be ahead of all others as ‘immediate heirs’.
235–8 Briggs compares Discoveries, 292–5, ‘Vulgi expectatio’ (itself translating Seneca, Controversiae, 4, preface, 1): ‘Expectation of the vulgar is more drawn and held with newness than goodness; we see it in fencers, in players, in poets, in preachers, in all where fame promiseth anything; so it be new, though never so naught and depraved, they run to it and are taken.’ The Preface to Alch. makes the same complaint.
237 n.19 Displicere . . . agitaverint ‘Sons with democratic sentiments were displeasing to monarchs, nor had they been cut off for any other reason than that they planned to restore liberty and to extend equal rights to the Roman people.’
19 Displicere regnantibus civilia filiorum ingenia: neque ob aliud interceptos, quam quia Populum Romanum aequo iure complecti, reddita libertate, agitaverint. Nota Tacitum, Annales, 2.82.
238 That Who (the rout).
239–44 ] gnomic pointing in Q
239 ’tis . . . neglects Cf. Discoveries, 295–7: ‘the only decay or hurt of the best men’s reputation with the people is, their wits have outlived the people’s palates. They have been too much or too long a feast.’
241 by close by.
242 Not Not even.
244 n.20 Suetonius repeats the point about Tiberius’s anger at the prayers for Nero and Drusus (above, 216 n.16), and describes the deterioration of their position until Tiberius ‘killed them by starvation, Nero on the isle of Pontia, Drusus in a cellar in the Palace’. Cf. Names of the Actors, 3n., 4n.
20 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 54.
245 rank proud (OED, †1).
246 trains retinues, but perhaps with suggestion of stratagems (OED, Train n.2 1b). Cf. Trains, Merecraft’s ‘man’ in Devil.
246 bate abate, reduce in size.
247 Or your state Or else your dignity and power will be put down.
249 great powerful.
251 knot The metaphor was often used for a ‘tight knit’ group, especially of conspirators. Cf. Cat., 4.2.256: ‘not a soul without thine own foul knot / But fears and hates thee’. Associated here, as Ayres suggests, with the ‘snakes’ of lines 256–7.
252 detect expose, reveal (OED, †2). Cf. EMO, Ind., 21–2: ‘I fear no strumpet’s drugs, nor ruffian’s stab, / Should I detect their hateful luxuries.’
253 suspect suspicion. Cf. EMI (F), 2.4.69: ‘free from the black poison of suspect’.
257 Naught] F1; “Nought Q
257–9 Naught . . . abound Based on Juvenal, Satires, 6.284–5: ‘Nothing is more daring than these [women] when detected; they acquire anger and spirit from their guilt’ (Gifford).
257 high angry, arrogant (OED, 14a).
258–9 ] gnomic pointing in Q
259 both] Q; doth F1
261 blind . . . cup Cartari, The Fountain of Ancient Fiction (1599) says Fortuna is ‘oftentimes called the blind goddess’ (Z3v), and is often represented holding in one hand ‘the horn of plenty and abundance, called Cornucopia’ (Z3).
262 place status, rank.
265 ] marginal note has no anchor in Q
265 fautors supporters, patrons. Cf. ‘In Sejanum’, 140n.
265 n.21 Tacitus, 4.8 describes Tiberius’s commendation of Nero and Drusus to the Senate (cf. below 3.66–91); 4.17 attributes part of Tiberius’s hostility to Agrippina and her sons to the machinations of Sejanus. Cf. 1.80 n.19 above.
21 Tacitus, Annales, 4.8, 17.
265 the store the whole body of followers (OED, †3, ‘A body of persons’).
266 by-occasion incidental pretext.
266 sleight] Barish; slight Q, F1
267 them] Q; not in F1
267–8 night . . . ambition blindness of their ambition. Ayres notes that the canvassing and suing for support depicted in 211–38 above would have been described as ambitio during the republican period (Lewis and Short, I).
268 train stratagem, scheme (Cf. above, 246n.).
269 engine trap, plot (OED, †3). Cf. 3.731.
271 Yet] F1; “Yet Q
272 deserts actions deserving gratitude.
273–8 ] gnomic pointing in Q
273 wolves . . . hearts Greek proverb: see Erasmus, Adagia, 787C, Tilley, W616.
274–5 From Tacitus, Historiae, 3.40: ‘he followed a middle course, and acted with neither enough daring nor foresight’ (W. D. Briggs, ed. 1911).
275 provide act with foresight, anticipate (translating Tacitus’s providit). Cf. Volp., Epistle, 58–9: ‘the wishes of those grave and wiser patriots who, providing the hurts these licentious spirits may do in a state . . .’
276 modesty is fond moderation is foolish.
277–8 The . . . acts Echoing Seneca, Thyestes, 205–7: ‘This is the greatest good of sovereignty, that the people are forced to bear their ruler’s actions as well as praise them’ (Briggs). Cf. Marston, Antonio’s Revenge, 2.2: ‘Our subjects not alone to bear, but praise our acts’ (Plays, ed. Wood, 1934–9, 1.89).
279 n.22 Tiberium . . . efficeret ‘He entangled Tiberius by his manifold arts, so that one who was inscrutable towards others became to him alone incautious and open.’
22 Tiberium variis artibus devinxit adeo (Sejanus) ut obscurum adversum alios, sibi uni incautum, intectumque efficeret. Tacitus, Annales, 4.1. vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.19.7.
280–1 proved . . . voice tested their assent. Cf. R3, 3.4.28: ‘your voice for crowning of the king’.
282 heart’ning Cartari, Fountain (1599) says Jove was ‘the only and especial god that had the power and authority to befriend or prosper the estates of men here below . . . whereupon the Latins called him Iupiter a iuvando [‘supporting’], for those many benefits and good turns wherewith he possessed the people then living on the earth’ (sig. Iii). Cat., 4.2.2: ‘Jupiter the Stayer’.
284 n.23 Premere . . . Signum ‘To hold the thumb down was, among the Romans, a sign of the greatest approbation.’ Quoting Turnebus, Turnebi adversariorum tomi (1581), from whom Jonson has taken the references to Horace, Pliny, and Politiano. This book was later in Jonson’s library (Electronic Edition).
284 n.23 Fautor . . . ludum ‘A patron will praise your sport eagerly with both thumbs.’
284 n.23 Pollices . . . iubemur ‘We are told by the proverb, furthermore, to hold our thumbs down when we would give support.’
284 n.23 De . . . Adversariorum ‘On the interpretation of this passage see Angelus Politianus, Miscellanies, 42, and Turnebus, Journal.’
23 Premere pollicem, apud Romanos, maximi favoris erat Signum. Horatius, Epistula ad Lollium Fautor utroque, tuum laudabit pollice ludum. Et Plinius, Naturalis Historia, 28[.25]. Pollices, cum faveamus, premere etiam proverbio iubemur. De interprete loci vide Angelum Politianum, Miscellaneorum, 42 et Turnebum, Adversariorum, 11.6.
286 most of mark most important.
291 ornaments triumphal Under the empire triumphs became exclusive to the princeps. Victorious generals were awarded the lesser honour of ‘triumphal ornaments’ (triumphalia ornamenta). See Suetonius, Augustus, 38.
291 n.24 Tacitus, 3.45–6, describes the defeat of Sacrovir, rebel leader in eastern Gaul in ad21. He gathered a large army which was defeated near modern Autun by two legions led by Silius, then governor of Upper Germany. 4.18 describes Tiberius’s decision ‘to attack Gaius Silius and Titius Sabinus. The friendship of Germanicus was ruinous to both.’
24 Tacitus, Annales, 3.45–6 et 4.18.
296 n.25, 300 n.26 Both notes refer to Tacitus, 4.19: ‘Sosia Galla, Silius’s wife, was hated by the Emperor because of her affection for Agrippina. These two would be accused, Sabinus put off to a more convenient time.’
25 Tacitus, ibid. [4.19].
26 Tacitus, ibid. [4.19].
300 would . . . in should be drawn into the trap.
304 n.27 For these references to Cordus, see Names of the Actors, 10n.; 1.73 n.17, 1.84n., 1.542 n.74.
304 n.27 fusius ‘at greater length’.
27 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.34–5. Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.24.2–4, et Senecam, Ad Marciam de Consolatione, 1.3, et fusius, 22.4–7.
305 precedent] F1; praecedent Q
306 annals] Annal’s Q, F1 (so 3.373, 384)
307–8 under . . . state See Introduction for parallels between Cremutius and the historian John Hayward.
308 those the precedent times (305).
308 tax accuse, indict.
310 parallels draws topical parallels between. Cf. Introduction, and 1.136–9n.
312 perishing Probably ‘destructive’; although the casual disparaging usage would fit, OED gives no example of it before 1847 (Perishing, ppl.adj. 3). Cremutius is, of course, about to perish, which is the sense Jonson employs in Staple, 3.4.64.
313–16 Cf. Lucan, De Bello Civili, 3.138–40: ‘The course of time has not yet thrown things into such confusion that the laws would not prefer to be destroyed by Caesar than saved by the voice of Metellus’ (Briggs). H&S note the similar sentiments of Cat., 4.480–8.
315 ta’en . . . us taken away by me; again using the royal plural, as in 1.445–6.
316 stain . . . such shame to be preserved by such men as these Germanicans.
320 matter substance of an indictment.
322 The . . . action The time that would be better devoted to action.
322 Counsels] F1; “Councells Q
322–3 Counsels . . . business Proverbial, as Ayres notes: ‘Take not counsel in the combat’ (Tilley, C698).
322–4 Translating Tacitus, Historiae, 1.21: ‘perniciosior sit quies quam temeritas’ (Briggs). Cf. Lucan, De Bello Civili, 1.281, ‘It is always harmful to delay when you are prepared.’
323–7 ] gnomic pointing in Q
326–7 Cf. Tacitus, Historiae, 1.38: ‘There is no place for delay in this plan, which cannot be praised until it is carried through.’
328 court The Senate sitting as a court of judicature. For Jonson’s different uses of ‘court’ see 1.0 SDn.
328 n.28 Edicto . . . constat An unacknowledged quotation taken by Jonson from the French antiquarian Barnabé Brisson (De formulis, 1592, 164): ‘This accords with his edict that the greater part of the senators be called to the Senate House.’ Jonson also takes the reference to Tacitus, 1.7, from Brisson: ‘Even the edict by which he called the Fathers to the Senate he issued only by authority of the tribunicial powers he had received under Augustus.’
28 Edicto ut plurimum Senatores in curiam vocatos constat. Tacitus, Annales, 1.7.
329 prevent] F1; praeuent Q
330 ’Εμοῦ] F2; Εμοῦ Q, F1
330 ‘When I am dead let fire destroy the world.’ An anonymous fragment of Greek tragedy (Nauck, Tragicorum Graecorum fragmenta, 1899, Adespota, 513). The next line (‘It matters not to me, for I am safe’) underlines the point.
330 γαῖα] F2; γῖα Q, F1
330 n.29 Vulgaris . . . memoratur ‘A certain common verse, which Tiberius was recalled to have quoted often’. See Dio, 58.23.4; Suetonius, Nero, 38, records Nero using it. Cicero, De finibus bonorum et malorum (‘On the Ends of Good and Evil’), 3.19, calls it a ‘common Greek verse’, and Milton translates it in Reason of Church Government, 1.5 (Prose, ed. Wolfe, 1952–82, 1.770), as spoken by ‘cruel Tiberius’.
29 Vulgaris quidam versus, quem saepe Tiberius recitasse memoratur. Dionis, Historia Romana, 58.23.4.
330 SD.2] G subst.; Postvmvs. Seianvs. Q; Posthvmvs, Seianvs F1
331 SH postumus] Pos. Q; not in F1
331 Sejanus −] F1; Seianus? Q
331 n.30 For Postumus see The Names of the Actors, 11n., and 1.292 n.51.
30 De Julio Postumo vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.12.
332 Come . . . wish You come as soon as wished for.
333 They The members of Agrippina’s household.
334 character code (Barish). Cf. OED, 7: ‘a cipher for secret correspondence’.
335 Except Unless.
336 Intelligence by augury Cf. Cat., 3.802–3: ‘cor. I hope / We are not discovered. var. Yes, by revelation.’
336 augury of] F2; Augury’of Q, F1 subst.
343 n.31 Proximi . . . perstimulare ‘Agrippina’s nearest friends were enticed to stir her arrogant temper by pernicious talk.’
31 Proximi Agrippinae inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare. Tacitus, ibid.
344 put home put fully to use.
345 coughed] cought Q, F1; caught F2
346 she Agrippina.
346 swell show pride and anger in her speech (OED, 9a). Cf. Marston, Antonio’s Revenge, 2.3: ‘swell like a tragedian’ (Plays, ed. Wood, 1.93). Tacitus uses tumidus, ‘swelling’ to describe Agrippina’s spirit in 4.12. Cf. also Sejanus’s use (of his ‘joys’) at 5.1.
347 Julius Postumus.
348 Augusta See 1.291 n.49.
349 ] sidenote in F1: Mutilia Prisca.
349 n.32 Mutilia . . . valida ‘Mutilia Prisca, who was influential over the Augusta’.
32 Mutilia Prisca, quae in animum Augustae valida. Tacitus, ibid.
351 n.33 Verba . . . iactata ‘Silius’s words, immodestly let fall’.
33 Verba Silii immodice iactata vide apud Tacitum, Annales, 4.18.
354 closeness secrecy.
354 Give Attribute to.
359 popular studies support of the people, closely following Tacitus, popularibus studiis. Briggs notes Jonson’s ‘literal theory’ of translation, but ‘study’ was still used to mean ‘affection’ or ‘inclination’ as late as 1697 (OED, Study n. †1, citing Dryden).
359 gapes for sov’reignty aspires to absolute power.
359 sov’reignty] Q (sou’raigntie); soueraigntie F1
359 n.34. See above, 191 n.13 and 343 n.31 for Agrippina’s tumidi spiritus (‘infinite pride’) and her ‘longing for power’ (inhiare dominationi).
34 Tacitus, Annales, 4.12.
361–2 pub-lic Briggs, followed by H&S, thought this enjambment ‘a gross assault upon the aesthetic sense’, but as Briggs also notes it is used by Horace, Catullus, and others in the cause of synaphea (regular scansion). H&S compare its use in Oberon, 136–7, Gypsies (Burley), 274–5 and 765–6, Owls, 167–8, Horace, 1.20, and Und. 70.92.
362 urge stress to Tiberius the urgency of.
364 Ayres cites Suetonius on Tiberius occasionally needing and taking his mother the Augusta’s advice (Tiberius, 50).
365 sound investigate.
369 n.35. See above, 265 n.21.
35 Haec apud Tacitum, lege Annales, 4.17.
370 civil war There had been recent civil wars between Julius Caesar and Pompey (48bc), and between Caesar’s supporters, Octavius and Antony, and Brutus and Cassius (43–2BC).
374 enlarge it amplify this argument.
376 your Prisca See 1. 292 n.51.
377 business A trisyllable; H&S compare JC, 4.1.22: ‘To groan and sweat under the business’.
381 second support (OED, Second n.2 9†c, citing this as earliest example).
383 remiss mild, lax. Cf. Cat., 4.2.152: ‘a man remiss and slack’.
383 The] F1; “The Q
384–90 ] gnomic pointing in Q
384 in blood A hunting phrase applied to hounds for which OED gives ‘in full vigour’ (Blood, n. 7), thus here ‘alert’, ‘scenting trouble’. Such a state in Tiberius would contrast with the lethargic quality in Tiberius on which Augustus remarked in a passage Jonson cites at 3.487 n.25.
385–6 late . . . shadows shadows in early morning or late afternoon.
387–8 only . . . cruel Cf. Ennius, Scenica, 402: ‘Whom men fear they hate, whom anyone hates he wishes to perish’, and Ovid, Amores, 2.2.10: ‘whom each man fears, he longs to see destroyed’ (Ayres).
388–90 once entered . . . doubt Cf. Discoveries, 846–9, where after quoting Machiavelli Jonson paraphrases Seneca, De Clementia (‘On Mercy’), 1.13.2–5: ‘But princes, by hearkening to cruel counsels, become in time obnoxious to the authors, their flatterers and ministers, and are brought to that, that when they would, they dare not change them; they must go on, and defend cruelty with cruelty; they cannot alter the habit’ (Briggs).
395 n.36 Quorum . . . poterat ‘Whose succession was not in doubt, nor was he able to disperse poison among the three’.
36 Quorum non dubia successio, neque spargi venenum in tres poterat etc. Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.12.
397 too too Ayres cites Ham., 1.2.129, but OED notes the usage is ‘very common c. 1540–1660’ (Too adv. 4a). H&S cite Jonson’s use in Devil, 3.3.231 and New Inn, 2.6.203. Cf. also Tub, 2.4.44.
400 lets] Q; betts F1
400 lets impediments, obstacles. Cf. Poet., 4.9.6.
402 state Both his high position (OED, †16) and the display that goes with it (OED, 17a). Cf. MV, 5.1.95–7: ‘his state / Empties itself, as doth an inland brook / Into the main of waters.’
403 safety] Q state 2, F1; saftly Q state 1
404 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅲ. / A room in Agrippina’s House.
405 SH satrius] Sat. Q; not in F1
405–500 Located in ‘the house / Of Agrippina’ (below, 410–11); the audience is reminded of the location at 451 and 464.
405 They’re] F1; They’are Q
405 They’re The Germanicans are.
406 They . . . wind They can scent us. Cf. EMI (F), 2.3.53: ‘She has me i’the wind’; and Dent, W434.
408 Looked after Sought, desired. Cf. Wiv., 2.2.112: ‘Will they yet look after thee?’
408 n.37 de . . . supra ‘for whom see above’.
37 Silius. Sabinus. de quibus supra.
409 SD.2] G subst.; not in Q, F1
410 SH sabinus] Sab. Q; not in F1
410 beagles Continuing the hunting metaphor. Informers and sycophantic followers were often referred to thus contemptuously. Cf. Tim., 4.3.175–6: ‘Get thee away, / And take thy beagles with thee.’
412 n.38 Tiberii . . . eliciebantur ‘In the reign of Tiberius, informers, a breed of men invented for the state’s destruction, and never adequately reined in by punishment, were now encouraged by rewards.’ (Modern editions read ne poenis quidem umquam.)
38 Tiberii Temporibus Delatores genus hominum publico exitio repertum, et poenis quidem nunquam satis coercitum, per praemia eliciebantur. Tacitus, Annales, 4.30.
413 great ones] Q; great-ones F1; great one’s Bolton
416 public hook Executed criminals were dragged up the Aventine to the scalae Gemoniae by a hook (uncus) in their neck. Their bodies were left for three days before being thrown into the Tiber. Cf. 4.309 n.23. Juvenal describes Sejanus being ‘led by the hook’ (ducitur unco, 10.66).
417 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
417 SD Cf. 1.105 SDn. The actor playing Afer may have walked around the stage, or ‘passed over’ it in the way suggested at 1.176 SDn.
418 n.39 Tacitus, 4.52, relates the trial of Claudia Pulchra ‘with Domitius Afer her accuser. Of modest reputation, he had recently been a praetor, and was hurrying by way of any villainy to become famous . . .’ See also 420 n.40 below.
39 De Domitio Afro vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.52, 66.
419 flowers] Q; flowres F1
419 flowers rhetorical embellishments; OED quotes Nicolas Udall’s title, Flowers for Latin Speaking, selected and gathered out of Terence (1533).
420 n.40 Quoquo . . . accingeretur ‘Hurrying by way of any villainy to become famous . . . he had a reputation that was more conspicuous for eloquence than morals . . . for a long time very poor, and with his recently acquired reward badly used, [it was no surprise] that he should be preparing himself for more disgraceful acts.’
40 Quoquo facinore properus clarescere Tacitus, ibid. et infra prosperiore eloquentiae quam morum fama fuit et 4.66 diu egens, et parto nuper praemio male usus, plura ad flagitia accingeretur.
421 offer opportunity. Cf. OED, 2c. Jonson’s use ante-dates first OED citation by 226 years, but cf. Alch., 1.3.88.
423–4 artificial . . . Tiber For the crocodile’s proverbial hypocrisy in weeping, cf. EMO, 5.3.169, and Epicene, 5.4.158. Ayres notes that since Afer means ‘Africa’ the epithet is especially appropriate.
426 would] F1; could Q
426 he, he! Probably intensifying the personal pronoun, as in in Volp., 1.2.81, rather than indicating cynical laughter. Ado, 4.1.16–17 gives ‘he’ as one form of ‘Interjection’ (‘some be of laughing, as, ah, ha, he’), but Jonson always uses ‘ha, ha’ for laughter elsewhere.
426 Contemn Heap scorn upon.
427 Their] F1; “Their Q
427 Their present conduct will lead to their deaths.
427 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅳ. / Another Apartment in the same. Not in Q, F1
428 silius] Sil. Q; not in F1
429 with my manners without detriment to my manners (OED, With prep. 31b(a)).
429 attempt try with afflictions (OED, †4), thus ‘exacerbate your trouble’.
434 virtue’s] Q (virtu’s); vertuous F1
438 Travails withal Labours with (Ayres), with the additional sense of the birth pains of the ‘zealous thought’.
438 n.41 See above, 296 n.25.
41 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.19.
439 simply born sincerely brought forth.
441 unseasoned untimely; usually with sense of unripe. Cf. Poet., 5.3.15: ‘The unseasoned fruits of his officious tongue’.
442 state high rank (OED, †16)
443 envies . . . eyes Cf. Panegyre, 84: ‘Unto as many envies there as eyes’; Spenser gives Envy a kirtle ‘ypainted full of eyes’ (The Faerie Queene, 1.4.31; H&S). For Jonson’s related version of Virgil’s Fame with her ‘many waking eyes’ in Poet., see ‘In Sejanum’, pp. 216ff., 121n. Ayres notes the etymology linking invidia (envy) and invideo (look spitefully at).
443 n.42 Cf. 191 n.13 above.
42 Tacitus, Annales, 4.12.
448–9 extract . . . substance (1) quote selectively to make something apparently true (cf. Tit., 3.2.80, ‘He takes false shadows for true substances’); (2) extract by distillation the ‘substance’ of which heavenly bodies were made, and which was believed present in potential in all matter. Cf. Alch., 2.3.38: ‘To draw his volatile substance and his tincture’.
449 SH agrippina] F2; Arr. Q, F1
450 stuck with eyes The ‘waking eyes’ of Fame ‘Stick underneath’ her body in Poet., 5.2.86–7; H&S compare 1H4, 5.2.8: ‘Supposition all our lives shall be stuck full of eyes.’
452 lawn fine linen. Cf. EMO, 2.2.248–9: ‘She speaks as she goes ’tired, in cobweb lawn, light, thin.’
453–4 ears . . . closet See 1.67–70n. For contemporary anxieties over the closet as ‘a space of secrecy outside the knowledge of the household’ (especially the closet, as here, of a female head of household), see Stewart (1995). The long ears suggest the foolishness of King Midas in listening to rumours.
454–6 I . . . rival Juno was Jupiter’s consort, queen of the Roman pantheon. Agrippina is refusing to whisper, or change actions which may be dangerous, even if by doing so she could achieve the status of a goddess rivalling Juno.
456 Virtue’s] F1; ”Vertues Q
457 Show] F1; “Shew Q
457 conspicuous clearly seen, unambiguous (Lat. conspicuus, visible). Cf. EMO, 2.3.348–50: ‘these narrow-eyed decipherers . . . that will extort strange and abstruse meanings out of any subject, be it never so conspicuous and innocently delivered’.
460 ] gnomic pointing in Q
460 providence OED, 2 quotes Samuel Johnson’s definition of ‘timely care’. Cf. Epicene, 2.4.57: ‘Fortune? Mere providence. Fortune had not a finger in’t.’
462 n.43 For Tacitus, 4.12 see above, 191 n.13; 4.54: ‘Sejanus added greater dismay to her grief and lack of foresight by sending to her those who, under the guise of friendship, warned that poison was prepared for her, and that she should avoid her father-in-law’s banquets.’ 4.59: ‘[Sejanus] took the part of a judge towards the family of Germanicus, placing those who took the roles of accusers so that they might mainly attack Nero, next in line of succession, who, notwithstanding his youthful modesty, nevertheless frequently forgot what the present circumstances demanded.’
43 Tacitus, ibid. et 4.54 et 59.
467 tricks (1) information intended to decieve the hearers (OED, 1a); (2) foolish or stupid acts (OED, 2b).
470 You’re] G; Yo’are Q, F1
472 practice treachery, intrigue.
472 n.44 Suetonius says Tiberius ‘constantly disparaged Germanicus, so that he made light of his splendid achievements and condemned his glorious victories as ruinous to the state . . . He was even believed to have been the cause of his death, through Gnaeus Piso, governor of Syria.’ Dio says Tiberius and Livia were ‘thoroughly pleased’ at the death of Germanicus.
44 Suetonius, Tiberius, 52. Dionis, Historia Romana, 57.18.6.
473 exampless exampleless, without parallel.
475 sit down rest content.
476 He] “He Q, F1
476 Proverbial: Dent, T255.
476 threatens] F1; threatents Q
477 sear burn.
478 SD] G subst.; Drvsvs iu: Agrippina, & c. Q
479 drusus junior] Drv. Q; not in F1
479–84 n.45, 485 n.46 Tacitus, chs. 3, and 7–12, already cited for the most part, deal with the quarrel with Drusus, the plot against him, his poisoning and the aftermath of his death.
45 Tacitus, Annales, 4.3–12.
484 What should be What is (OED, Shall v. 23†c).
485 Poison, poison —] This edn; Poison. poyson. Q; Poyson. Poyson — F1
485 Poison, poison — F1’s punctuation indicates that Silius murmurs the word thoughtfully to himself, as is confirmed by the subsequent questions and his guarded response.
485 ] marginal note has no anchor in Q
46 Tacitus, ibid.
491 away —] F1; away. Q
491 Toys Trifling events. Cf. Case, 1.1.73–4: ‘they look for good matter, they, and are not edified with such toys’.
494 n.47 Tacitus says: ‘Tiberius, through all the days of [Drusus’s] illness, either through lack of anxiety or so he could show his strength of mind, continued to attend the Senate, even when [Drusus] was dead and not yet buried.’
47 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.8.
495 what’s . . . forge what’s cooking. There is a bleak irony in that it is his own destruction that is ‘in the forge’.
500 No] F1; “ No Q
500 prospect (1) view; (2) expectations. Cf. Mortimer, 1.1.3: ‘Naught hinders now our prospect, all are even.’
500 SD.2] this edn; Mv. Chorvs. Q; Chorus of musicians F1
ACTUS TERTIUS ] Q; Act Ⅲ. F1; ACT Ⅲ. SCENE Ⅰ G
0 the senate.] Q, F1; The Senate House. G
Actus Tertius 0 SD.1 Senate The only location Jonson specifies in this play (cf. 5.479 SD.1). Though in Tit. Senate scenes had been played ‘aloft’, in Sej. and Cat. they must have been on the main stage. Since much is made of the seating arrangements (below, 26–7, 30–1, 36–7; cf. 5.500, 508, 597 etc.), benches or chairs must have been brought onstage during the music at the end of Act 2, with two larger chairs for the consuls to allow them to move from the sycophantic ‘low’ places which they take up at first (3.25).
0 SD.2–3 Ayres notes the order of entry in Q is more formally correct than in F, with the Praecones (Heralds) and Lictors leading in the consul Varro, who should precede Sejanus.
0 SD] G subst.; Praecones. Lictores. / Varro. Seianvs. Latiaris. / Cotta. Afer./Gallvs. Lepidvs. Arrvntivs. Q; Seianvs, Varro, Latiaris. / Cotta, Afer. / Gallvs, Lepidvs, Arrvntivs. / Praecones, Lictores. F1; Briggs adds Sabinus
1–3 As Briggs notes, the Senate sometimes sat as a court, a consul presiding. Jonson conflates three separate meetings in this scene: that following the death of Drusus (ad23), and those for the trials of Silius (ad24) and Cordus (ad25).
1 SH] Sei. Q; not in F1
1 him Silius.
1 n.1 Tacitus, 4.19: ‘And Varro the consul was set on, who pretending to continue his father’s feud, gratified Sejanus’s hatred through his own dishonour.’ Given the absence of professional advocates and the proliferation of self-seeking informers, personal motivation could be taken as a sign of the integrity of the prosecutor.
1 Tacitus, Annales, 4.19.
5 his H&S note this should be ‘him’: the enmity was between Varro’s father and Silius himself, rival generals in the campaign against Sacrovir (see Tacitus, 3.43).
6 practice plot. Cf. Cat., 3.2.155–6: ‘a Stygian practice / Against that commonwealth’.
9 debated considered (OED, Debate v.1 5).
11 take him] Q, F2; him take F1
12 n.2 Sed . . . exercita ‘But the whole case was prosecuted as one of treason.’
2 Tacitus, ibid. Sed cuncta quaestione maiestatis exercita.
12 SD] this edn; not in Q, F1
16 good-dull-noble Jonson favoured such compound words, in which ‘our English tongue is above all other very hardy and happy’ (Grammar, 1.8.5–6).
20–1 saved . . . furies The furies punished the dead in Hades with whips of scorpions and firebrands; cf. the ‘whips and brands’ of Queens, 218–22. Briggs quotes from Spanish Tragedy, 3.11.42–3 (one of the passages added in 1602, possibly by Jonson): ‘And there is Nemesis, and Furies / And things called whips.’
21 their action the physical attitudes and conspiratorial gestures of Sejanus’s supporters, whom the Gemanicans are eyeing warily, as in a play. Cf. Alch., 3.3.68–9: ‘good action. / Firk like a flounder; kiss like a scallop, close.’ The following two lines make it clear Sejanus’s followers are huddling in a caucus.
23 shuttles] Q, F1 (shittles)
23 shuttles The devices in weaving that pass the thread of the weft rapidly back and forth between the threads of the warp.
24 curious intricate.
25 n.3 eodem . . . sedentes ‘in the same book [i.e. 4]. And the consuls sitting on the ordinary benches under pretence of mourning’. Lipsius’s note explains they were ‘in the seats of the Praetors or Tribunes’.
3 Tacitus, eodem libro [4.8]. Consulesque sede vulgari per speciem maestitiae sedentes.
27 Bid us silence i.e. Bring the Senate to order.
28 Fathers conscript] Bolton; FATHERS CONSCRIPT. Q; Fathers Conscript F1; “Fathers conscript Wh
28 conscript Originally those senators summoned (conscripti) in addition to those patres there by right. In his note to 5.102 Jonson quotes Livy, 2.1: ‘Thereafter, so that the strength of the Senate might be increased by a large number of that order, he filled up the list of Fathers by selecting from the leading men of equestrian rank.’ Here, as often in Tacitus (see e.g. the passage quoted in note to 1.454) it is used for all senators.
28–9 may . . . the] Bolton; italic Q, F1
29 commonwealth] Bolton; COMMONWEALTH Q; Common-wealth F1
29 n.4 Praefatio . . . Romanorum ‘The customary formula of the Roman Consuls’. Paraphrasing Brisson, De formulis, 164.
4 Praefatio solennis Consulum Romanorum. Vide Barnabaeum Brissonium, de Formulis, 2.
29 SD] G subst.; Silivs, &c. Q; Silivs, Senate F1; [Enter] Silius, [to the] Senate. Briggs
30 SH sejanus] Sei. Q; not in F1; Briggs gives these words to Varro, adding SD [Speaks to Lictors.]
32 The consul Varro.
34 SD] G subst.; Tiberivs. &c. Q; Tiberivs, Senate. F1
35 SH] Tib. Q; not in F1
36 n.5 Tacitus, 4.8: ‘The consuls being seated on the ordinary benches as a sign of their grief, [Tiberius] reminded them of their dignity and proper place, and when the Senate burst into tears, suppressing a groan, he cheered them up with a fluent speech. He was not, indeed, unaware that he could be criticized for appearing before the eyes of the Senate when his grief was so recent. Most mourners could hardly tolerate the solicitude of relatives, hardly the light of day. Nor should they be condemned as weak. But he had sought a manlier solace in the embrace of the republic. And having deplored the extreme age of the Augusta, his still tender grandsons, and his own declining age, he requested that Germanicus’s children, the only comfort in their current ills, be brought in. The consuls went out, and having encouraged the boys with kind words, led them in and presented them to the Caesar.’
5 Tacitus, Annales, 4.8.
37 Rome’s consuls] G; ROMES Consuls Q; Romes Consuls F1
37 dissolved weeping; cf. Tacitus’s account quoted in the previous note, and East. Ho!, 3.3.99: ‘Mistress Bramble here is so dissolved in tears.’
41 peculiar private.
43 in . . . grief so soon after the death of Drusus.
43 Senate,] F1; Senate. Q
44–5 When I find it difficult to endure the well-meant comforts offered to me in private by kinsmen and allies.
46–7 The thousands who share our grief for the death of Drusus are so affected that they do not see other people, and scarcely see the daylight.
46 face Here plural, as in such uses as ‘before the face of the enemy’ (EMI (F), 3.1.99–100).
47 communicate share (Lat. communico, –are); see OED, Communicate v. 4, citing this line.
48 argue these accuse these persons.
50 and . . . out and draw out those fair helps.
52 struck with time H&S take this to be an ‘incorrect variant’ of ‘stricken in years’, which simply means advanced; but the meanings ‘stamped’ and ‘hit’ were both well established before 1500 (OED, Strike v. 25, 28), and afford a powerful metaphor for aging which is carried on in the next line. The Augusta was 80 at the date (ad23) of this speech (cf. Dio, 58.2.1).
53 impressed . . . characters stamped with the identifying marks of age. Tiberius was 65 in ad23.
60 Honour . . . in Conduct them in with honour. This transitive usage not in OED.
62 suns] F1; springs Q
62 suns . . . up One of Jonson’s most substantial revisions of Q (see collation), acknowledging the incongruity of springs exhausting (i.e. draining) floods. There is a conventional pun on ‘suns’/‘sons’.
62 drink up] F1; exhaust Q
64–5 I . . . Sphinx The Sphinx was a monster sent by Hera to plague Thebes, devouring one of its citizens each time they failed to answer her riddle about the three ages of man. When Oedipus answered it, she committed suicide.
65 SD] G; Nero. Drvsvs. iu. Q; Tiberivs, Nero, Drvsvs iunior. F1
66 SH] Tib. Q; not in F1
66–81 ‘Taking them by the hand he said: “Conscript Fathers, when these boys lost their father, I gave them to their uncle and begged him, although he had his own children, that he would treat them as if they were his own blood, cherish and raise them for himself and for posterity. Now Drusus is taken from us, I turn my prayers to you, and implore you before Heaven and your country: the great-grandsons of Augustus, descendants of noble ancestors. Adopt them, rule them, fulfil this duty of mine and yours. These will be to you, Nero and Drusus, in the place of parents. For you are so born that your good and ill is that of the commonwealth”’ (Tacitus, 4.8).
67 princes,] F1; Princes Q; comma added by pen in Townshend Q
69 he’d] this edn; he had Q; h’had F1
69 proper legitimate, true.
71 self-blood his own ‘proper issue’; OED gives this as the only example.
77 Accomplish Fulfil; from Lat. compleo, –ere, to fill (Ayres).
78 these] Q; (these F1
6 Tacitus, Annales, 4.8.
84–5 Translating Claudian, On Stilicho’s consulship, 2.317–18: Titulo tunc crescere posses; / Nunc per te titulus (Briggs). These words are underlined and marked with Jonson’s flower symbol in his copy (see 1.152–4n.). Jonson quoted the Lat. in marginal note 13, Haddington, 183 (H&S).
84 them their actions and themselves.
87 no . . . themselves As Whalley and later editors note, a common conceit, ultimately derived from Seneca’s Hercules Furens, 84–5: ‘Do you seek a peer for Alcides? / There is nobody but himself.’
88–9 Let . . . virtue An addition to the speech in Tacitus. In contrast to Sejanus, Nero and Drusus will be led by virtue, with Fortuna following.
88 nothing nothing undeserved.
91 Relieve Support; suggested by Tacitus’s vestram meamque, ‘for you, and for me’.
91 general collective, unanimous. Cf. Welbeck, 15: ‘“Welcome, O welcome” is the general voice.’
92–4 ] italics in Q, F1 subst.
93–4 ] marginal note in F1: A forme of speaking they had.
95 in . . . right on their behalf. Ayres wrongly says not recorded in OED: see Right n.1 7b.
95 SD From this point until the Senate dissolves (470 below), Arruntius, Sabinus, and (up to 294) Gallus speak to each other, providing a commentary which is not addressed to the Senate at large (only at 215 below does Cotta take up one of their comments), but which does not consist of a series of private asides to the audience.
96 now!] Q state 2, F1; now? Q state 1
96–7 the . . . lips Proverbial. Cf. Florio, First Fruits, 19: ‘Between doing and saying there is great space’ (Ayres).
97–8 Tiberius’ . . . man’s Tacitus says, ‘Tiberius esteemed none of his virtues as high as dissimulation’ (cf. Sej., 1.395 n.59).
104 greater . . . less Proverbial. Cf. Dent, G 437.
105 covetously eagerly, greedily.
106 now now that.
108 great issue Nero and Drusus.
112 spleens OED (Spleen n. 1†c) quotes Andrew Boorde, Breviary of Health (1547): ‘A spleen, the which . . . doth make a man to laugh.’ As Ayres notes, it was also confusingly the source of melancholy (OED, 1†b).
112 n.7 Ad . . . susciperent ‘Returning to the vain and much derided wishes that the republic be restored, and that the consuls or some others might undertake the government’.
7 Tacitus, ibid. [4.9.] Ad vana et toties inrisa revolutus, de reddenda Republica utque Consules, seu quis alius regimen susciperent.
113–14 The . . . shoulders Cf. Claudian, Against Rufinus, 1.273–4: ‘[you] who sustain the falling and slipping world on your shoulders’. Marked by Jonson with his flower symbol in his copy of Claudian (see 1.152–4n.).
119 taste perceive, suspect, as if by tasting the flavour. Cf. Devil, 1.6.138: ‘Nay, then I taste a trick in’t.’
123 ] marginal note in F1: A wreath of laurell.
123 n.8 Tonitrua . . . frondis ‘He was terrified beyond measure by thunder; and when the sky was stormy he never failed to wear a laurel wreath on his head, because that kind of leaf is said not to be struck by lightning.’ Pliny, Nat. Hist., 15.40 (Jonson cites 15.30), describes the laurel’s connections with Augustus.
123 n.8 15.40 this edn; lib. 15. cap. 30 Q.
8 Tonitrua praeter modum expavescebat: et turbatiore coelo nunquam non coronam lauream capite gestavit, quod fulmine afflari negetur id genus frondis. Suetonius, Tiberius 69. Vide Plinium, Naturalis Historia, 15.40.
124 Hear Gallus is calling the Germanicans’ (and the audience’s) attention back to Tiberius.
127 counterpoint exact opposite.
130 Atlas According to Hesiod (Theogony, 517), a Titan who supports the heavens. Cf. Pleasure Rec., 1–3.
132 bring him off rescue him (OED, Bring v. 19b).
133 then] Q, F1; than Bolton
136 Vertumnus Etruscan god who became associated with all forms of changing and turning (Lat. verto, –ere), especially the turning of the seasons.
136 For . . . public ‘For the public good’ or ‘As for the public good’.
137 drawn diverted from my purpose.
138 affect like to practise (OED, Affect v.1 2c).
140 n.9 Semper . . . Oratione ‘Tiberius was always ambiguous and obscure in his speech’ (Tacitus says suspensa . . . et obscura, ‘uncertain and obscure’).
9 Semper perplexa et obscura Oratione Tiberius, vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.11.
141–4 Caesar . . . innocence] italics. in Q, F1 subst.
142 ] marginal note in F1: Another forme.
143 modesty (1) clemency, mildness (OED, †1); (2) lack of arrogance (OED, 2).
145 prayer’s . . . subject Playing on logical terms: the subject of a proposition should come before the predicate. Tiberius’s innocence in particular does not exist.
145–7 Guard . . . bounty] italics. in Q, F1 subst.
149 prayers] F2; prayer’s Q, F1
154, 155 SDs] this edn
154 Afer Briggs notes Tacitus does not mention Afer taking part in the trial of Silius, though he does emphasize his unscrupulous ambition (4.46, 52). Otherwise, Jonson follows the account of Silius’s trial in Tacitus, 4.18–20, very closely.
155 n.10 Citabatur . . . praeconis ‘The accused was called from the tribunal by the voice of the herald.’ Quoting Brisson, De formulis, 470.
10 Citabatur reus e tribunali voce praeconis. Vide Barnabaeum Brissonium, de Formulis, 5.
157 Sacrovir See 2.291 n.24.
160 admit allow.
164 discovered disclosed, made known.
167 mule] Q, F1 (Moile)
173 n.11 Jonson gives no specific references, but all these authors document the vicious roles played by Tiberius, and informers profiting from the charges they brought. In the instances given, Suetonius describes how Tiberius ‘Soon, as time went on, even resorted to plunder’, and describes a sequence of false accusations and other abuses. Tacitus recounts Silius’s unsuccessful attempt to avoid forfeiting his estate by committing suicide: ‘Nevertheless there was savagery against his property . . . Augustus’s gift was torn away, and the claims of the exchequer were calculated one by one, the first example of Tiberius dealing sharply with the wealth of others. Sosia was sentenced to exile on the motion of Asinius Gallus, who had proposed half her estate should go to the exchequer, half be left to her children. Against this, Marcus Lepidus argued for a quarter to go to the the prosecutors, as the law required, and the rest to the children.’ For Dio, see 1.29–30n.; for Seneca, 1.28 n.9.
11 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, [49], Tacitum, [4.20], Dionem [57.19.2, 58.4.8], Senecam [De Beneficiis, 3.26].
173–5 name . . . matter Afer sets the word ‘crime’ against the supposedly substantial thing itself.
179 thrust in Translating Tacitus’s inmissus (4.19).
180 The charge was of laesa majestas, treason, rather than the financial corruption of which Tacitus acknowledges Silius and Sosia were guilty, a point Jonson does not pursue.
181 cause person who is to blame (OED, 2). Jonson may also be recalling Cicero’s nocentem causam, which out of context could be mistranslated as ‘guilty cause’ (Pro Sexto Roscio, 2.56).
182 n.12 ‘Conscientia . . . arguebantur ‘It was alleged that Sacrovir was long protected by his complicity in the war, that his [Silius’s] victory was sullied by greed, and that his wife Sosia was his partner in this.’
12 Tacitus, 4.19. Conscientia belli, Sacrovir diu dissimulatus, victoria per avaritiam foedata, et uxor Sosia arguebantur.
183 n.13 Bellum . . . Germania ‘The war against Sacrovir was in France, the triumph in Germany.’
13 Bellum Sacrovirianum in Gallia erat. Triumphus in Germania, vide Tacitum, Annales, 3.45.
186 entertainment money sent to Silius to pay for the war.
187 polled plundered (OED, 5).
189 actions’] G; actions Q, F1
192–4 Under the law of calumny, the accuser who lost his case could face the penalties for the crime of which he had accused his opponent.
192 unjustly] Wh; injustly Q, F1
192 n.14 Vide . . . apud ‘See the procedure for making an accusation in’. Brisson, De formulis, gives this formula on 469.
14 Vide accusandi formulam apud Brissonium, de Formulis, 5.
199 design designate (Lat. designo, –are).
203 n.15 Adversatus . . . etc. ‘The Caesar was against it: [saying] it was usual for magistrates to bring charges against a private citizen, and the powers of the consul should not be impaired, on whose vigilance, etc.’
15 Tacitus, Annales, 4.19. Adversatus est Caesar: solitum quippe Magistratibus, diem privatis dicere, nec infringendum Consulis ius, cuius vigiliis, etc.
204 appoint . . . day Translating the Lat. formula dicere diem, ‘to appoint a day’, i.e. to accuse, impeach someone (Briggs).
207–8 commonwealth . . . loss Translating the formula ne quid detrimenti respublica capiat, by which unlimited emergency powers had been vested in the consuls in pre-imperial times.
208 oblique course behaviour deviating from the interests of the commonwealth.
209 fraud deceit, hypocrisy (since the consular powers in question were for extreme cases, and presupposed a Senate and consuls with genuine freedom of action).
216 choose to] Bolton; choose too Q, F1; choose, too Barish
219 interessed implicated.
220 Please Caesar] Please’ Caesar Q, F1 subst.
220 Please Caesar The apostrophe in Q, F1 (see collation) indicates an ellipsis: ‘Please you Caesar’ or ‘May it please Caesar’.
220 give way give permission, acquiesce. Cf. Cat., 3.1.54–6: ‘I know ’twas this which made the envy and pride / Of the great Roman blood bate and give way / To my election.’
224 natural Natural law was perceived as that based on an innate moral sense implanted by God, rather than the codified laws of the state.
226 unkind (1) ungenerous; (2) unnatural.
236 o’the] F1; of the Q state 1; of Q state 2
238 n.16 Immissusque . . . gratificabatur ‘And Varro the consul was set on, who pretending to continue his father’s feud, gratified Sejanus’s hatred through his own dishonour.’
16 Tacitus, Annales, 4.19. Immissusque, Varro Consul, qui paternas inimicitias obtendens, odiis Seiani per dedecus suum gratificabatur.
240 impious Because, as Briggs notes, the consuls had a priestly as well as secular function.
240 SH] Sil. F1; Sei. Q, corr. by pen in Townshend and Verulam copies
240 take part (1) take sides; (2) participate.
241 scent] Q, F1 (sent)
243 Minion Favourite; usually as here with contemptuous suggestion of a humiliating dependency in the relationship.
245 net . . . filing Vulcan the smith made a net of fine wire ‘light as a cobweb’ in which he trapped his wife Venus in bed with Mars (Odyssey, 8.266–366).
245 engine device.
248 nostril An organ of keen perception and wisdom to the Romans (H&S, Ayres). Cf. To the Readers, 21, and Poet., Apol. Dialogue, 195: ‘the stuffed nostrils of the drunken rout’.
250 equal fair, impartial.
252 howe’er provoke ‘however much they provoke me’; Whalley first amended to ‘provoked’, but as Ayres notes, the referent is still the ‘wolf-turned men’.
252 provoke] Q, F1; provoked Wh
253 engaged in battle.
257 crispèd curly-haired. Cf. Und. 2.9.10–11: ‘with crispèd hair / Cast in thousand snares and rings’.
257 eagles The aquilae, principal standards of the Roman legions.
261 n.17 Populi . . . Sicambri ‘A German people, today the Geldri, living in Belgium between the Meuse and the Rhine, whom Martial celebrates, On the Spectacles, “With their hair twisted into a knot come Sicambrians.”’ Gifford notes a similar description in Juvenal, Satires, 13.164–5.
17 Populi Germani hodie Geldri in Belgica sunt inter Mosam et Rhenum: quos celebrat Martialis, De Spectaculis, 3.[9:] Crinibus in nodum tortis venere Sicambri.
262 backward . . . slave scars on the back, indicating cowardice.
264 Were . . . to (Which) were meant to honour.
270 blood As a source of passion, especially anger. Cf. EMO, 1.1.3–4: ‘Doth that man breathe that can so much command / His blood and his affection?’
272 n.18 ‘Since Silius . . . had commanded a great army for seven years, and won the triumphal ornaments in Germany [see 2.291n.] as victor of the war with Sacrovir, so his fall would be the more tremendous and spread greater fear among others. And many believed he had exacerbated his offence by his own vanity in boastfully insisting that his troops had remained loyal, while others were falling into mutiny, and Tiberius’s throne would not have survived if his legions had also been passionate for revolution. The Caesar regarded this as destructive of his state, which he judged unequal to such deserts. For benefits are a pleasure while they seem to be requitable; when they go far beyond that, they are repaid with hatred instead of gratitude.’
18 Tacitus, Annales, 4.18.
275 thine] Q; yours F1
276 Thou wert] Q; You were F1
276 Thou wert he You boasted that you were the man.
275–82 The changes in F1 from Q’s contemptuous second person singular to second person plural (see collation) may be a compositor’s. H&S suggest the usage is interchangeable at this date, but Drusus’s insulting choice of ‘thy’ for Sejanus at 1.567, and Sejanus’s contemptuous use for the absent Drusus at 2.143–56, suggest otherwise. Macro’s obviously insulting use of ‘thou’ and ‘thy’ to Sejanus at 5.650–60 is especially close in context to Afer’s. Afer, using reported speech as Barish notes, places heavy emphasis on each pronoun.
277 saved] F1 (sau’d); sau’dst Q
278 thy] Q; your F1
278 mutined mutinied. Cf. Epicene, 1.3.13: ‘rails at his fortunes, stamps, and mutines’.
279 Thy] Q; Your F1
280 Thou gav’st] Q; You gave F1
282 donative gift. As Bolton notes, translating Lat. donativum, imperial largesse from the emperor to his soldiers (and not, as here, the reverse).
282 thee] Q; you F1
285 famous credit (1) well-known trustworthiness; (2) infamous (Lat. famosus) reputation.
288 crime accusation (Lat. crimen. Cf. OED, †3).
288–91 What . . . pay? By claiming he has reversed the ‘donative’ (282) and made Caesar and Rome unrequitably in his debt, Silius has undermined Tiberius’s status as the giver rather than recipient of benefits.
289 royal Not anachronistic, since used frequently at this date to mean ‘splendid, imposing’ (OED, 8).
290 urgèd charged, debited.
290 benefit favour (cf. 305 below).
291–2 In . . . courtesy If these claims were true, Tiberius’s whole fortune would not be enough to pay the debt required by Silius’s support.
294 Silius’] Wh; Silius Q, F1 subst.; Siliu’s F2
295 Gallus . . . too Though named in the ‘discontented list’ of Germanicans (2.220–1; cf. the ‘old list’, 2.338–9), and later seen advising Agrippina to temporize (4.1–14), Gallus was not a Germanican. Here Jonson follows Tacitus, who records Gallus proposing that Sosia be exiled and lose half her estate (see 173 n.11 above) and earlier reports his flattering argument that Senate business transacted in Tiberius’s absence would lack status (2.35).
295 o’] Q; on F1
296 circumstance circumstantial evidence or argument.
298 meet fall in with. Cf. Case, 1.4.60: ‘what cross events do meet my purposes’.
302–5 So . . . answered Thus quickly do all good services become changed into suspected deep injuries by anxious and equivocating princes, when those good services are seen as threatening to obscure and compete with the prince’s own glory. Cf. Ventidius in Ant., 3.1.11–27. Lipsius notes a source in Seneca, ‘Epistolae, 19 Quidam quo etc.’ (in fact 18.3), but it is a commonplace most fully worked out by Machiavelli, at length in Discorsi, 1.29, ‘Which is more ungrateful, a people or a prince’ (Quale sia più ingrato, o uno popolo o uno principe), and more succinctly in Il Principe, 3: ‘From this a general rule is deduced, which never or rarely fails: that he who is the cause of another becoming powerful is ruined; because that power has been brought into being either by ingenuity or by force, and the one and the other of these two are suspect by him who has become powerful.’ (Di che si cava una regola generale, la quale mai o raro falla: che chi è cagione che uno diventi potente, ruina; perché quella potenzia è causata da colui o con industria o con forza; e l’una e l’altra di queste dua è sospetta a chi è diventato potente.) Ayres adds Seneca, De Beneficiis (‘Of Benefits’), 2.24.1: ‘It is safer to offend some men than to deserve well of them; for they seek a cause of hatred in order to show that they owe nothing.’
303 With . . . deep] F1; With Princes, do conuert to Q
303 doubtful (1) anxious, fearful (OED †5; cf. Sej., 5.236, ‘doubtful states’); (2) equivocating, inscrutable (cf. Argument, 28, ‘doubtful letter’). H&S and later editors assume Jonson’s revision here (see collation) is self-censorship (H&S, 2.4–5, 9.587–8), excluding James I in particular from the generic Machiavellian censure of princes implied in Q (see previous note), but it seems more likely that Jonson revised F1 to delineate Tiberius’s mistrustful mental state more clearly. See Textual Essay, Electronic Edition.
305–8 Benefits . . . kill Cf. Seneca, De Beneficiis (‘Of Benefits’), 2.24.1, quoted above, 302–5n.
307 restore recompense. Cf. EMO, 3.2.88: ‘Restore to all men, what with wrong I robbed them.’
311 make] Q; makes F1
311–12 must . . . of it must not be interrogated or challenged.
314 in eye in sight of. Examples such as Ham., 4.4.6, ‘We shall express our duty in his eye’ suggest it was used particularly for being in the royal presence (Eye, n.1 4†c).
315 front confront, as if on equal terms. Cf. Epigr. 80.7: ‘So to front death as men might judge us past it’. Ayres suggests a pun on Lat. frons, forehead, emphasizing the idea of equality.
316 spirit spirit of arrogance and rebelliousness.
317 shows . . . rest reveals the truth of the other charges against him.
317 censured judged. Cf. JC, 3.2.15: ‘Censure me in your wisdom.’
321 Delude Cheat (Lat. deludo, –ere). Cf. Devil, 1.6.53–4: ‘wife, I will have thee / Delude ’em with a trick’.
324 hands of Fortune Briggs notes the echo of Seneca, De constantia sapientis (‘On the firmness of the wise man’), 8.3: ‘And if he can bear the blows of Fortune with patience, how much more those of powerful men whom he knows to be the hands of Fortune’ (quos scit fortunae manus esse). Cf. Und. 23.16–18.
324–5 She . . . threats Translating Lucan, De Bello Civili, 9.569: Fortunaquae perdat / opposita virtute minas (Briggs). Jonson uses the same passage in New Inn, 4.4.153–5 (H&S).
326–31 Applying to Silius’s predicament a passage from Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes (‘Tusculan Disputations’), 5.1: ‘Virtue . . . holds as beneath her all that can happen to a man, and looking down upon them despises the vagaries of mortal life’ (Briggs, 1916c, 330).
334 Translating Lucan, De Bello Civili, 9.583: pavido fortique cadendum est (Briggs).
334 must fall alike must fall.
335 discerns distinguishes. Cf. Cat., 4.1.50–1: ‘How easy is a noble spirit discerned / From harsh and sulphurous matter.’
336 Again echoing De Bello Civili, 9: ‘virtue rejoices when it pays dearly for its existence’ (9.404; Riddell, 1975, 207).
339 SD] F3; not in Q, F1
340 Oh, desperate] Q (O desperate)
340–8 As before, the Germanicans converse privately among themselves.
340 n.19 ‘Silius anticipated his imminent conviction by a voluntary end.’ Whalley notes that Tacitus does not say Silius killed himself in the Senate.
340 ] marginal note has no anchor in Q
19 Tacitus, ibid. [4.19].
345 stallèd forestalled, prevented from proceeding (OED, Stall v.1, 11†a, citing this line). Briggs notes the reference in Tacitus, 3.50: ‘Often I have heard our prince lament when someone has forestalled his mercy by choosing death.’ Ayres adds the example of Tacitus, 2.31, on the suicide of Libo Drusus: ‘Tiberius swore he would have interceded for his life, however guilty, if he had not hurried to death of his own free will.’
347 prevent anticipate.
349 His His own.
353 state estate, property.
354 gaped for longed for (OED, Gape v. 4). Cf. 2.359, 3.171.
355 citation summons.
356 proscribed exiled and deprived of her estate (Silius’s suicide had prevented the confiscation of his estate).
358 treasure treasury; OED, Treasure n. †3, says it is ‘rare’ thus, and records no use after 1596, but cf. Cat., 5.3.211: ‘a reward out of the public treasure’, and Gypsies (Windsor), 368: ‘You command the king’s treasure.’
360 Part, which] F1; The which Q
368 censures judgements; for n.20, see above, 173 n.11.
368 ] marginal note has no anchor in Q
20 Tacitus, Annales, 4.20.
369 bending . . . better Translating Tacitus, 4.20, in melius flexit, ‘he bent to the better’.
369 SD] this edn; Cordvs. Satrivs. Natta. Q; Praeco, Cordvs, Satrivs, Natta. F1, following 373
370 n.21 Jonson’s citation is not keyed to any specific point in the text. Lines 407–60 below are themselves a sufficiently full translation of Cordus’s speech as reported by Tacitus (4.34–5). Dio says that ‘Cremutius Cordus was forced to take his own life because he had come into collision with Sejanus. He was on the threshold of old age and had lived most irreproachably, so much so, in fact, that no serious charge could be brought against him, and he was therefore tried for his history of the achievements of Augustus which he had written long before, and which Augustus himself had read. He was accused of having praised Cassius and Brutus, and of having assailed the people and the Senate; as regarded Caesar and Augustus, while he had spoken no ill of them, he had not, on the other hand, shown any unusual respect for them. This was the complaint made against him, and this it was that caused his death as well as the burning of his writings. Those found in the city at the time were destroyed by the aediles. Later they were republished, for his daughter Marcia as well as others had hidden some copies; and they aroused much greater interest by very reason of Cordus’s unhappy fate.’
21 Tacitus, Annales, 4.34. Dio, Historia Romana, 57.24.2–4.
371–3 More . . . honest Arruntius wishes Cordus good but does not address him directly; he shares his concern and dismay with the other Germanicans.
374 first praeco Cremutius Cordus!] this edn; Prae. Cremutius Cordus. Q; Cremvtivs Cord’. F1
374–7 Satrius . . . flesh For these ‘clients’ of Sejanus, see notes to Names of the Actors, 14, 15, and 1.22–3. W. D. Briggs (ed. 1911) notes the imitation of Seneca, ‘To Marcia’, 22.5: ‘those fiercest of dogs, which he kept tame only towards himself, ferocious towards all others, by supplying them with human blood, now began to bark around that great man [Cordus], already caught in the snare’.
374 Secundus] Q; Secvnd’ F1
384 hast] F1; last Q
385 with] F1; wtih Q
385 viper’s tooth The young of the viper were believed to eat their way out of the mother, killing it in the process; see Pliny, Nat. Hist., 10.82. Cf. Poet., 5.3.284 (H&S).
387 degenerous degenerate, here unworthy of his/her ancestry. Cf. New Inn, 3.2.166.
389 forth forth of, meaning ‘out of’.
390 Instance in Cite an example as proof.
392 See 1.104n.
392 ‘Cassius . . . Romans.’] Ayres; italics. in Q
394 SH] Afe. F1; Arr. Q, corr. by pen in Townshend copy
394 private personal interest (Ayres). Cf. Cat., 3.2.247: ‘Nor must I be unmindful of my private’ (H&S).
395 spirit mettle, hence often at this date sense of what is owed to one’s rank.
397 parricide Used of the killers of Caesar (Lewis and Short, parricida Ⅱ.2.B) as pater patriae. Afer may also be hinting at the tradition that Caesar was the natural father of Brutus (Suetonius, Julius, 50.2, 82.3).
399 invective vituperative.
402 whole . . . time Editors have tried to explain this as (1) referring to Tiberius as ‘the greatest man of the present day’ (Barish); (2) ‘the processes of (personified) Time’ (Ayres); or (3) ‘to all of history’ (Kidnie). The phrase appears to be applied specifically to ‘Caesar’, and may be an attempt by Afer to flatter Tiberius as the most complete man produced by the time.
404 pen.] F1; pen? Q
406 name reputation, status. Cf. Alch., 1.1.81; Challenge, 89–90: ‘Is Cupid of no name with you?’
407–60 The speech of which Jonson told Drummond that ‘In his Sejanus he hath translated a whole oration of Tacitus’ (Informations, 481). See above, 370 n.21.
407–10 Tacitus, 1.72, implies that the application of the lex majestatis to words was an innovation of Augustus; it had previously only applied to deeds which threatened the ‘majesty’ of the state.
407 fact deed (translating Lat. factorum), especially an evil deed (OED, 1c).
408 As . . . argued That solely by my writings is my loyalty being challenged.
408–10 those words . . . comprehends ‘the law of treason pertains only to language that is directly aimed against the reigning emperor or his father’.
415–16 History . . . extol Livy’s Ab urbe condita libri (‘From the founding of the city’) was a history of Rome in 142 books, of which 109–16, the ‘civil war books’ dealing with Caesar and Pompey, are among the 107 that are lost.
417 him Livy.
419 Scipio Metellus Scipio, Pompey’s father-in-law, committed suicide after his defeat by Caesar at Thapsus (47bc).
419 Afranius Lucius Afranius, consul in 60bc, legatus for Pompey in Spain, where he surrendered to Caesar. He was executed after Thapsus.
421 thieves and parricides They are called latrones et parricidae by Valerius Maximus (1.5.7, 1.6.13) and Velleius Paterculus (2.72.1–2), both writing during the reign of Tiberius.
422 notes Briggs suggests Jonson has in mind the nota censoria, ‘a mark placed by the censor against the name of any one censured’. In fact, though Ayres says it is not recorded in OED, the meaning of ‘stigma, reproach’ was ‘in common use from c. 1570 to 1650’ (OED, Note n.2 8a), and is used thus in Cat., 4.2.257–8: ‘What domestic note / Of private filthiness’.
423–4 Asinius . . . memory Asinius Pollio, author of a history of the Civil Wars, was father of Asinius Gallus, whom Tacitus (1.12) describes as inheriting his father’s boldness. Horace, Odes, 2.1, is addressed to Pollio on writing his now lost history.
424 n.22 Septem . . . scripsit ‘He wrote seventeen books of his History.’
424 n.22 Suidan Σοώδα or Suda (Soàda, ‘Fortress’) title of a tenth-century Greek lexicon (often thought of as the name of the unknown author). It is a combined dictionary and encyclopaedia, and was available in a number of sixteenth-century editions, including Latin versions.
424 ] marginal note has no anchor in Q
22 Septem decim libros Historiarum scripsit. Vide Suidan, Suetonium, [Julius, 30].
424 Messalla Messalla Corvinus, deputy to Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, after which he went over to Octavian, becoming consul (31bc) and a supporter of the principate. His lost history probably covered the period from the death of Julius Caesar onwards (Suetonius, Augustus, 74). He was father of the Cotta who proposes the burning of Cordus’s history in this act (below, 465–6), and a patron of Tibullus and Ovid.
426 Lived with Perhaps Jonson’s translation of Tacitus’s perviguere, literally ‘keep blooming’, i.e. ‘flourish’, a word not found elsewhere.
426 Augustus,] Q; Avgvstvs! F1
427–30 To . . . judges Cicero’s Cato (lost but referred to in Ad Atticum, 13.46.2) was published in 46bc, and reflected disillusionment with a dictatorship he had first accepted as temporary. Caesar’s Anticato was a two-volume reply, apparently in the form of speeches: Suetonius, Julius, 56.5; Plutarch, Caesar, 54.
431 Antonius’ letters Only one of Mark Antony’s letters survives, analysed by Cicero, Orationes Philippicae (‘Philippic Orations’), 13.10.22; Suetonius uses them as a source, possibly quoting from them (Augustus, 7, 16, 63, 69).
431 Brutus’ pleadings Tacitus’s is the only known allusion to these speeches.
434 Bibaculus Furius Bibaculus, b. 99bc, mocked as a bad poet by Horace (Satires, 1.10.36, 2.5.41); only fragments survive in these two satires, and in Suetonius’s De Grammaticis (‘Grammar’), 9 and 11.
434 Catullus He attacks Caesar several times, especially in 29, 54, 57, and 95.
436–7 Yet . . . contemned them Suetonius says Caesar’s relations with Catullus’s family remained good after the latter apologized (Julius, 73).
437 contemned disregarded; translating Lat. reliquo, –ere.
438 Promptly Readily; translating Lat. facile.
439 for] F1; “For Q
440–1 ] gnomic pointing in Q
441 Briggs suggests an echo of Seneca, De Ira (‘On Anger’), 3.5.8: ‘Revenge is confession of a hurt’ (Ultio doloris confessio est). This may have suggested ‘confessed’, but Jonson needed to look no further than Tacitus for these lines, which he emphasizes by rhyme.
442–5 The . . . revenged The Greeks had a reputation for licentiousness fostered by Aesculapian comedy in particular (cf. ‘Merry Greeks’, Tro., 4.4.56). But when they were insulted or offended by words, they took revenge in words, not through prosecution.
442 slip pass over, omit. Cf. Volp., 4.1.145–6: ‘I do slip / No action of my life, thus, but I quote it.’
451 civil cause Tacitus writes belli civilis causa; Jonson’s version emphasizes that the war was fought for the freedoms of the citizens.
452–5 Or . . . writers A typically compressed sentiment: ‘Does the guilt of the long-dead Brutus and Cassius remain alive when they are written about now?’
453–4 images . . . defaced Augustus saw (and left intact) an image of Brutus at Milan (Plutarch, Dion and Brutus, 5), and images of both men are mentioned elsewhere by Tacitus (e.g. 3.76, 16.7). Coinage of Brutus and Cassius also continued to circulate.
456 Posterity] F1; “Posterity Q
462, 464 SDs] this edn; not in Q, F1
463 puts . . . whisper OED, Whisper n. 1b cites Massinger, Parliament of Love, 5.1.245–6: ‘She has put / The judges to their whisper’; H&S add Massinger’s use of the phrase in Roman Actor, 1.395–6. Massinger often borrowed from Jonson, but this was probably a common idiom for instigating a whispered consultation among a group of judges and the like, though OED does not record it as such.
463 n.23 Egressus . . . finivit ‘He then left the Senate, and ended his life by starvation.’
463 n.23 Generosam . . . mortem ‘On his noble death’.
23 Egressus dein senatu, vitam abstinentia finivit. Tacitus, ibid. [4.35]. Generosam eius mortem vide apud. Senecam, De Consolatione ad Marciam, 22.[6–7].
465 For the fate of Cordus’s books, and the parallel with the burning of books in England, see 1.84n.
465 burnt] F1; burn’d Q
466 aediles Probably trisyllabic (H&S). They were officers of various kinds, in this case responsible for executing senatorial decrees.
469 burnt, today] F1 subst.; burnt. To day. Q
470 Lictors . . . fasces In order to escort the consuls out. See 1.376n.
471 SH] Arr. Q; not in F1
471–80 These lines expand on Tacitus, and may have been recalled by Jonson’s friend John Hoskyns when James I had him held in close confinement in the Tower following his ‘Sicilian Vespers’ speech in the Addled Parliament of 1614: ‘no man ever suffered for mere wit: but if he lived not to requite it himself, yet the wit of all posterity took penance on his name that oppressed him’ (Hoskyns, Life, ed. B. Osborn, 1937, 71). See also Patterson (1984), 18 and 60–1, on Bacon’s use of this passage of Tacitus to advise Elizabeth on how to handle the Marprelate tracts.
476 the authority the power of the ‘wit’ to incite belief.
478 interdiction prohibition.
480 n.24 Manserunt . . . sexta ‘His books survived hidden and were published . . . This Cremutius had written on the civil wars, and fragments on Augustus survive in the elder Seneca’s sixth Suasoria.’ The note is taken verbatim from Lipsius.
24 Manserunt eius libri occultati et editi. Tacitus, ibid. [4.35.] Scripserat hic Cremutius bella civilia, et res Augusti exstantque Fragmenta in Suasoria sexta [6.19 M. Annaei] Senecae.
481 sore afflicted, distressed.
487 a-bruising] Bolton; a bruising Q, F1
487 a-bruising grinding.
487 n.25 After spending a whole day with Tiberius, Suetonius claims that Augustus was overheard to say, ‘O poor people of Rome, who will be ground in such slow jaws!’
25 Suetonius, Tiberius, 21.
487 SD.2] G subst., starting a new scene: SCENE Ⅱ. / A Room in the Palace.; Tiberivs. Seianvs. Q, F1 subst.
488 SH] Tib. Q; not in F1
489 jealousy suspicion.
491 engines snares.
493 n.26 See above, 295n.
26 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.13, 2.35.
494 it Gallus’s heart.
495 bring . . . crown bring to perfection. Not in OED, but cf. Crown n. 33.
496 good vultures OED cites this as a figurative use, referring to the human ‘vultures’ Afer and Varro, but H&S point rightly to the Roman view of the vulture as a bird of omen: ‘good vultures’ is a variant of the Lat. bonae aves, literally ‘good birds’, but by metonymy ‘good omens’. H&S cite Sej., 5.587, and Augurs, 283–4.
501 stalk with employ as a stalking horse in hunting, using him to divert attention.
501 Dearest head H&S cite the Greek

ϕιλτατον καρα

‘dearest head’. καρα is used periphrastically in Greek tragedy for a person: cf. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 905, ϕίλτατον κάρα. Jonson uses ‘impudent head’ in Cat., 4.2.429, ‘most reverend head’, Epigr. 14.1.
502 fortunate design auspicious plan; looking back to the ‘good vultures’ of 496 above, and to Sejanus’s links with Fortuna.
503 I’ve] this edn; I haue Q; I’have F1
503 grace favour (translating Lat. benevolentia).
503 n.27 The whole of 503–76 is based closely on Tacitus, 39–40, and is suggestively similar to Greneway’s version at several points. Tacitus says Sejanus’s request was in a letter to Tiberius, it being the normal custom to address him thus even when he was in Rome.
27 Tacitus, Annales, 4.39.
504 since after that.
505 ] F1; To . . . inur’d Q
510–11 ‘To watch and travel like a common soldier for the safety of the Emperor’ (Greneway, 102).
510 travail] Q (trauell)
511 confessed conceded.
513–16 ] marginal note in F1: His daughter was betroth’d to Claudius, his sonne.
514 n.28 Filia . . . desponsa ‘His daughter was betrothed to Claudius’s son.’ The future emperor Claudius was Tiberius’s nephew; his son Drusus died only a few days after his betrothal to Sejanus’s daughter. See Suetonius, Claudius, 27.
28 Filia eius Claudii filio desponsa.
515–17 I . . . Rome Cf. Greneway, 103: ‘he had heard that when Augustus in the bestowing of his daughter, had thought even of gentlemen of Rome’. Jonson is justified in following Greneway’s use of ‘gentlemen of Rome’ for Tacitus’s de equitibus Romanis, since the equites represented a large group below senatorial rank, analogous with the English gentry below the peerage; but eques was more usually rendered as ‘knight’, with ‘gentleman’ used to translate generosus or ingenuus. Cf. Argument, 1n. and 554 below. Cordus is similarly a ‘gentleman of Rome’ at 1.75.
516–17 thought But even ‘thought without prejudice’, considering such gentlemen potentially worthy sons-in-law.
521 but use make use of only in the most proper way.
521 kindred relationship. Cf. 4.113.
526 and] F2; ’And Q; ’and F1
526–7 and . . . children Cf. Greneway, 103: ‘and that in regard of his children’ (Tacitus’s liberorum causa would usually be translated ‘for the sake of his children’).
529 master] F1; Prince Q
530 piety] F1; pitty Q, corr. by pen in Townshend Q
530 piety Ayres rightly notes this is in the Lat. sense of ‘grateful devotion’ (Lewis and Short, pietas Ⅰ.B), but wrongly says this sense is not in OED: Piety, 3 ‘affectionate loyalty and respect’ is very close.
532 Those ‘bounties’] Ayres; Those, bounties Q; Those bounties F1
532 ‘bounties’ See collation; as Ayres notes, the comma in Q probably indicates a pause as Tiberius searches to quote the word Sejanus has just used (above, 505) rather than simply hesitating ‘as if trying to find a simpler word’, as H&S suggest.
532 we, faintly, such] F1 state 2; we faintly, such, Q, F1 state 1
534 drifts aims; again suggested by Greneway, 103: ‘Princes . . . whose special drift was to direct their actions to fame’.
535 sort Translating Lat. sors, destiny, direction (Ayres).
540 Continue . . . family Continue to live as a widow in the imperial family.
541 mother . . . grandam Her mother was Antonia, daughter of Mark Antony and Octavia, who was to warn her brother-in-law Tiberius of Sejanus’s plot; her grandmother was Livia Drusilla, the Augusta, after whom she was named.
543 simply deal proceed straightforwardly with the matter.
546 emulation rivalry, translating aemulatio.
549 present difference immediate quarrelling.
550 prove endeavour (OED, †4a).
551 first the wife] F1 state 2; who was wife Q, F1 state 1 subst.
552 n.29 Augusti . . . Iulia ‘Grandson of Augustus and son of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa by Julia’. See 1.213 n.37. As the oldest son of Marcus Agrippa, Tiberius’s cousin, and as Augustus’s designated heir before his early death, Caius Caesar had a prior claim to the empire that Livia, as his widow, might choose to exploit.
29 Augusti nepoti et M. Vipsanii Agrippae filio ex Iulia.
552 my] F1; to Q
554 private gentleman Cf. 515–17n. above; for Sejanus’s origins see Argument, 1, and Names of the Actors, 2n.
555 her Livia’s, rather than Rome’s.
558 her brother, father Germanicus, and the Drusus who fathered Germanicus, Livia, and Claudius.
560 state (1) high office; (2) pomp and splendour.
562 Stick not Do not hesitate.
563 our father’s Augustus’s.
563 scale degree. Cf. Volp., Epistle, 85.
566 For Out of.
566–7 Nor . . . designments ‘but I will not be against thine nor Livia’s designments’ (Greneway, 103).
572–3 we . . . That we do not know any.
574 mind to favourable disposition towards: OED, Mind n.1 13d, citing Devil, 1.2.29.
574 aspire aspire to.
575 publish proclaim.
575 watched occasion Translating datoque tempore, literally ‘and at the given time’. H&S cite Massinger, The Bondman, 4.1.34: ‘upon all watch’d occasions’.
578 blinding i.e. of the mental powers; the sense of mental ‘sight’ is restored, he having been temporarily blinded in making his suit to Tiberius.
581 n.30 Tacitus says that immediately following Tiberius’s rebuff, Sejanus turned to the task of persuading ‘Tiberius to pass his time in some pleasant place far from Rome’. Dio simply records that in ad26 Tiberius left Rome and never returned.
581 ] marginal note has no anchor in Q
30 Tacitus, Annales, 4.41. Dio, 58.1.
582 SD] G; not in Q, F1
584 Careful Attentive, solicitous. Cf. Cat., 2.1.207: ‘careful Galla’.
585 main design The plot against Sabinus.
585 SD] G; Seianvs. Q, F1 following 585; [Manet] Sejanus. Briggs
586 SH] Sei. Q; not in F1
586 those The ‘motives’ of 582.
586 shall. Dull] Q, F1 state 1; shall. dull F1 state 2
586–92 Dull . . . me Briggs (ed. 1911) compares two passages from Discoveries: ‘But princes that neglect their proper office thus, their fortune is oftentimes to draw a Sejanus to be near about them, who will at last affect to get above them, and put them in a worthy fear of rooting both them out and their family. For no men hate an evil prince more than they that helped to make him such’ (876–80); and ‘A prince should exercise his cruelty not by himself but by his ministers; so he may save himself and his dignity with his people, by sacrificing those when he list, saith the great doctor of state, Machiavel’ (829–31). The reference is to Il Principe, 19 (see 1.70–2n.).
587 thy . . . crimes? that your favouring of me has been criticized as criminal?
588 were . . . faults? were blamed on you for having favoured me?
590 that change any decision by you to give me up.
592 fond foolish.
593–4 brain . . . forge Ayres cites H5, 5.Chorus, 23: ‘In the quick forge and working-house of thought’. Cf. also Macilente’s ‘sweaty forge’ (EMO, 5.3.100) and Discoveries, 1735: ‘bring all to the forge and file again’.
595 my charms the ‘motives’ to leave Rome I just gave you.
597 As As if.
597 hemlock Poison hemlock (conium maculatum) was normally only used externally in a poultice or paste, its toxic properties being well known (cf. ‘The stupefying hemlock’ of Sad Shep., 2.8.45). The first effects of taking it internally (in Jonson’s time as a ‘juice’, not ‘snuffed up’) are stimulating; only later does the fatal drowsiness Sejanus refers to develop.
598 poppy . . . mandrakes The juice of both is narcotic, and they were taken mixed together, as here. Cf. Marlowe, Jew of Malta, 5.1.82: ‘I drank of poppy and cold mandrake juice’: (Complete Works, ed. Gill, 1987–98); H&S cite Oth., 3.3.331–2: ‘Not poppy nor mandragora / Nor all the drowsy syrups of the world’.
599 security complacency. Ayres cites Mac., 3.5.32–3, ‘security / Is mortals’ chiefest enemy’.
600 stupid stupefied.
610 Larded Enriched (as with fat); a figurative use of OED, Lard v. †2. H&S cite EMI (F), 3.5.133, but there the more common figurative meaning of garnishing speech is used.
610 did would.
611 weighty and] Wh; weighty, ’and Q, F1 subst.
614 dear important. Cf. Lear, 3.1.10–11: ‘upon the warrant of my note / Commend a dear thing to you’.
615 Such dispatches would be carried by speculatores, dispatch riders of the praetorian guard under Sejanus’s command.
619 wanting lacking.
620 n.31 Lines 600–20 are again closely based on Tacitus. As Ayres (14–15) points out, Jonson takes over a mistake in Greneway’s translation in lines 619–20. Tacitus writes et minui sibi invidiam adempta salutantum turba, ‘and less envy would accrue to him through the removal of the multitudes paying their respects’, where the multitudes were coming to Sejanus. Greneway translates this typically terse passage ‘and that the envy born to himself should be diminished, access to the Prince being lesser’ (my italics). For the crowds attending Sejanus, see Dio quoted at 5.428 n.60.
31 Tacitus, ibid. [4.41.]
622 observe treat with honour (OED, †4b).
622 SD.1] G; not in Q, F1
622 SD.2] G subst., starting a new scene: SCENE Ⅲ / Another Room in the same.; Tiberivs. Servvs. Q; Tiberivs, Servus. F1; not in Q
623 SH] Tib. Q; not in F1
625–60 The rhymed couplets, as before (2.172–209, 238–77), underscore the Senecan sententiousness of this soliloquizing; also at 714–49 below.
629 SD.1 Calling] this edn; not in Q, F1
629 SD.2 Enter servus] G subst. (Enter an Officer); not in Q, F1
632 less still less.
633 doubt hath law doubt has its own laws or rationale.
634 necessary use indispensable need; often used thus as quasi-legal term, though not in OED. Cf. Fletcher, Wife for a Month, 4.2.22–3: ‘I know thou art as holy as an old Cope, / Yet upon necessary use’ (Dramatic Works in the Beaumont and Fletcher Canon, ed. Bowers, 6.417).
636 fell fierce, implacable.
637 Those] F1; “They Q
637–46 Briggs notes the paraphrase of Discorsi, 3.6. Having cited Sejanus as one ‘moved to conspire by too many benefits’, Machiavelli concludes that ‘a prince who wants to guard himself against conspiracies should be more afraid of those on whom he has conferred too many favours, than those to whom he had caused too much harm, since the latter lack the wherewithal, whereas the former abound in it; and the wish is the same, because the desire for power is as great or greater than that for vengeance. They ought not, therefore, to bestow so much authority on their friends, but that a certain distance should exist between them and the principate, leaving something in the space between for them to desire. Otherwise it will be a rare thing if it does not happen to them as to the princes described above.’ Cf. Boughner (1968), 92. H&S point to the passage in Discoveries, 867–80, quoted above, 586–92n. See also Introduction.
637–8 Those . . . favours ‘The enemies most to be feared are those whom we make powerful through favours.’
638–46 ] gnomic pointing in Q
639 Those who are injured by princes have their own ambitions, to be sure.
642 Heat’ with] F1 subst.; Heat with Q
642 Heat’ Heated. OED cites this as a common form of past tense at this date, though Jonson’s apostrophe points to an elision of the final ‘-ed’.
645 flat level. Cf. 1.538.
646 rounds rungs.
647 thought – Is] F1; thought. Is Q
647 n.32 De . . . isto ‘On this Macro’. Dio gives the information that Tiberius, having ‘secretly appointed’ Macro commander of the praetorian guard, instructed him in everything that was needed to be done against Sejanus. Tacitus, whose account of the fall of Sejanus is lost, describes Macro in 6.48 as worse than Sejanus. Cf. Names of the Actors, 5n.
32 De Macrone isto, vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.9 et Tacitum, Annales, 6.45, 47, 48.
648 us. – He] F1; vs. Hee Q
648 SD] G subst.; not in Q, F1
650 Need] F1; ”Neede Q
651 What] F1; “What Q
651 I’ve] this edn; I’haue Q; I haue F1
651–4 I’ve . . . live From Pliny, Nat. Hist., 27.2: ‘this too [the poisonous aconite or monk’s hood] has been turned to the aid of human health, it having been found by experience that, administered in warm wine, it counteracts the stings of scorpions . . . [so] two poisons die together in a man, that he may survive.’
653 proof trial. Tiberius has only ‘heard’ of the proposition that one poison kills another, a variant of the Lat. proverb malum malo medicari, ‘treat evil with evil’.
655–6 He . . . like Sejanus has too active a spirit to be dealt with other than by an encounter with one of his own kind. This is Tiberius’s explanation for relying now on Macro, whom he does not trust, to cut Sejanus down to size.
659–60 ] gnomic pointing in Q
659–60 Briggs (1916c), 330, notes an analogue in Aristophanes, Frogs, 1431–2: ‘’Twere best to rear no lion in the state: / But having reared, ’tis best to humour him’ (Loeb edn., trans. B. B. Rogers). But the one-sided ‘partnership with a lion’ (Leonina societas) is proverbial: see e.g. Aesop’s fable of the Lion and the Ass.
660 SD] Bolton subst.; Tiberivs. Macro. Q, F1 subst.
661 SH tiberius] Tib. Q; not in F1
662 SD] G subst.; not in Q, F1
663 our] Q, F1 state 2; your F1 state 1
668 our courtings courting of us; as H&S say, an ‘objective genitive’. For the common plural cf. Hym., 236: ‘Courtings, Kissings, Coyings, Oaths’.
669 are in purpose intend. Cf. Volp., 3.2.43–4, ‘your father is in purpose / To disinherit you’.
670 n.33 40] H&S; 4 Q
670 n.33, 673 n.34 Suetonius says Tiberius, ‘Having travelled across Campania, and dedicated the Capitolium at Capua and the temple to Augustus at Nola, which he affected was the reason for his departure, went on to Capri.’ Dio adds nothing to this. Tacitus says he went ‘to Campania under pretence of dedicating a temple to Jove at Capua and to Augustus at Nola, but in fact determined to live far from the city.’ Jonson’s undated letter to Sir Robert Cotton inquiring about the ‘distance betwixt Bauli . . . and Villa Augusta’ (see Letter 2) may have been connected to his research for this scene. There is no evidence for Simpson’s assumption that it was ‘written in his latest years after the attack of the palsy’ (H&S, 1.215). Cf. Bland (1998a), 163–70.
33 Suetonius, Tiberius, 40. Dio, Historia Romana, 58.1.
673 ] marginal note has no anchor in Q
34 Suetonius, Tiberius, 40. Tacitus, Annales, 4.57.
675 produced OED, Produce v. †2c, defines as ‘To extend in duration; to prolong’, citing this as earliest example.
677 our shortest even my very shortest.
680 a field a large number (Ayres); this figurative use not in OED (but cf. 12 and 15). Jonson uses it similarly in Cat., 4.2.69.
686 election deliberate choice.
689–92 ] gnomic pointing in Q
689–92 ‘Sejanus is the worm, or moth [cf. 1.427 n.63], growing out of and feeding upon the “greatness” of Tiberius, transferring the latter’s “substance” (power) to himself’ (Ayres).
690 fit matter] F1 state 2; much humor Q, F1 state 1
691 after afterwards.
693–700 Tiberius speaks of Macro in the third person, but not in soliloquy, showing Macro a flattering portrait of himself.
699 point conclusion: OED, Point n.1 30, cites MND, 1.2.7–8: ‘First, . . . say what the play treats on; then read the names of the actors; and so grow to a point.’
704 ] marginal note has no anchor in Q
704 n.35 Suetonius says: ‘While Sejanus was attempting a revolution, although he [Tiberius] could see his [Sejanus’s] birthday celebrated publicly, and his golden statues honoured all around, yet he overthrew him only with difficulty, and then more through cunning and deceit than through his princely authority.’ Dio writes: ‘Now Sejanus was growing greater and more formidable all the time, so that the senators and the rest looked up to him as if he were actually emperor and held Tiberius in slight esteem . . . Sejanus had completely won over the entire praetorian guard and had gained the favour of the senators . . . he had furthermore made all the associates of Tiberius so completely his friends that they immediately reported to him absolutely everything the Emperor either said or did, whereas no one informed Tiberius of what Sejanus did. Hence Tiberius proceeded to attack him in another way; he appointed him consul and termed him Sharer of his Cares, often repeated the phrase ‘My Sejanus’, and published the same by using it in letters . . . Men were accordingly deceived by this behaviour, taking it to be sincere, and so set up bronze statues everywhere to both alike . . . Finally it was voted that they should be made consuls together every five years and that a body of citizens should go out to meet both alike whenever they entered Rome. And in the end they sacrificed to the images of Sejanus as they did to those of Tiberius.’
35 Consule Suetonius Tiberius, 65. Et Dion, Historia Romana, 58.4.1–4.
711 in charge as your responsibility.
713 SD] G; Macro Q, F1, following 713; [Manet] Macro. Briggs
714 n.36 De . . . consule ‘On Macro, and his character, consult’. These chapters describe Macro’s part in the last years of Tiberius’s reign, including the suicide of Arruntius (6.48) and the allegation that Macro ordered Tiberius’s murder (6.50).
714 SH] Mac. Q; not in F1
36 De Macrone, et ingenio eius, consule Tacitum, Annales, 6.45–50.
715 It] F1; “It Q
716 Of] F1; “Of Q
717 Cf. 2.170–3n., and Lucan, De Bello Civili, 1.175–6: ‘and the measure of right was might’ (mensuraque juris vis erat).
719–20 his . . . searched Cf. Proverbs, 25.3: ‘and the king’s heart can no man search out’ (Geneva).
721 in hand under one’s authority (OED, Hand 29d).
722 his (1) its; (2) his, the owner’s.
723 price] F1; prise Q
723 can hit An ellipsis: ‘who can hit’.
725 loose let loose, shoot.
727 with . . . twinned born as a twin with me. Cf. Oth., 2.3.204–6: ‘He that is approved in this offence, / Though he had twinned with me, both at a birth, / Shall lose me.’
727 twinned] Q, F1 (twin’d)
729 Practise away Do away by means of skulduggery.
730 In compass Into the scope (of my plot).
730 though but one even though I have only one male heir and hence no other hope of succession.
731 untrained engine trap unset (Ayres).
735–43 ] gnomic pointing in Q
736–9 Cf. Machiavelli, Il Principe, 15: ‘a man who wishes to profess goodness in every respect comes to grief among so many who are not good. Therefore it is essential that a prince who wants to maintain his power must learn how not to be good, and to make use of this, or not use it, according to need . . . [The prince] will find that something which seems a virtue would, if followed, be his ruin, and another which seems a vice would, if followed, bring security and well being.’ Ayres notes the similarity to Lucan, De Bello Civili, 8.489–91 (see 2.178–87 and note).
740–3 Men’s . . . lustre All these pairings either invert or distort conventional attributes and hierarchies.
741 observance deferential service (cf. 622n. above).
742 Opportunity is what sets them off and makes them look good; conscience is the contrasting opposite, a stain on their virtue (but to be ignored).
742 foil attractive setting (as opposed to ‘stain’).
743 lustre glory, splendour, in contrast to Sallust, Catilina, 1: ‘The glory of wealth and beauty is fleeting and fragile, but virtue shines brightly for ever.’
744–8 Caesar’s . . . rise Macro visualizes Tiberius as the power that can turn Fortune’s wheel, on which men rise and fall suddenly. Proverbial: Tilley, R136.
746 n.37 Chapters 9–10 of Dio 58 describe Sejanus’s downfall; Macro’s role is largely confined to 9.
37 Vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.9–10 etc.
748 It] F1; “It Q
748 uncouth uncommon, strange.
749 To] F1; “To Q
749 SD.1] G; not in Q, F1
749 SD.2] this edn; Mv. Chorvs. Q; Chorus of musicians F1
Actus Quartus ] Q; Act IIII. F1; ACT Ⅳ. SCENE Ⅰ. / An Apartment in Agrippina’s House. G
0 SD] G subst.; Gallvs. Agrippina. Nero. / Drvsvs. Caligvla. Q, F1 subst.
1 SH] Gal. Q; not in F1
Actus Quartus 1–76, 93–232 The location is Agrippina’s house. Macro’s short soliloquy (77–92), which is clearly not located there, may have been needed because of doubling by one or more actors, or because of the move at 93 to the gallery (see 95n. below).
1–2 patience . . . vengeance Imitated by Webster, White Devil (c. 1609), 3.2.269–70: ‘francisco. You must have patience. vittoria. I must first have vengeance’ (H&S).
1 n.1 Agrippina . . . accensa ‘Agrippina, always bad-tempered, and now inflamed by the danger to her relative’.
1 Agrippina semper atrox, tum et periculo propinquae accensa. Tacitus, Annales, 4.52.
3 Fortune] Q (Fortune); fortune F1
4–6 Echoing Lucan, De Bello Civili, 2.14–15: ‘let it come suddenly, whatever you are preparing; let the mind of man be blind to the future’ (Briggs).
7 Riddell (1975), 208, notes a source in Seneca, Medea, 163: ‘Who can hope for nothing, let him despair of nothing.’ Briggs suggests Aristotle, Rhetoric, 2.5: ‘They have no fear, for they have lost all hope.’ Both reverse the sentiment of the next two lines of Lucan, which continue ‘though he fears, let him hope’.
7 that I who.
10 Still Constantly.
12 At least the] Q, F1; At the least H&S, Bolton, Barish
12–13 colour . . . danger A complex pun: ‘colour’ is (1) that used by a painter and (2) ‘specious reason, pretext’ (OED, 12a); ‘ground’ is (1) the base coat laid on by a painter before particular colours are applied and (2) the more substantial (though still here specious) reason (OED, 5c).
18 Not] F1; “Not Q
18 Not . . . is ‘Even doing these things would not make me safe.’
21 n.2 Pulchra . . . damnantur ‘Pulchra and Furnius were condemned.’
2 Pulchra et Furnius damnantur. Tacitus, ibid.
24 n.3 Afer . . . ingenio ‘Afer became a leading advocate, having demonstrated his ability.’
3 Afer primoribus Oratorum additus, divulgato ingenio, etc. ibid.
28–9 Caesar’s . . . will Adapting Seneca, De clementia (‘On Mercy’), 1.8.7: ‘The will to anger should be weaker than its cause’ (Briggs).
31 observance duty.
32 unhappy in] F1 subst.; vnhappy’in Q
33–4 We . . . at Not, as Ayres suggests, ‘we are being attacked through them’, but the simpler meaning that ‘It is we (Agrippina, Nero, and Drusus) who are the targets’, not friends like Gallus (cf. line 35). Gallus’s role here is suggested by Tacitus, who notes that Agrippina ‘was the aunt of his children’ (through her half-sister Vipsania, now married to Gallus, formerly to Tiberius). As such, Gallus proposed, to Tiberius’s anger, that the Emperor ‘would allow his fears [about Agrippina and Nero] to be disclosed to the Senate so they might be removed’.
34 fall apart separate.
36 action . . . offence ‘action like the offence they charge us with’ (Ayres).
37 To mock their conspiracies to make us seem guilty by actually becoming so.
38 preventing anticipating.
39 The danger’s like The danger’s the same for us, whether we try to evade our enemies or do what they accuse us of.
40 No] F1; “No Q
41–2 ] gnomic pointing in Q
41 contests exerts itself.
41 more more greatly.
42 Whose mere existence was all their crime before.
42 SD] G subst.; not in Q, F1
45–6 A . . . bad A chance that at one time looked as if it would turn out badly.
47 n.4 Lines 47–60 are closely based on Tacitus’s account: ‘They were dining at a house called Spelunca in a natural cavern between the Amyclean sea and the mountains of Fundi. A sudden fall of stones at its mouth buried some of the waiters. This led to panic amongst them all, and the flight of those who were guests at the meal. Sejanus hung over Caesar with his knees, face, and hands, opposing himself to the falling stones, and was found in that posture by the soldiers who came to their help. He grew greater by this, and however pernicious his advice, he was heard with trust, as one not concerned for himself.’
4 Tacitus, Annales, 4.59.
48 n.5 Praetorium . . . appellat ‘Suetonius calls it a country seat.’ Lipsius’s note. As he says, Lat. Praetorium was used for ‘the more elegant houses’; Tacitus simply calls it a villa.
5 Praetorium Suetonius appellat. Tiberius, 39.
49 Fundane Hills Mountains above Fundi (modern Fondi, Lazio) on the west coast of Italy, now the Monti Ausoni.
50 Cf. Greneway, 110: ‘in a natural grot or cave’ (Tacitus, nativo in specu).
57 That . . . him Cf. Greneway, 110: ‘which came to succour them’ (Tacitus, qui subsidio venerant, ‘who came to their help’).
60 n.6 Praebuitque . . . fideret ‘And supplied him reason for placing still greater trust in the friendship and loyalty of Sejanus’. H&S correct unnecessarily to materiam.
6 Praebuitque ipsi materiem, cur amicitiae constantiaeque Sejani magis fideret. Tacitus, ibid. [4.59].
63–7 As Ayres notes, these lines are adapted from Tacitus, 4.59, the passage immediately following that cited in n.4: ‘And [Sejanus] began to take the part of a judge towards the progeny of Germanicus, suborning those who sustained the role of accusers, mainly attacking Nero, next in succession, and, notwithstanding his youthful modesty, frequently forgetful of what the times demanded.’
65 offence displeasure, resentment.
66 meet encounter, cope with (OED, 3c, earliest citation 1745).
67–70 ] gnomic pointing in Q
67 tyrant] F2; Tyranne Q; tyran F1
68–70 Imitating Seneca, De providentia (‘On Providence’), 2.2 and 4.16: ‘All adversities he converts to exercises’ and ‘Why do you wonder that good men are shaken that they may grow strong? No tree is strong or solid unless assaulted by frequent winds; by its very shaking it tightens its grip and drives its roots in more firmly’ (Briggs).
70 Who Which.
71 uncle’s Drusus’s.
72 hope hope for.
72 change of stroke variation of attack. Cf. Cynthia (F), 5.4.223–4: ‘show all the cunning of stroke your devotion can possibly devise’.
73 sleight] G; Slight Q, F1
74 act . . . suffer Echoed comically in Alch., 2.3.164–5: ‘Some do believe hermaphrodiety, / That both do act and suffer.’
76 What] F1; “What Q
76 Ayres suggests an echo of Seneca, De constantia sapientia (‘On the Firmness of the Wise Man’), 19.3: ‘all things fall more lightly when they are expected’, but the idea is a commonplace of the Stoic tradition.
76 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅱ. / The Street.; Macro. Q, F1
77 SH] Mac. Q; not in F1
80 In such a way that another change of place will set all to rights again?
80 next remove the next stage of his journey.
81 engaged committed; the usual meaning in Jonson, e.g. Cat., 4.4.93: ‘you durst engage both life and honour’.
81–2 what . . . more Whereas before I, Macro, was working for the ‘public’ end of helping Tiberius undermine Sejanus, my involvement in that plot, and Sejanus’s apparent recovery of favour, means that I must now protect my ‘private’ self by removing Sejanus (see 87–9 below).
82 must] Q state 2, F1; most Q state 1
82 more more than ever before.
83–5 The weal . . . employment The welfare of Caesar lent propriety to the employment, but the new danger to my own safety makes it essential that I succeed.
85 and] F1; ”And Q
86 Unto] F1; “Vnto Q
86 dearest in the most heartfelt manner (Ayres).
91 He] F1; ”He Q
91 He . . . know A person knows his own best advantage.
92 That] F1; “That Q
92 makes it home presses home the ‘vantage’ (91). Used of an attack in fencing or, in Case, 2.7.81, of a ‘bout of cudgels’: ‘Make home your blow; spare not me, make it home.’
92 SD.2] this edn; Latiaris. Rvfvs. Opsivs. Q, F1 subst.; SCENE Ⅲ. / An upper Room of Agrippina’s House. G
92 SD.2 Enter . . . opsius See 95n. below.
93 SH] Lat. Q; not in F1
93–232 Based on Tacitus, 4.68–70; see Greneway’s version, 113–14.
93 great] F1; Lord Q
94 n.7 Sabinum . . . quaerebatur ‘They attacked Sabinus, greedy for the consulship, to which there was no way except through Sejanus; nor could Sejanus’s goodwill be acquired except through crime.’ Dio adds that Latiaris owed Sejanus a favour.
7 Sabinum adgrediuntur cupidine Consulatus, ad quem non nisi per Sejanum aditus: neque Sejani voluntas, nisi scelere quaerebatur. Tacitus, 4.68–70. Dio, Historia Romana, 58.1.1.
95 roof and ceiling Knoll (1964), 195–7, suggests Jonson is using ‘ceiling’ to signify a tapestry or curtain (OED, †3), with the two men hiding in the ‘discovery’ space in the centre of the tiring-house screen, and peering through the curtain which covered it. But ‘ceiling’ in this sense seems to have been slightly old-fashioned by 1603, and on the other two occasions Jonson uses ‘ceiling’ (‘seeling’) it is clearly in the modern sense (OED, 5a): cf. Epicene, 4.1.47–8: ‘A wench to please a man comes not down dropping from the ceiling, as he lies on his back droning a tobacco pipe’; Alch., 5.5.39–41: ‘The empty walls, worse than I left ’em, . . . The ceiling filled with poesies of the candle’. Nor would Latiaris direct the spies to the vertical curtain as a space ‘between the roof and ceiling’.This ‘despicable’ place as Tacitus calls it would not be well suggested by hiding there. H&S speculate whether the spies climb a rope ladder to the ‘hut’, but it is more likely that the action from 93–114 takes place in the gallery above the tiring house, and that at 114 the spies remain visible to the audience ‘behind the balcony rails’ (Armstrong, 1960, 53; cf. Berry, 1983, 170–1), ready to call out from there to Latiaris at 217 (Latiaris having descended to the main stage at 98). Cf. 1.260 SD.2n.
96 bring . . . danger bring Sabinus to the point of uttering words that can be used against him.
104 observer devoted follower.
105 n.8 Eoque . . . iniquis ‘And he won the praise of good men, and the hatred of the wicked.’
8 Eoque apud bonos laudatus, et gravis iniquis. Tacitus, ibid.
109 free free of speech.
110 allied Cf. Greneway, 113: ‘Latiaris, who was somewhat allied to Sabinus’. Tacitus says Latiaris modico usu Sabinum contingebat, ‘he had a slight connection with Sabinus’. See Names of the Actors, 3n.
112 grateful welcome, acceptable.
114 holes hiding holes; with a strong suggestion of the burrow of an animal.
114 n.9 Haut . . . admovent[Between the roof and the ceiling] – a hiding place in no way less despicable than the plot itself – [the senators] hid themselves, and put their ears to the chinks and cracks’ (Tacitus, 4.69).
9 Haut minus turpi latebra quam detestanda fraude, sese abstrudunt; foraminibus et rimis aurem admovent.
114 SD.2] G subst.; Latiaris. Sabinvs. Q, F1 subst.
115 SH] Lat. Q; not in F1
117 friends of season ‘fair weather friends’ (Ayres).
117 you do do you. Latiaris is flattering Sabinus for not following Fortune.
118 their your supporters’.
123–4 issue . . . To offspring made the objects of.
127 They Germanicus’s kindred.
127 They . . . we Sabinus’s short-lived restraint is an invention of Jonson’s; in Tacitus he bursts into tears mixed with complaints (effudit lacrimas, iunxit questus) at this point (4.68).
129 high morally lofty.
132 n. 10 Ne . . . patefaceret ‘Not even night was safe, with Nero’s wife supplying news of his waking hours, his sleep, his sighs, to her mother Livia, and she to Sejanus.’
10 Ne Nox quidem secura cum uxor (Neronis) vigilias, somnos, suspiria matri Liviae, atque illa Sejano patefaceret. Tacitus, Annales, 4.60.
132–7 When . . . offence Tacitus and Jonson both refer several times to the use of ‘writings’ in this way; see Introduction.
133 instruments persons being made use of. The informers, manipulators of the evidence, are themselves seen as manipulated by Tiberius and Sejanus, the ‘they’ and ‘their’ of 135 below.
135 wreak revenge.
139 reft stolen, taken by force from. Cf. Venus and Adonis, 1174, ‘reft from her by death’.
139–41 And . . . eyes The irony of Sabinus describing something which is actually happening to him closely parallels that inherent in Silius’s interest in what is ‘in the forge’ at 2.495. Both episodes underline the political ineffectiveness of the Germanicans.
142–55 Briggs notes a posssible source in Machiavelli, Il Principe, 5: ‘He who becomes ruler of a city accustomed to live in liberty, and does not destroy it, can expect to be destroyed by it; because it always has as an excuse for rebellion the name of liberty and its ancient laws, which neither the passing of time nor benefits will cause it to forget.’
145 lose] F1; loose Q
154 ready] F1 state 2; facile Q, F1 state 1
155 vows prayers, earnest desires (OED, 4. Cf. Lat. votum).
156 This ass’s fortitude The stubborn persistence of this Sejanus.
157 Active valour is needed to redeem.
158 or none or else nothing will serve.
158 rock . . . steel OED, Flint n. 2a, quotes the phrase ‘flint and steel: an apparatus consisting of a piece of each of these substances used for procuring fire by the ignition of tinder, touchwood, etc.’ Jonson’s variation figures Tiberius and Sejanus as ‘the rock’ from which the hard steel of rebels’ swords will strike sparks to rekindle the fires of liberty.
163–6 ] gnomic pointing in Q
163–6 For the doctrine of non-resistance in both Roman and Jacobean times, see Introduction.
167–70 Referring to the dictatorship, added to the republican constitution early on to give one man supreme authority for six months or less in a military, or later civil, crisis. The later dictators, Sulla and Julius Caesar, took power through force, and in Caesar’s case became dictator for life. Augustus acquired similar powers, but rejected the title of dictator, as did Tiberius.
170 Conquest had long been seen as delivering sovereign power to the conqueror. See Grotius, De jure belli ac pacis (1625), trans. Kelsey (1925), 3.6: ‘On the Right of Acquiring Things Taken in War’; 3.8, ‘On the Right to Rule Over the Conquered’.
171–7 Why . . . empire Latiaris’s crying out against bondage under tyranny resembles that of Cassius in JC, 1.2.90–161, though Latiaris is of course speaking falsely to lay a trap.
172 Sejanus!] F1 state 2 subst.; Seianus? Q, F1 state 1 subst.
174 n.11 Facies . . . interstincta ‘An ulcerous face, frequently patched about with plasters’.
11 Facies ulcerosa, ac plerumque medicaminibus interstincta. Tacitus, Annales, [4].57.
175 n.12 Whalley first noticed Jonson’s error in placing Tiberius at Rhodes while he was also (47–60 above) at Capri, tracing it rightly to Tacitus, who examining motives for Tiberius’s self-exile in Capri says ‘and in the [earlier] seclusion of Rhodes . . . he had become accustomed to keep his pleasures secret’ (et Rhodi secreto . . . recondere voluptates insuerat). Greneway translated the pluperfect insuerat as an imperfect, the same tense as he had just used to describe Tiberius’s shame at his appearance as one reason for hiding in Capri: ‘his face spect with plaisters and ointments, [Tiberius] was therefore ashamed to show himself in public. And at Rhodes he was wont to shun company, live secretly, and hide his lascivious dissolute life’ (109–10, my italics). It is highly likely, as Ayres (15) argues, that Jonson was using Greneway’s version at this point, and, confused, careless, or vague on the geography of the Mediterranean, picked out ‘at Rhodes’ without noticing that he was conflating the exile of 6bc with that of ad26.
12 Tacitus, ibid.
175–6 he . . . princes Cf. Seneca, ‘To Marcia’, 22.4: ‘[Cremutius Cordus] had not been able to endure in silence that Sejanus was not only put on our necks, but climbed there’ (Briggs).
177 Familiarly to empire With undue, insulting freedom to the authority of the empire. Cf. Cynthia (Q), 4.3.59–60: ‘’Sblood, I never saw him till this morning, and he salutes me as familiarly as if we had known together since the first year of the siege of Troy.’
182 removed i.e. in time. Cf. TN, 5.1.78–9: ‘And grew a twenty-years’ removèd thing / While one would wink’.
184 mystery (1) profession; a ‘master’ in a mystery would be one qualified to teach apprentices, or be the head of a guild; (2) a secret of statecraft of the kind described in the following lines (OED, Mystery1 5c).
185 ere . . . fear before Tiberius went to Capri, Sejanus made him fearful.
189 laid arranged (OED, Lay v.1 38†b).
189 n.13 ‘Sejanus . . . sent those who, under the pretence of friendship, warned that poison was prepared for her.’
13 Tacitus, Annales, 4.54.
190 them Tiberius and Agrippina.
192 Since Since then.
193 heave him up encourage his ambition.
193 n.14 Partly quoted in 63–7n. above. The passage continues: ‘while he [Nero] was urged by his freedmen and clients, in hasty pursuit of power, to show a spirit of confidence and resolution: this [they said] was the wish of the Roman people, the desire of the army, and Sejanus, who now insulted over the patience of an old man and the slothfulness of a young one, would not dare to oppose’.
14 Tacitus, libro eodem, [4.]59–60.
195 him Nero.
196 both the people and the army.
199 he Sejanus.
200 yond] this edn; yond’ F1; yon’d Q
202 tying encouraging him to associate with.
202 at hand ready to be implemented.
204 he Sejanus.
206 his Sejanus’s.
207 clasps] Q state 2 ( clasp’s); clings Q state 1
207 n.15 ‘Sejanus . . . had also won over Nero’s brother, Drusus, by offering him the prospect of the principate once he ousted his older and now weakened brother. Beyond greed for power and the hatred customary to brothers, Drusus’s fierce temper was inflamed by envy, because his mother Agrippina was more inclined to Nero. Sejanus, however, did not favour Drusus to the extent that he did not also prepare the seeds of his future ruin, knowing the rashness which made him so peculiarly liable to treachery.’
15 Tacitus, ibid.
208 what . . . wears whose devotion Drusus Junior has won.
213 Sets in motion the process by which Sejanus is able to condemn the brothers.
214 Poses as a friend to one and all alike.
217 Bogged Cf. Und. 15.30, ‘bogged in vices’ (H&S).
220 catched As H&S note, Jonson allowed either ‘caught’ or ‘catched’ in Grammar, 1.20.25.
221 head (1) category; (2) white-haired.
222 reverend (1) old, venerable; (2) awe-inspiring (Lat. reverendus, H&S).
222–3 you . . . snared Tacitus here (4.71) leaves his usual system of annals to anticipate ‘the ends which befell Latinius and Opsius and the rest who perpetrated this atrocity, not only after Caius [Caligula] became emperor, but some while Tiberius still ruled’. Latiaris’s death is described in 6.4.
225 n.16 ‘But Caesar, in his letter on the Kalends of January, after the customary prayers for the New Year, turned to Sabinus, accusing him of corrupting some of his freedmen and attacking him, and demanded vengeance in a way by no means obscure. It was decreed without delay, and the condemned man was dragged away, shouting as forcefully as he could with his cloak over his head and the noose round his throat, that thus the year was inaugurated, these were the victims to be sacrificed to Sejanus.’
16 Tacitus, Annales, 4.70.
232 The] F1; “The Q
228 year . . . begun Executions did not normally take place on the sacred Kalends of January, as Suetonius, Tiberius, 61, implies: ‘No day was lacking an execution, not even those that were holy and sacred. Some were punished even as the New Year began.’
230 ‘Alluding to the form by which a criminal was condemned to death: “I, lictor, colliga manus, caput obnutio, &c.” [“Go, lictor, bind his hands, cover his head”]’ (Gifford). An old formula, according to Cicero, Oratio pro Rabirio Perduellonis Reo (‘Oration in Defence of Rabirius’), 4.13 (Lewis and Short, Obnubo, I). Ayres suggests Jonson was aware of the irony in Cicero’s statement that the ‘light of liberty’ had made the formula obsolete.
232 What villainy calls a fault is not shameful.
232 shameful] Q, F1; shamefull; F2
232 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅳ. / The Street before Agrippina’s House; Macro. Caligvla. Q, F1 subst.
233 SH] Mac. Q; not in F1
233–523 Gifford’s precise location of these scenes immediately outside Agrippina’s house depends on the unlikely assumption that the building itself was physically represented onstage, something Chambers also proposes (ES, 3.122). General proximity is suggested by Macro’s reference to meeting Sabinus ‘here . . . hurried to fetters’ (4.237), but this is likely to refer to him and Caligula passing the departing Sabinus as they come on to the stage. As in most cases in this play, the setting is no more localized than ‘Rome’.
234 his clear drifts Sejanus’s unmistakable plots, designs.
235 n.17 [After the Augusta’s death, Tiberius and Sejanus] ‘broke out as if freed from the reins, and a letter was sent against Agrippina and Nero . . . it was not an armed rising nor the planning of an insurrection, but a lust for young men and depravity that he imputed to his grandson. Against his daughter-in-law he did not dare even to invent this, but censured her arrogant language and haughty spirit.’
17 Tacitus, 5.3.
236 committed committed to prison.
236 n.18 Asinium . . . Dio ‘Dio records that Asinius Gallus was on the same day a guest of Tiberius, and was condemned by his devices.’ The wording is from Lipsius’s note to Annales, 6.23, not from Dio, though Jonson has looked up the page reference in Stephanus’s edition, which Lipsius does not give.
18 Asinium Gallum eodem die et convivam Tiberii fuisse, et eo subornante damnatum, narrat Dio, 58.3.3.
238–40 Continuing to follow Tacitus, 5.3: hearing the attack on Nero and Agrippina, ‘the Senate sat in great alarm and silence till a few who had nothing to hope for from honourable conduct (and public adversities are turned to their favour by such individuals) demanded that the matter be debated’.
241–3 your state . . . object your property and position are sure to fall under the power of his hatred, as now they are its target.
244 for Capreae to Capri.
245 uncle Since Tiberius had adopted his nephew Germanicus, Tacitus refers to Germanicus’s sons as the Emperor’s nepotes (used for both ‘grandson’ and ‘nephew’, and generally for ‘descendant’). Tiberius was Caligula’s great-uncle by blood. There is no historical basis for Macro advising Caligula to fly to Capri. Suetonius says he was ‘summoned’ (accitus) there by Tiberius (Caligula, 10).
248 n.19 Tacitus says that agents of Sejanus ‘advised [Agrippina and Nero] to flee for refuge to the German army, or, when the Forum was at its busiest, to embrace the effigy of the deified Augustus and to call on the people and the Senate for help’. See 4.68 (not ‘the same book’, i.e. 5.3, as Jonson’s note has it: see 235 n.17). Suetonius, Tiberius, 53, says: ‘At last he [Tiberius] falsely accused her of desiring to take refuge, now at the statue of Augustus, now with the army.’
19 Vide Tacitum, libro eodem [4.68]. Suetonium, Tiberius, 53.
249 chose . . . aids chosen to place your trust.
251 Sejanus’] Q (Sejanu’s), F1 (subst.)
254 his peculiar Sejanus’s particular.
255 let . . . safety allowed to continue, lest the common safety be imperilled.
256 upon the second in support. H&S note the similar use at 2.381. Cf. also WT, 2.3.27: ‘Nay rather, good my Lords, be second to me.’
257 So] F1; And Q
258 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅴ. / Another Part of the Street.; Arrvntivs. Q, F1
259 SH] Arr. Q; not in F1
259–66 Still . . . throne Briggs notes a similar passage in Cat., 3.2.1–8, and the derivation of both from Seneca, Hippolytus, 671–4. Ayres adds references to similar lamentations to the gods in Kyd, Spanish Tragedy, 3.7.10–18, Middleton, Revenger’s Tragedy, 4.2.158–9.
259 Still . . . suffer Do you still tolerate this.
262 pitchy blazes dark, smoky fires. Cf. Chapman, Biron’s Conspiracy (ed. Margeson, 1988), 5.1.148: ‘In spite of all the pitchy fires she cast’.
264 antic] Q, F1 (antique)
264 antic face face set in a grotesquely distorted grin. Cf. Rom., 1.5.55–6: ‘covered with an antic face, / To fleer and scorn at our solemnity’.
265 dread] F2; drâd Q; drad F1
267 Echoing Persius, Satires, 2.28–9: ‘will Jupiter offer you his stupid beard to pull?’ (Whalley). An especially grave insult. Cf. Lear, 3.7.36: ‘pluck me by the beard’.
268 black-lidded eye Apparently recalling Spenser, Mother Hubberd’s Tale, 1228: ‘[Jove] views with his black-lidded eye’ (Briggs). It is a variant of the ‘black eyebrows’ of Homer’s Jove in the Iliad (Chapman’s Homer, 1.512).
269 look him dead slay him with a glance.
269 Well, snore] Barish; Well. Snore Q; Well! Snore F1
270 last . . . race Cf. Poet., 5.2.82: ‘she [Fame] was last sister of that giant race’. Sejanus is the last of the rebel giants, who are said by Ovid (Met., 1.151–5) to have tried to attack the kingdom of the gods by piling mountain upon mountain until Jove crushed them.
272–3 In contrast to Jove and the Olympians who are doing nothing to stop Sejanus.
273 expostulating remonstrating. Cf. Theobalds, 75: ‘obey and not expostulate’.
274–6 Said as Arruntius sees Lepidus; imitating Juvenal, Satires, 4.96–7: ‘But to be both old and noble has long been equivalent to a prodigy.’
276 SD] G; Lepidvs. Arrvntivs. Q, F1 subst. (following 279)
276 n.20 Tacitus, 1.13, records Augustus on Lepidus as ‘capable but disdainful’; 3.35, his declining of the post of proconsul in Africa in favour of Sejanus’s uncle; 3.50, his almost solitary defence of a ‘foolish’ Roman knight; and 4.20 his successful motion to moderate the confiscation of Sosia’s estate, where Tacitus describes him as a ‘grave and wise’ man. See also Names of the Actors, 9n.
20 De Lepido isto, vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.13, 3.35, 3.50, et 4.20.
278 Without our boast Even if it shouldn’t be us who say it.
278 almost] G; a’most Q, F1
280 SH] Lep. Q; not in F1
283 Gemonies See below, 309 n.23.
285 n.21 Dio says ‘Sabinus was put in prison that very day, and later perished without trial, his body being flung down the Stairway and cast into the river. This affair was tragic enough in itself in the eyes of all; but it was rendered still more tragic by the behaviour of a dog belonging to Sabinus that went with him to prison, remained beside him at his death, and finally leaped into the river with his body.’ For Tacitus (who makes no mention of the dog), see above, 225 n.16.
21 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.1.3. Et Tacitus, Annales, 4.70.
289 hook See 2.416n.
290 good patriot The first known use of the phrase. Cf. the ‘good patriots’ of Cat., 4.2.221 (cf. also 4.6.17). The translators of the AV, perhaps remembering the latter play (acted and printed 1611, the same year as the AV) ask in their preface ‘Was Catiline therefore an honest man, or a good Patriot?’ (cited in OED).
294 n.22 ‘I gather this Lepidus was, for his time, a grave and wise man: for many times he improved upon the vicious, cringing motions of others. Nor, however, was he wanting in discretion, since he stood high with Tiberius equally in influence and favour.’ Jonson does not mention the intimacy with Tiberius, but reflects Lepidus’s ‘discretion’ in his rejected advice to Arruntius to show ‘Zeal, / And duty’ to ‘our prince’ (below, 371–2).
22 Tacitus, Consule Annales, 4.20.
295–6 Echoing Juvenal, Satires, 4.89–90: ‘He never, therefore, stretched his arms against the torrent.’ As Gifford implies, the subsequent lines, down to 311 below, are also generally indebted to Satires, 4.86–93.
298 wolf’s] Barish; Wolues Q, F1 subst.
298 wolf’s jaws Cf. Poet., Apol. Dialogue, 226: ‘Safe from the wolf’s black jaw and the dull ass’s hoof’. The same line is used in Und. 23.30.
307 May I] F1; May’I Q
300–2 May . . . wishes? Echoing two passages of Persius: ‘Can I not mutter? Not in private? Not in a ditch? Nowhere?’ (Satires, 1.119; Briggs), and ‘a good part of our leading men pray with a silent censer; very few are ready to banish murmurings and low whispers from the temples and offer up intelligible prayers’ (2.5–7; H&S). The latter passage itself imitates Horace, Epistles, 16.59–62.
300 Jove Jove as the god of a justice and order that is apparently absent is invoked with increasing despair by the Germanicans, and set against Sejanus (and through him, against capricious Fortuna, the enemy of order). Arruntius invokes Jove at 1.435–6, swears by him at 3.64, and laments his apparent indifference throughout Act 4. Silius introduces the recurrent opposition of Sejanus and Jove at 1.202; Sejanus’s hubris reaches its height when he too sets himself explicitly against Jove or all the Olympian gods at 2.160, 5.21–4, 69–84, 201–5, and 263–4. As often in Jonson, there are echoes of Marlowe’s overreaching heroes.
302 So So long as.
304–5 May . . . dream? Cf. 1.67–70n.
305 racked put on the torture rack.
307–11 Say . . . ear Echoing Juvenal, Satires, 4.86–8: ‘But what can be more dangerous than the ear of a tyrant, on which hangs the fate of a friend who just wants to talk of the rain or summer heat or stormy weather?’
308 holds up keeps from or stops raining (OED, Hold v. 44i).
309 n.23 Scalae . . . trahebantur The Gemonian steps were on the Aventine, near the temple of Juno Regina, which had been dedicated by Camillus after the capture of Veii: Rhodiginus wants them called this from the groaning [gemitus] and weeping. Bodies were thrown on to these steps to humiliate them, sometimes they were dragged there on a hook by the Executioner.’ See Rhodiginus, Lectionum antiquarum (1516), 257: Dicti Gemonii gradus, quod locus esset gemitus, et Calamitatum.
23 Scalae Gemoniae fuerunt in Aventino, prope Templum Junonis reginae a Camillo captis Veiis, dicatum: A gemitu et planctu dictas vult Rhodiginus in quas contumeliae causa cadavera proiecta, aliquando a Carnifice unco trahebantur. Vide Tacitum, Suetonium, Dionem, Senecam, Juvenalem.
311 violent ear Translating Juvenal’s violentius aure (Satires, 4.86), where the suggestion is of a dangerous unpredictability of response, a meaning not in OED, though nearest to Violent adj. 8c and 4c.
312–14 No . . . cruelty Imitating Suetonius, Tiberius, 61, translated at 1.64 n.15; cf. above, 228n.
314 From . . . cruelty From one kind of cruelty or another.
315 pleaseth feeds the appetite of cruel tyranny.
315–20 Madmen’s . . . one Imitating Seneca, ‘Of Benefits’, 3.26; see 1.28 n.9.
316 idleness meaningless talk (OED, Idle adj. 2†b).
316 nothing (1) vapidity; (2) wantonness.
318–20 event . . . expected Translating Seneca’s exspectabantur eventus, ‘outcome awaited in doubt’.
320 To be expected Ever in doubt.
322 SD] Ayres; Laco. Nero. Lepidvs. Arrvntivs. Q, F1 subst.
323 n.24 Dio says Laco was the commander of the night watch who received Macro’s (and Tiberius’s) instructions when Macro entered Rome at night. There is no historical basis for his arrest of Nero.
24 De Laconi vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.9.3–6.
323 SH] Lac. Q; not in F1
326 lose] F2; loose Q, F1
330 He’s] F2; H’is Q, F1
330 n.25, 333 n.26 Suetonius says Tiberius ‘brought the most bitter accusations against them in letters piling on the abuse, and when they had been proclaimed enemies of the people, he killed them by starvation, Nero on the isle of Pontia, Drusus in a cellar in the Palace’. Cf. 2.244 n.20, and ‘The Names of the Actors’, 3n. and 4n.
25 Suetonius, Tiberius, 54.
331 sense the evidence of the senses.
332 fant’sy] Q (phant’sy), F1 (subst.)
332 fant’sy imagination. Cf. EMI (F), 4.5.6–7: ‘I have a nimble soul has waked all forces of my fant’sy by this time.’ EMI (Q), 3.6.6–7, reads ‘all my imaginative forces’.
26 Suetonius, ibid.
335 n.27[Tiberius] exiled her to Pandataria and, when she reproached him, he had her beaten by a centurion so that one eye came out. Again, when she determined to starve herself to death, he ordered her mouth to be prized open by force and food crammed in.’
27 Suetonius, Tiberius, 53.
336–9 Bolts . . . little Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 13.78–83: ‘He swears by the rays of the Sun and the Tarpeian thunderbolts [of Jove] and the spear of Mars and the arrows of the Cirrhaean prophet [Phoebus], by the arrows and quiver of the maiden huntress . . . he adds the bow of Hercules and Minerva’s spear, all the weapons in the armoury of heaven’ (Briggs).
336 Bolts . . . Jove Vulcan the smith prepared the thunderbolts used by Jove.
337 blue-eyed maid Athena (Juvenal’s ‘Minerva’).
338 Alcides Hercules, so called because step-grandson of Alcaeus.
342 tripartite Punning on the legal associations of the English ‘indenture tripartite’ (cf. Alch., 5.4.131) to emphasize the illegality of the actions.
343 n.28 Translating from Tacitus on the accusations against Caelius Cordus: ‘a charge of treason was added, which was at that time the complement of all accusations’ (omnium accusationum complementum erat).
28 Tacitus, vide Annales, 3.38.
345–6 would . . . cried would not tolerate even a much less serious accusation than treason to be alleged, but cried out that.
346 n.29 Tacitus says that the Senate were uncertain how to respond to Tiberius’s letter attacking Agrippina and Nero, especially since the populace refused to believe the Emperor was responsible: ‘the people, carrying effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the Senate House and in a way that boded well for Caesar kept shouting that the letters were spurious and that it was not by the Emperor’s wish that the ruin of his house was being plotted’.
29 Tacitus, Annales, 5.4.
348 the prince’s Tiberius, not Germanicus, is intended. Tacitus uses principe at this point for Tiberius (5. 4, translated as ‘Emperor’s’ in the preceding note). Tiberius had adopted Germanicus (see Argument, 13n.), and had given Germanicus’s sons into the care of his own son Drusus Senior (3.67–71); they had become Tiberius’s heirs (see 350 below) after Drusus Senior’s death. Even discounting these adoptions, Agrippina and her children were very much members of Tiberius’s ‘house’.
352 Drowned . . . bellies Their voices are controlled by their need for food; suggested by Lat. proverb Jejunus venter non audit verba libenter (‘A hungry belly will not hear words gladly’). Cf. Poet., Apol. Dialogue, 76–8: ‘Fellows of practised and most laxative tongues, / Whose empty and eager bellies i’the year / Compel their brains to many desperate shifts’.
353 poor dust the people. The commonplace trope of mankind as dust is based on Gen. 3.19, ‘because thou art dust, and to dust shalt thou return’ (Geneva). Sejanus’s scattering of this dust is ironically reversed at 5.810–14, where his body parts are ‘scattered’ and ‘Each little dust covers a little part.’
354 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
355 stand for wait for.
356 horse-leeches Large leeches supposed to suck blood insatiably, and thus commonly used of rapacious human parasites. Cf. Poet., 4.3.125: ‘We’ll all join and hang upon him like so many horseleeches.’
357 SD] G subst.; not in Q, F1
358 voice reputation.
360 Greek Sinon Virgil tells how Sinon persuaded the Trojans to bring the wooden horse into their city (Aeneid, 2.57ff.). Perhaps, as Ayres says, suggested by Laco’s nomen, Graecinius, but also by the cognomen Laco: the Greek C. Julius Laco was ruler of Sparta (and wider Laconia) during the reign of Tiberius.
363 n.30 Tiberius . . . historia ‘According to Dio Tiberius could see in the dark’ but not in daylight. Pliny records that ‘They say of Tiberius Caesar, and of no others of mortal birth, that if he was awakened at night for a short time he could see everything as in clear daylight, but darkness would gradually envelop him.’
30 Tiberius in tenebris videret. testibus Dionis, Historia Romana, 57.2.4. Et [C.] Plinii [Secundi] Naturalis historia, 11.54.143.
365 errant Used to intensify ‘subtle’ (OED, Errant adj. †7); thus ‘wonderfully subtle’.
366–409 See above, 163–6n.
368 flesh] F1; traine Q
368 flesh incite (OED, Flesh v. 1). Cf. 3.376–7.
369 Grant . . . wink Grant that I may see it, I will not close my eyes.
371 Lucius Arruntius.
371 let prevent.
372 he . . . prince] F1; He . . . Prince Q
373–6 He . . . lusts Briggs notes the close imitation of Juvenal, Satires, 4.2–4: ‘a monster no virtue redeems from vice, a sickly voluptuary, only strong in his lusts’. Jonson also marked in his copy of Claudian the description of ‘the loathsome cliffs of Capri . . . owned by a senile lecher’ in De quarto consulatu Honorii (‘The Fourth Consulship of Honorius’), 314–15.
375 n.31 Tacitus speculates on whether Tiberius retired to Capri to hide ‘in the seclusion of the place the cruelty and licentiousness which his deeds betrayed. There were those who thought that in his old age he had become ashamed of his physical appearance. Of course he was tall, very thin and stooped, with a head completely bald, and an ulcerous face, frequently patched about with plasters.’
31 Consule Tacitum, Annales, 4.57.
378 n.32 de . . . Caprensi ‘on the Caprian retirement’. Suetonius, Tiberius, 43–4, describes Tiberius’s alleged sexual excesses on Capri. Dio says ‘Sejanus himself seemed to be emperor and Tiberius a kind of island potentate, inasmuch as the latter spent his time on the island of Capreae.’ Juvenal describes Sejanus as now ‘guardian of a prince seated on the narrow rock of Capri with his Chaldean herd [of astrologers]’. Chaldaei (Assyrians) had long been synonymous with ‘astrologers’ in Rome.
32 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 43, de secessu Caprensi. Dionem, 58.5.1. Juvenalem, Satura, 10.[91–4].
379 comic face (1) the mask worn by comic actors; (2) the ‘ulcerous face’ of Tiberius.
380 n. 33 A series of references covering lines 380–95. Tacitus describes Tiberius’s practice of having astrologers with whom he was dissatisfied thrown off the cliff near his Caprian villa. Dio records Tiberius’s own expertise in astrology, and his banning or execution of all astrologers in Rome other than his personal astrologer, Thrasyllus. Suetonius, Tiberius, 62, records the numerous tortures and executions practised by Tiberius on Capri. In Tiberius, 52, he writes of Tiberius himself devising various forms of torture, rather than favouring others who did, while in Tiberius, 44, he continues the description of Tiberius’s ‘criminal obscenity’ with children.
33 Tacitus, Annales, 6.21. Dio, Historia Romana, 57.15.7–8. Suetonius, Tiberius, 62. Suetonius, ibid. Suetonius, Tiberius, 44.
381 unkind unnatural.
382 grave weighty, serious.
382 bane woe.
387 ends . . . degrees limits . . . stages on the way (Ayres).
394 What’s their good What is good in them.
395 n.34 Tacitus describes Tiberius returning to Capri: ‘he went back again to the rocks and solitude of the sea, in shame at the vices and lusts which inflamed him beyond control, so that in the way of a king he polluted the children of free-born citizens with his vices. Nor was it merely beauty and an attractive body which were incentives to his desires, but a childish modesty in some, noble ancestry in others. Now were the hitherto unknown words sellarii and spintriae coined for the first time, from the foulness of the place and the stamina of the catamite. Slaves were given authority to seek out and procure, with gifts for the willing, and threats to the reluctant, and if relatives or parents held them back, they used violence and abduction, and their own desires, as if with prisoners.’
34 Tacitus, Annales, 6.1. Suetonius, Tiberius, 43.
396 friends relatives.
399 spintries, sellaries Greneway’s versions of the words, as Ayres notes. A sellaria was originally a seat or settle, or a room furnished with such seats; spintria was originally ‘the contractile muscle of the anus’ (Lewis and Short, sphintria), hence here a catamite. Suetonius, Tiberius, 43, says that Tiberius devised a room (sellaria) for his ‘secret lusts’ in which he watched the sexual activities of groups of girls and young men ‘whom he used to call spintrias’.
400 new-commented new-invented, from Lat. commentus, used by Suetonius, Tiberius, 43: Venerios locos commentus est (literally ‘he invented Venereal places’). As Ayres notes, the latest OED example is 1596.
401 As well as the suggestion for this line in Tacitus, Briggs cites Juvenal, Satires, 13.29–30: ‘for whose abominations nature cannot find a name’.
403 n.35 For the passage from Dio, see 3.704 n.35.
35 Lege Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.4.1–4.
404 stale catamite See 1.213–16.
405–6 upon . . . raised See 175–6n. above.
406 side sit beside, rival (OED, Side v.1 2d, citing this as the earliest example).
407 And be sacrificed to in Rome as though he were a god.
408–9 Echoing Persius, Satires, 2.24–5: ‘Do you suppose those things are overlooked because when [Jupiter] thunders, an oak is sooner riven by the sacred fire than you and your house?’ (Briggs).
409 SD] this edn; Laco. Pomponivs. Minvtivs. &c. Q; Laco, Pomponivs, Minvtivs, Terenti vs. F1; To them. F1 in margin; not in Q
409 SD.1 n.36 De . . . Minutio Tacitus describes Quintus Pomponius as being of a ‘restless character’ (6.18; cf. Names of the Actors, 10n.); for Minutius see Names of the Actors, 13n.
36 De Pomponio, et Minutio. vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.[18, 7].
410 SH] Lac. Q; not in F1
410–19 nn.37–9 Three notes refer to the same passage of Dio: Tiberius ‘kept sending despatches of all kinds regarding himself both to Sejanus and to the Senate, now saying that he was in a bad state of health and almost at the point of death, and now that he was exceedingly well and would arrive in Rome directly. At one moment he would heartily praise Sejanus, and again would as heartily denounce him; and, while honouring some of Sejanus’s friends out of regard for him, he would be disgracing others. Thus Sejanus, filled in turn with extreme elation and extreme fear, was in constant suspense . . . So also with the people at large: they kept hearing alternately the most contradictory reports which came at brief intervals, and so were unable either to regard Sejanus any longer with admiration or, on the other hand, to hold him in contempt.’
37 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.6.3–5.
411 his Tiberius’s.
414 SH] Min. Q state 2, F1 state 2; Mar. Q state 1, F1 state 1
38 Dio, ibid.
419 This man A certain man.
39 Dio, ibid.
423 forkèd duplicitous, ambiguous. Cf. Volp., 1.3.58, ‘Give forkèd counsel’.
426 heliotrope the sunflower. Pliny, Nat. Hist., 22.29, ‘it turns itself around with the sun even on a cloudy day, so great is its love for that planet’ (H&S). OED cites this as its first figurative use (1b), though it also cites Jonson’s use of it as a symbolic chaplet for Vigilance in King’s Ent., 135–7.
427 He . . . knave To me he is a rascal and villain.
429 n.40 Tacitus reports that the Senate decreed ‘an altar of Mercy and one of Friendship, with statues of the Caesar and Sejanus on each side of them’.
40 Lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.74.
430 leaves pages.
431 n.41 Adulationis . . . iurabant ‘Everyone, full of adulation, swore by his Fortune.’
41 Adulationis pleni omnes eius Fortunam iurabant. Dio, Historia Romana, 58.6.2.
432 n.42 For Dio, see above, 410 n.37; Suetonius says Tiberius, ‘so that he might distance himself from [Sejanus] under pretence of honouring him, chose him as his colleague in a fifth consulship’.
42 Dio, 58.4.4. Suetonius, Tiberius, 65.
435 That . . . Arruntius] F1 state 2; not in Q, F1 state 1
437 that last i.e. sacrifices to Sejanus.
437 n.43 Dio says that ‘Moreover, because sacrifices were being offered to Sejanus, he [Tiberius] forbade such offerings to be made to any human being.’
43 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.8.4.
438 Pollux] F1 state 2 (caps); Castor Q; Castor F1 state 1
438 Pollux . . . Hercules Jonson’s stop-press correction (see collation) was prompted by the discovery that, according to Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae (‘The Attic Nights’), 11.6, men did not swear by Castor (see also Textual Essay, Electronic Edition). Pollux and his brother Castor were Greek heroes, in some versions sons of Zeus (hence called the Dioscuri). In Rome they were patrons of the equites, which may be why Pomponius swears by Pollux and the patrician Arruntius by Hercules. The Dioscuri were worshipped in a temple in the Forum.
438 Hercules] F1 state 2 (caps); Pollux Q; Pollvx F1 state 1
439 n.44, 444 n.45 Dio reports that Macro ‘communicated his instructions [from Tiberius] to Memmius Regulus, then consul (his colleague sided with Sejanus)’.
44 De Regulo Consule Dionem, 58.9.3.
442 Succeed . . . consulship Regulus and Trio (444) were consules suffecti, substituting for Tiberius and Sejanus; cf. 5.514n.
45 Dio, ibid.
445 SD.1] G; not in Q, F1
445 SD.2 They . . . Terentius] F1 in margin, state 2; not in Q, F1 state 1
445 SD.2–3 Lepidus . . . audibly] this edn; not in Q, F1
447 footing (1) steps in a dance or play (cf. Volp., 3.7.164); (2) secure position (OED, Footing vbln. 6); (3) tracks (cf. Sad Shep., 3.Argument, 37).
447 cross-points Originally a dance step (OED, Cross-point n. †1), but by 1600 used figuratively as here to mean devious plots, double dealing; not in OED, but cf. Marston, Insatiate Countess, 2.1: ‘are your cross-points discovered?’ (Plays, ed. Wood, 1934–9, 3.30).
447 n.46 Suetonius says that ‘When Sejanus was stirring up revolution, although [Tiberius] saw his birthday publicly celebrated and his golden statues everywhere paid homage to, yet in the end he overthrew him more by cunning and deceit than by his imperial authority.’
46 Suetonius, Tiberius, 65.
449 Mingling] F1 state 2; Mixing Q, F1 state 1
450 n.47 See above, 410–19, nn.37–9.
47 Dio, 58.6.3–5.
453 Empty of practice Lacking in cunning intent.
455 n.48 See 3.704 n.35.
48 Dio, 58.4.2.
456 at his devotion at his command. OED, Devotion n. †6, gives several examples of the phrases ‘at’ or ‘to’ someone’s devotion.
457 That So that.
458 dependences states of dependence (cf. OED, 3).
460 himself . . . own Tiberius has lost much of his patronage and influence.
461 parting unto sharing with.
462 his Tiberius’s.
465 His Tiberius’s.
465 doubling line In hunting, when the quarry doubles back on its line to deceive hounds (rather than referring to horsemanship as Ayres suggests, and the subsequent lines seem to imply).
466 him Sejanus.
466 even evenly, cautiously.
466 so so much.
466 fear frighten.
468 n.49 See 410–19, nn.37–9.
49 Dio, 58.6.4.
469–72 Through the nature of the tasks Tiberius gives to Sejanus he is making the latter hated by the fickle mob, whose help Tiberius hopes to call on ultimately to destroy Sejanus.
470 staggering rout wavering, fickle mob. Ayres cites Marston, The Malcontent, ‘staggering multitude’ 3.3.6 (Plays, ed. Wood, 1.180); cf. 5.862n.
470 in fine in the end.
471 sure reliable.
473 Lynceus One of the Argonauts, with proverbially lynxlike sight. Cf. Bart. Fair, 2.1.3: ‘Fain would I meet the Lynceus now, that eagle’s eye.’
474 no . . . but no reason why not.
474 tyrant] Tyranne Q, F1 subst.
475–7 should . . . law Tiberius could have taken a more direct method of ridding himself of Sejanus, by pretending to be a conscientious ruler, and coming home to preside over a trial which would end in Sejanus’s execution or suicide.
477 but] F1; “but Q
477 his fear Tiberius’s.
477–8 fear . . . masked Suetonius (Tiberius, 65) in fact stresses that Tiberius’s fear was visible to all.
478 Would] F1; “Would Q
478 ne’er] Q (neere)
481–2 The fiends . . . ’em The gods are fiends if they do nothing while such as Pomponius call them wise and just. Cf. 300n. above.
483 His . . . him See next note.
484 Dio says Tiberius ‘termed him Sharer of his Cares, often repeated the phrase “My Sejanus”, and published the same by using it in letters’ (see 3.704 n.35).
485 it is] F2; it ’tis Q, F1
486 n.50 See above, 437 n.43.
50 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.8.4.
489 Is it no other? Is that the way it really is?
490 surety assurance.
491–2 How . . . have Cf. Seneca, Hercules Furens, 313–14: ‘What the wretched wish for too much, that they will easily believe’ (Briggs).
494 n.51 Dio says that ‘in a letter to the Senate about the death of Nero, he [Tiberius] referred to Sejanus by that name simply, without the addition of the customary titles’.
51 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.8.4.
495 If I take note (494) of what Laco says, I will become a notable fool myself.’ Lepidus has been trying to get Arruntius to stay and listen (493) to persuade him that the interpretation of Tiberius’s strategy which he has just outlined (446–72) is correct. Arruntius remains angrily contemptuous of such subleties, as he still is at 504–5 below.
497 he Tiberius.
498 SH minutius] Briggs; Mar. Q, F1
502 n.52 Dio 58.8.1–3 deals with Sejanus’s failure to rebel when Tiberius indicated that he intended to make Caligula his successor. As Ayres notes, Dio does not mention any concern over Caligula’s flight to Capri.
52 Dio, 58.8.
503 air publication, ‘airing’. OED, Air n.1 11, cites TN, 3.4.111, ‘Pursue him now, lest the device take air.’
503 troubled] F1; mated Q
505 SD] G; not in Q, F1
506 muse he’d wonder why Sejanus would.
506 he’d] this edn; h’would Q, F1
507 him Caligula.
507 n.53 ‘finding [the people] earnest supporters of Gaius [Caligula], he [Sejanus] became dejected, and regretted that he had not begun a rebellion during his [Sejanus’s] consulship’.
53 Dio, ibid. [58.8.2].
510 n.54 Pagoniano Tacitus describes Sextius Paconius ‘the former praetor’ as ‘a daring, wicked man, a pryer into all men’s secrets, and chosen by Sejanus to help in his plot against Gaius Caesar’. The form Pagonianus is used in Annales, 6.3 in Lipsius’s edition, and questioned by him in a note.
510 him Caligula.
54 De Pagoniano vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.3. alibi Paconiano.
511 correspondence communication. OED, †5a, cites this as the earliest example. Marston mocks this sense as affected in The Malcontent, 1.4 and 2.3 (probably early 1604; Plays, ed. Wood, 1.153, 165). Cf. Epicene, 3.3.65.
512 as in such a way that.
513 front confront, challenge.
514 gratulate welcome.
514 SH laco] F2; Mac. Q, F1; Min. corr. by pen in Dyce A80
515 So in] F1; So’in Q
516 has] F1; ha’s Q
516 n.55[Macro] had incited his wife Ennia to seduce the young man [Caligula] by pretending love, and to bind him by an engagement of marriage.’
55 Tacitus, consule Annales, 6.45.
517–19 He . . . sleeps Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 1.56–7: ‘skilled at looking at the ceiling, and skilled at snoring with a wakeful nose over his wine’. Macro is willing to turn a blind eye to Caligula’s affair with his wife.
523 SD.2] this edn; Mv. Chorvs. Q; Chorus of musicians F1
ACTUS QUINTUS ] Q; Act Ⅴ. F1; ACT Ⅴ. SCENE Ⅰ. / An Apartment in Sejanus’s House. G
0 SD] G subst.; Seianvs. Q, F1
1 SH] Sei. Q; not in F1
Actus Quintus 1–93 Though Gifford sets this scene in Sejanus’s house, there is no specific reference, as there usually is in Jonson, to a location early in the scene; lines 85–9 suggest that Sejanus is on his way to his house (‘I care not . . . if I go offer’) rather than inside it.
1 faint fear. Cf. Case, 1.6.10: ‘Why I should fear or faint thus in my hopes’.
3 Cf. Statius, Silvae, 4.2.12–13: ‘we have passed through barren years: this is the day from which I count my time, the threshold of my life’ (Briggs, 1916c, 331).
3 now,] now; Q, F1
5 But . . . wishes ‘Only this last step and I will lay hold on my ambitions.’ Cf. 1H4, 5.1.57: ‘To gripe the general sway into your hand’.
5 gripe] Q, F1; grip Bolton
5 Great, and high As Ayres notes, these adjectives were often used for Rome. Cf. JC, 2.2.87, Ant., 4.14.72 (‘great Rome’), Virgil, Aeneid, 1.7, altae moenia Romae, ‘the walls of high Rome’. Jonson underlines the hubris by repeating the adjectives ironically in the penultimate line of the play: see below, 884–5 and note.
5 n.1 De . . . Sejani ‘On Sejanus’s arrogance’. Dio speaks of Sejanus’s ‘excessive haughtiness’; Tacitus says: ‘It was clear enough that his arrogance was increased by this loathsome servility, openly displayed.’ Because Tacitus’s Bk 5 is largely missing, Jonson relies in this act mainly on Dio and Juvenal for his treatment of Sejanus’s fall.
1 De fastu Seiani lege Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.5.1. Et Tacitum, Annales, 4.74.
7–9 ’tis . . . heav’n Cf. 2.98n., and Cym., 3.3.83–4: ‘their thoughts do hit / The roofs of palaces’. As well as Thyestes, Jonson may be recalling Statius on Domitian’s palace in lines which follow those just imitated in 5.3: ‘he fills the household (penates) and weighs it down with his mighty genius’ (Silvae, 4.2.25–6). Barton compares Mosca’s self-delight in Volp., 3.1–7, emphasizing the ‘ridiculous’ in Sejanus’s hubris (Barton, 1984, 97).
8 my advancèd] this edn; my’aduanced Q, F1
8 advancèd raised high, as at 4.429.
10–11 All . . . impudent Cf. Seneca, ‘Of Benefits’, 2.27.4: ‘ambition does not allow anyone to rest satisfied with that share of honours which once was his impudent prayer’ (Briggs).
11 ’Tis] F1; ”Tis Q
12 Not] F1; “Not Q
12 discerns distinguishes.
15 stay hindrance.
16 stiff resolute. Sejanus longs for a formidable antagonist in Caligula, whose vigorous opposition might sharpen Sejanus’s striving ambition.
17–21 Echoing Lucan, De Bello Civili, 3.362–6: ‘As a wind loses its strength, diffused through empty space, unless it meets with the strong timber of a dense wood, and as a great fire dwindles when nothing withstands it, so it is harmful to me to have no enemies, and I account my arms a burden, unless those I could conquer fight against me’ (Briggs).
17 lose] F1; loose Q
20 be our] Kidnie; be’our Q, F1 subst.
21 want opposites lack enemies.
21–3 unless . . . conquest See 4.300n. for Sejanus’s hubristic desire to set his ‘fortune’ against the gods. ‘Fortune’ is capitalized in Q.
23 their conquest i.e. my fortune’s conquest of the gods.
24 strife,] Q, F1 state 1; strife: F1 state 2
24 SD] Bolton subst.; Terentivs. Seianvs. Q, F1 subst.
25 SH terentius] Ter. Q; not in F1
30 n.2, 35 n.3 Dio says ‘from one of his statues there at first burst forth smoke, and then, when the head was removed so that the trouble might be investigated, a huge serpent leapt up’.
2 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.7.1.
31 You . . . see] Q subst., F1 state 1 subst.; (you . . . see) F1 state 2
34 SD] Briggs subst.; Satrivs. Natta. Q, F1 state 1; To them. F1 state 2, in margin
35 SH] Sat. Q; not in F1
3 Dio, ibid.
38–9 A tongue . . . flattery Cf. 1.7n., 4.423n.
48 lord!] F1 state 2; Lord? Q, F1 state 1
49 make’t a prodigy turn it into an omen.
54 n.4, 56 n.5 Dio says that ‘on a New Year’s day, when all were assembling at Sejanus’s house, the couch that stood in the reception room utterly collapsed under the weight of the throng seated upon it; and, as he was leaving the house, a weasel [γαλῆ] darted through the midst of the crowd’. For the suggestion that Jonson’s treatment of this passage demonstrates his relative weakness in Greek at this date, see Introduction.
4 Dio, 58.5.5.
5 Dio, 58.5.5.
59 n.6 Dio says that as Sejanus was ‘descending to the Forum, the servants who were acting as his bodyguard turned aside along the road leading to the prison, being unable by reason of the crowd to keep up with him, and while they were descending the steps down which condemned criminals were cast, they slipped and fell’.
6 Dio, ibid. [58.5.6–7].
59 declining] F1; diuerting Q
59 declining turning aside from; as Ayres suggests, altered from Q (see collation) to pun on their ‘declining’ down the Gemonian steps (61).
62 n.7 ‘Later, as he was taking the auspices, not one bird of good omen appeared, but many crows [κὁρακ∊ς] flew round him and cawed, then all flew off together to the jail and perched there.’ Jonson is probably again using Xylander’s Lat. version, translating corvi as ‘ravens’. Dio adds that ‘Neither Sejanus nor anyone else took these omens to heart.’
7 Dio, ibid.
63 prosperous auspicious.
63 ravens Birds of ill omen. Cf. Marlowe, Jew of Malta, 2.1.1–2: ‘Thus like the sad presaging raven that tolls / The sick man’s passport in her hollow beak’ (Complete Works, ed. Gill, 1987–98).
64 Flagged Flew unsteadily (OED, Flag v.1 †3).
66 Beating the air (1) Striking the air with sound (OED, 7, citing 2H4, 1.3.91–2: ‘with what loud applause / Didst thou beat heaven with blessing Bolingbroke’); (2) Fighting to no purpose or against no opposition (OED, 1c, from 1 Corinthians, 9.26).
66 obstreperous clamorous (Lat. obstreperus).
68 attempt try to win over (OED, 5), but with a suggestion of ‘try his fortune with’ (OED, 2).
69–70 What . . . men Cf. 2.162 n.10. Sejanus’s hubristic defiance of the oracles recalls that of Julius Caesar in JC, 2.2.10ff.
74 beef’s] Wh (beeve’s); Beiues Q; beeues F1
74 beef’s fat fat of an ox burnt as sacrifice.
80 lade . . . back Riddell (1975), 208, suggests a reference to Juvenal, Satires, 13.48–9: ‘The stars were content with a few gods, and pressed less heavily on poor Atlas.’
81 A manuscript note in the copy of Q in St. John’s College, Cambridge, probably by the future Bishop of Peterborough, Francis Dee (d. 1638), in 1605 a fellow of St John’s, compares this to the more stoical address to Fortune in the closing lines of Juvenal, Satires, 10: ‘it is we, Fortune, who make you a goddess, and place you in the heavens’ (365–6).
83 n.8 The information, including the two references, is derived from Brisson, De formulis, 26. Grani Turis: ‘Grains of incense’. Plautus, Poenulus 451 (2.1.3), quive ullum turis granum sacrificaverit: ‘whoever should sacrifice a single grain of incense’. Jonson wrongly cites 1.1, the ‘2’ in Brisson being easily misread as ‘1’. Brisson quotes Fasti, 4.410, Detis et in veteres Turea grana focos, ‘And you may offer grains of incense on ancient hearths.’
8 Grani Turis. Plautus, Poenulus, 2.1. Et Ovidius, Fasti, 4.[149–50].
83 whose . . . buy Echoing Persius, Satires, 2.29–30; ‘You would buy the ears of the gods’ (Riddell, 1975, 208).
85 grateful pleasing (OED, 1).
85 n.9 Dio describes ‘a statue of Fortune, which had belonged, they say, to Tullius, one of the former kings of Rome, but was at this time kept by Sejanus at his house and was a source of great pride to him: he himself saw this statue turn its back to him while he was sacrificing’. See below, 186n. Servus Tullius was supposed to have introduced the cult of Fortuna to Rome (Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 74).
9 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.7.2.
86 Sometimes Sometime, once.
89 scrupulous] F1; scrupu’lous Q
89 scrupulous anxious.
89 fant’sies] Q, F1 (phant’sies)
90 n.10 Stuckium . . . Gentilium, fol.] this edn; Stuch. lib. de Sacrif. Gent. pag. Q
90 n.10 De . . . Fortunae ‘On the rites of Fortuna’.
90 n.10 Lilium . . . Syntagma Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, Italian humanist (1479–1552). De deis gentium (‘History of the Gods’; 1548) was one of the earliest Renaissance treatises on classical religion, divided into seventeen syntagmata. ‘Virile Fortune was worshipped in the month of April with incense, and with honey, poppy, and milk’ (759). Chapman was much influenced by Giraldi: see e.g. Poems, 43.
90 n.10 Stuckium . . . Gentilium Johann Wilhelm Stuck (d. 1607). His description of the rites of Fortuna (1598, fol. 48) is derived from Giraldi.
10 De Sacris Fortunae, vide Lilium Gregorium Gyraldum, De Deis Gentium, Syntagma 17. Et Stuckium, Sacrorum, Sacrificiorumque Gentilium, fol. 48.
91 masculine odours ‘male incense’, a superior type. See OED, Male adj. 6†, and Masculine adj. 2†b, citing King’s Ent., 519, ‘masculine gums’ (see Jonson’s long note there).
91 night vestments Ayres assumes the reference is ironical, the priest’s vestments reminding him of a nightgown; but 4.523 and 96–8 below make clear that this scene is taking place at night.
92 instant pressing, urgent.
93 SD.1] G; not in Q, F1
93 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅱ. / Another Room in the same.; Cotta Pomponivs. Q, F1 subst.
94 SH cotta] Cot. Q; not in F1
97 n.11 Dio says: ‘Macro entered Rome by night as if on some different errand, and communicated his instructions [from Tiberius] to Memmius Regulus, then consul (his colleague sided with Sejanus), and to Graecinius Laco, commander of the night watch.’
11 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.9.3.
98 opposite opposing (see previous note).
99 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅲ. / A Room in Regulus’s House. Macro. Regvlvs. Laco. Q, F1 subst.
100 SH] Mac. Q; not in F1
100–70 Gifford’s location of the scene in Regulus’s house is plausible, but open to similar objections to his placing of the opening lines of Act 5 in Sejanus’s house: no specific location is mentioned to guide the audience, and nothing takes place that demands an interior setting.
100 frequent Senate fully attended Senate (Lat. Senatus frequens).
101 lay . . . mulct impose a heavy fine (Lat. mulcta).
102 n.12 See 2.328 n.28. Here Jonson also cites Brisson’s first three references, to Tacitus, Livy, and Pompeius Festus (Brisson, De formulis, 164). Tacitus does not refer to a ‘frequent’ Senate, though later (6.12) he mentions a poorly attended one (infrequentem senatum). Livy, 2.1: ‘Thereafter, so that the strength of the Senate might be increased by a large number of that order, he filled up the list of Fathers by selecting from the leading men of equestrian rank.’ Sextus Pompeius Festus, On the Meaning of Words, is a second-century epitome of an Augustan period work by Valerius Flaccus. Brisson, 164, quotes Qui Patres, qui conscripti vocati sunt in curiam, ‘Those who were Fathers and those conscripted were summoned to the Senate.’ Lipsius’s Satyra Menippaea (‘Menippaean Satire’) first published Antwerp, 1581, also uses the formula Qui patres, qui conscripti, adding ‘and those whose duty it is to attend the Senate, I warn or order to be in full attendance . . . Those who do not attend will pay a fine or give a pledge, their excuse will not be accepted’ (1614, 1.634).
12 Edicto ut plurimum Senatores in Curiam vocatos constat: ex Tacito, Annales, 1.[7] et Livio, 2.1. [Sexto] Pompeio Festo, [de verborum Significatione] 15. vide Barnabaeum Brissonium, De formulis, 1, et Lipsium, Satyra Menippaea.
103 adscribe] F1; ascribe Q
103 adscribe sign. F1 changes to what Jonson probably considered a more Latinate spelling, though classical Lat. used both forms (see collation).
104 n.13 Dio says the Senate was to meet in the temple of Apollo, on the Palatine.
13 Dio, ibid.
106 hour.] F1; howre? Q
107 n. 14 See above, 97 n.11.
14 Dio, ibid.
108 SD] G; not in Q, F1
111–12 praetorian . . . tribunes The praetoria cohors, now secretly placed under Macro’s command (see 3.647 n.32), were an imperial guard of nine cohorts, each commanded by a military tribune. Cohorts of 500–1,000 were sub-divided into centuriae of about 80 men, commanded by centuriones. Under prefects like Sejanus and Macro they wielded huge political power.
15 Dio, ibid.
114 come well are welcome.
120 his] F1; your Q
121 SD returns] marginal SD in F1; not in Q
123 Fulcinius Trio Lucius Fulcinius Trio, Regulus’s colleague as consul, who supported Sejanus. See above, 97n.11, and ‘The Names of the Actors’, 12n.
127 n.16 De . . . vigilum ‘On the prefect of the night watch’. Rosinus, Romanorum antiquitatum (1583) has a short chapter on the prefect in which he makes the same reference to Dio, who says: ‘When many parts of the city were . . . destroyed by fire, [Augustus] organized a company of freedmen, in seven divisions, to render assistance on such occasions, and appointed a knight in command over them.’
16 De praefecto vigilum vide Rosinum, Antiquitatum Romanorum, 7.[34] et Dionem, Historia Romana, 55.[26.4–5].
128 gone again? The exploitation of Regulus’s hurried exits and entrances to suggest officiousness and nervousness probably derives from the more obviously comic comings and goings of Albius in Poet., 2.1.60–119.
129 Mercury] Q (Mercurie); mercury F1
130 Know] Wh; Knew Q, F1
132 cannot know not. Cf. Mag. Lady, 1.5.37: ‘She could the Bible in the holy tongue.’
133 Three centuries See above, 111–12n.
135 away.] G this edn; away, Q; away: F1
146 n.17 Dio says that after Sejanus had entered the Senate, his praetorian guard were sent back to their camp by Macro, who then ‘after stationing the night watch about the temple in their place’ delivered Tiberius’s letter to the Consuls.
17 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.9.5–6.
148 SD returns] marginal SD in F1 state 2; not in Q, F1 state 1
154 n.18 Tacitus records that ‘Macro was said to have been ordered that if there had been a call to arms by Sejanus, the youth [Drusus] should have been taken from prison (for he was confined in the Palatine) and placed as leader of the people.’ Suetonius gives almost exactly the same information.
18 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.23. Et Suetonium, Tiberius, 65.
155 reverend mouth Ayres notes a learned witticism: ‘Latin os, the mouth, was used to express character, e.g. os durum, brazen face, or os molle, a bashful fellow.’ The consuls had a priestly function, so os reverendum would have been suitable for Regulus.
159 projected . . . utmost planned as a last resort.
160 SD] Ayres; not in Q, F1
163 you of] Wh; you’of Q, F1 subst.
165 your colleague Fulcinius Trio (see above, 123n.).
169 divide separate from each other.
169 For] F1; “For Q
169 night . . . eyes Ayres suggests proverbial, but though common as a metaphor for the stars, its use to suggest spying is relatively rare, and it does not seem to be a proverb. It does, however, provide a sinister echo of Tiberius’s ability to see in the dark (4.363 n.30). Cf. Cowley, Love’s Riddle (1638), 3.1: ‘Hadst thou as many eyes as the black night / They would be all too little.’
170 Whereof] F1; “Whereof Q
170 SD.2–3] Ayres; Tvbicines. Tibicines. / Praecones / Flamen. Ministri. / Seianvs. Terentivs. Satrivs.&c. Q, F1 subst., F1 omitting Tvbicines. Tibicines.
170 SD.2 n.19 Stuckius . . . Gentilium, fol.] this edn; Stuch. de Sac. pag. Q
170 SD.2 n.19 Hi . . . solebant ‘These used to attend all sacrifices.’ Quoting Rosinus. Stuckius adds that ‘flautists, trumpeters, and cornet players [liticines] were attendants at the rites, playing on flutes, trumpets and cornets during the sacrifice’ (Sacrorum, sacrificiorunque gentilium, 1598, fol. 73).
19 Hi omnibus sacrificiis interesse solebant. Rosinus, Antiquitatum Romanorum, 3.[239]. Stuckius, Sacrorum, Sacrificiorumque Gentilium, fol.72.
170 SD.2 n.20 Ex . . . dicerentur ‘From those who were called the Curial Priests’. Partly quoting Giraldi, who offers no more information: Fuerunt praeterea qui Curiales Flamines dicerentur (De deis, 1548, 660).
170 SD.2 n.20 Panvinium Onofrio Panvinio (1529–68), antiquarian scholar and church historian, records that they formed a college of 30 priests (Reipublicae Romanae, 1588, 22, 27).
20 Ex iis, qui Flamines Curiales dicerentur. vide Lilium Gregorium Gyraldum, [De Deis Gentium,] Syntagma 17 et Onofrium Panvinium, Reipublicae Romanae commentariorum, 2.
171–399 Set in Sejanus’s house (cf. 5.84–93).
171 SH first praeco] Prae. Q; not in F1
171–2 Be . . . profane] capitals in Q, except Fly . . . absent far (italics); all italics, F1
171 Be . . . hence Translating Virgil, Aeneid, 6.258: Procul, o procul este, profani (quoted Brisson, 2).
171 n.21 Moris . . . profanos ‘It was the ancient custom for the heralds to go before and keep any unclean persons away from the service.’ Paraphrasing Brisson, 2. Cf. Giraldi (1548), 716–17. Rosinus calls these heralds Praeciae or praeclamitatores (1583, 3.30). Stuckius says their role was to impose silence while the sacrifices were being celebrated (1598, fol. 73).
21 Moris antiqui erat, praecones praecedere, et sacris arcere profanos. Consule Brissonium, Rosinum, Stuckium, Lilium Gyraldum etc.
172 SD] in margin F1 state 2; Tvb. Tib. These sound, while the Flamen washeth Q, F1 state 1
172 SD n.22 Observatum . . . penituisse ‘We find it noted in the ancient authors that he who was to celebrate a holy rite came to it bathed and clean, and in order to alleviate his sins, he used to say that he was guilty above all men, and that he repented of his sin.’ Two passages from Giraldi are conflated here (1548, 715 and 716).
22 Observatum antiquis invenimus, ut qui rem divinam facturus esset, lautus, ac mundus accederet, et ad suas levandas culpas, se inprimis reum dicere solitum, et noxae penituisse. Lilius Gyraldus, Syntagma 17.
174 pure hands . . . minds] italics except and Q, F1
175 SHs] G subst.; Min. . . . Min. . . . Min. Q, F1
175 ] italics except And Q, F1
175, 176 garlands] F1 subst.; Ghyrlonds Q
175 n. 23 Plauto] Q; Mart. H&S
175 n.23 In . . . constat ‘In the services clean hands, clean garments, clean vessels etc. were demanded of the ancients, as is clear from many places in Virgil, Plautus, Tibullus, Ovid etc.’ Paraphrasing Brisson, 6, who quotes the same authors.
23 In sacris puras manus, puras vestes, pura vasa, etc. Antiqui desiderabant. ut ex Virgilio, Plauto, Tibullo, Ovidio etc. pluribus locis constat.
177 vervin vervain, here used for the sacred evergreens (olive, rosemary, myrtle, or laurel) called in Lat. verbenae.
177 n.24 Alius . . . imponere ‘Another rite, to furnish the altars with garlands and place branches on it’. Cf. Giraldi: ‘To make it truly sacred, it was customary to place turf, or sacred branches (verbenas) on the altar’ (1548, 656).
24 Alius ritus, sertis aras coronare, et verbenas imponere.
177 Favour . . . tongues] capitals Q; italics F1
177 n.25 Huiusmodi . . . constat ‘In this way the order to be silent was given.’ Another unacknowledged quotation from Brisson, 8, who deals with the phrase at length on 8–11, quoting all Jonson’s classical sources and many more. Cf. 182 n.27 below.
177 n.25 Senecam . . . Vita Seneca, in the passage quoted by Brisson, explains the expression favete linguis (literally ‘favour it with your tongues’) as ‘not taken, as very many imagine, from “favour”, but ordering silence so that the service can be performed according to rite without any voice of ill-omen interrupting’. Linguis is an ablative, as H&S noted. At this point Jonson seems uncertain, translating it as a dative (since faveo normally takes the dative), but he corrects this at 5.182.
177 n.25 Servium . . . ramis ‘Servius and Donatus on this line of Aeneid: “All be silent [‘favour with your mouth’] and wreath your temples with boughs.”’ Servius, In Vergilii carmina commentariorum (1878–83) interprets the formula as ‘either let all your words be good, or be silent’.
25 Huiusmodi vocibus silentium imperatum fuisse constat. Vide Senecam in libro De Beata Vita, [26.7], Servium et Donatum ad eum versum Aeneid, 5.[71] Ore favete omnes, et cingite tempora ramis.
178–81 ] italics except Fortvne Q, F1
178 n.26 His . . . utebantur ‘They employed these solemn formulae in the rites.’
26 His solemnibus praefationibus in sacris utebantur.
179 Rectress Ruler, governor. OED, †1, cites this as the earliest use. Cf. 489 below.
182 Favour . . . tongues] capitals Q; italics F1
182 n.27 Quibus . . . extat ‘By which, in the precinct, the people or congregation were ordered by the priest to be silent. That is, to utter good words. Another interpretation of this formula of a similar kind is found in Brisson, Bk 1.’ Partially adapted from Brisson, 9.
182 n.27 Linguis . . . favorem Literally, ‘“Silence your tongues and minds” . . . “and the pious Romans maintained a silence of both mind and voice.”’ In both cases, the injunction is to clear minds and voices of all but pure thoughts and speech.
27 Quibus, in clausu, populus vel coetus a praeconibus favere iubebatur. Id est bona verba fari. Talis enim altera huius formulae interpretatio apud Brissonium librum 1 extat. Ovidius, Fasti, 1.[71] Linguis animisque favete. Et Metamorphoses, 15.[681–2] piumque Aeneadae praestant et mente et voce favorem.
183 Be . . . vows] italics Q, F1
183 SD.1 Tubicines . . . again] Ayres; Tvbicines Tibicines Q; not in F1
183 SD.2–6] Q subst.; F1 subst., in margin against 184–210
183 SD.3 n. 28 Stuckium . . . Gentilium] this edn; Stuchium de Sacrif. Q
183 SD.3 n.28 Vocabatur . . . Libatio ‘This rite was called Libation.’ Quoting Rosinus. Cf. Brisson, 33, Stuckius (1598), fol. 133.
28 Vocabatur hic Ritus Libatio. lege Rosinum, Antiquitatum Romanorum, 3.[33], Barnabaeum Brissonium, De formulis, 1, Stuckium, Sacrorum, Sacrificiorumque Gentilium. Et Lilium Giraldum, Syntagma 17.
183 SD.3 n.29 In . . . carentia ‘The same authorities bear witness that in the rites of Fortuna they offered milk, not wine. Such sacrifice is called άοινα and νηφάλια, that is sober and abstinent.’
29 In sacris Fortunae lacte, non vino libabant. iisdem Testibus. Talia sacrificia, άοινα, et νηφάλια dicta. Hoc est sobria, et vino carentia.
183 SD.4 kindleth his gums lights his incense.
183 SD.5 censing . . . altar perfuming the altar with incense.
183 SD.6 n.30 Hoc . . . Marcellum ‘This was to render up and make a favourable offering, that is, to propitiate [the goddess], and to bring the prayer to pass, according to Nonius Marcellus.’ The reference is to the Compendiosa doctrina, Nonius’s fourth-century compendium of general information and grammar (3.220), but Jonson has again taken the passage direct from Brisson (28).
183 SD.6 n.30 Litare . . . lege ‘Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.5.4, also explains litare as to make a sacrifice to appease a deity. In which sense read it in . . .’ A direct quote from Brisson, 28 (Macrobius has placasse for placare). Jonson also borrows Brisson’s supporting quotations from Plautus, Poenulus, 2.1 (488–9), Suetonius, Nero, 56, and Seneca, Hercules Furens, 4.1, and Octavia, 4.1.
30 Hoc reddere erat, et litare, id est propitiare, et votum impetrare: secundum Nonium Marcellum. Litare etiam Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.5 [4] explicat, sacrificio facto placare numen. In quo sensu lege apud Plautum, Suetonium, Senecam etc.
183 SD.6 say all] Q; proceed F1, in margin
184 SH] Ayres; not in Q, F1 but implied by preceding SD; Omnes G
184 ] italics except Goddesse, Q; all italics, F1
184 n. 31 offerendis] G; offerrendis Q
184 n.31 Sollennis . . . offerendis ‘The ritual formula in offering gifts to any god whatever.’ Cf. Brisson, 33.
31 Sollennis formula, in donis cuivis numini offerendis.
186–7 averts . . . Avert Ayres notes Jonson’s use of different meanings, both also available in Lat. averto, –ere: (1) to turn away the face etc. (OED, 4); (2) to ward off (OED, 5). For Dio’s account (Jonson’s n.32) see above, 85 n.9. As Ayres points out, the statue must have been played by an actor, since lines 197–8 (‘with . . . cat’) describe it twisting its head and shoulders away rather than pivoting round fully. Xylander’s Lat. translation says the statue sese avertere, ‘turned itself away’, which is a good translation of the Greek ἂποστρ∊φόμ∊νον rendered as ‘turn its back’ in the Loeb edition.
32 Lege Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.7.2 de hoc sacrificio.
189 tokens signs, omens; used thus in the Bible, e.g. Psalm 135.9: ‘He hath sent tokens and wonders into the midst of thee’ (Geneva).
190 scrupulous] F1; scrupu’lous Q
190 scrupulous anxious, fearful, as in 89 above (OED, 1†b, †c), not ‘punctiliously careful’ as Ayres suggests (cf. Lat. scrupulosus, Lewis and Short, Ⅱ).
193 juggling . . . religion cheating (or conjuring) craft, religion. Cf. Randolph, The Jealous Lovers (1632), 5.6: ‘Religion is mere juggling.’
194 SD] Ayres subst.
195 woo] F1; woe Q
197–8 with . . . cat See above, 186n.
199 Avoid Get rid of (OED, †4c).
201 spicèd over-scrupulous, delicate (OED, Spiced ppl. a †2). H&S note the same phrase occurs in Bart. Fair, 1.3.95–6, Devil, 2.2.81, and New Inn, 2.5.36, and in Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, Prol., 526.
201 SD.1, 2] this edn; not in Q, F1
203 n.33 Tacitus tells how the Senate ‘although they were being consulted over quite different matters, voted an altar of Mercy and an altar of Friendship, with statues of Caesar and Sejanus on each side’.
33 Tacitus, Annales, 4.74.
204 n.34 Dio says the Romans, deceived by Tiberius’s apparent support for Sejanus, ‘set up bronze statues everywhere to both alike . . . And in the end they sacrificed to the images of Sejanus as they did to those of Tiberius.’
34 Dio, 58.4.4
206 giglot ‘a lewd, wanton woman’ (OED, †1a). As Whalley noted, used similarly for Fortune in Cym., 3.1.31: ‘O giglot fortune’. A variant of the proverbial characterization of Fortune as a whore (see e.g. Und. 43.153).
210 SD] G; Pomponivs. minvtivs.&c. Q; Pomponivs, Seianvs, minvtivs, &c. F1
211 SD n.35 See 4.409 SD.1 n.36 and Names of the Actors, 13n.
35 De Minutio, vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.[7].
211 SH] Pom. Q; not in F1
211 His . . . suffers ‘Note the delicate irony after the last scene’ (H&S).
212 I’ve] this edn; I’have Q; I haue F1
217 n.36 Dio says that ‘when a new head was straightway placed upon the statue . . . a rope was discovered coiled about the neck’.
36 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.7.2.
218 n.37 Seneca, Quaestiones naturales (‘Natural Questions’), says, ‘We have also seen, and not just once, a flaming light in the shape of a ball, which, however, fragmented in mid-course . . . we saw it at that time when Sejanus was accused.’
37 Vide Senecam, Quaestiones Naturales, 1.1.[3].
220 unperfect unfinished; perhaps suggested by Seneca’s in ipso cursu suo dissipata est (see preceding note).
221 Th’amazing] Q subst. ( The’amazing); The amazing F1
222 more than all more ominous than all that.
226 n.38 See 146 n.17 above for Sejanus’s praetorian bodyguard.
38 Dio, 58.9.5.
233 correspondence See 4.511n.
234 Attempt him Try to win him over.
235 worthy that are worthy of.
236 Let] F1; ”Let Q
236 states states of affairs.
237–8 ] gnomic pointing in Q
238 Death, the surest of all things, shall render me a certain account still (unlike uncertain Fortune).
241–52 I . . . replanted In casting Sejanus as the axeman and his opponents as trees and shrubs Jonson may be recalling 3H6, 5.2.11–15, in which Richard of Gloucester (also played by Burbage) is similarly cast by Warwick. Jonson had been working on Crookback, for which 3H6 was an obvious source, just before he began Sej. Cf. also Silius’s prophecy at 2.500: ‘No tree, that stops his prospect, but must fall.’
242 lofty cedar Symbol of power because an evergreen of great height and spread, and because of its biblical associations. Cf. Cym., 5.5.535: ‘The lofty cedar, royal Cymbeline’. Sejanus himself is a cedar who is made a ‘shrub’ in Strachey’s ‘Upon Sejanus’, 3.
243 n.39 Tacitus says: ‘Sejanus inflamed and aggravated [Tiberius’s] jealousy, with his knowledge of Tiberius’s character laying down future hatreds, which he would store away and then bring out, grown larger.’ Cf. 2.191 n.13.
39 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.69.
244 n.40–252 n.48 Each note refers to passages cited earlier, often more than once, on each of these characters.
244 elm . . . vine Vines were often trained on elms, and this figurative use for mutual love between husband and wife was common. Jonson may be remembering the similar use by Sir John Davies, On the Death of Lord Chancellor Ellesmere’s Second Wife (1599): ‘the elm may stand when withered is the vine’ (Works, ed. Grosart, 1876, 1.304, line 7).
40 Annales, 4.1–3, 8. Et Dio, 57.22.1–2.
41 Tacitus, 4.18–19.
42 Et 4.68–70. Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.1.1b-3.
245 strong oaks Symbols of unshakeable strength and hardness, hence loyal supporters. Cf. Cor., 5.2.101–2: ‘He’s the rock, the oak not to be wind-shaken.’
246 shrubs Used for insignificant persons (OED, †3). Cf. Und. 20, 21.
43 De Cremutio Cordo vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.24.2–4. Tacitum, Annales, 4.34–5.
44 De Sosia. Tacitus, Annales, 4.20.
248 n.45 quaere see, seek in.
45 De Claudia Pulchra et Furnio. quaere Tacitum, 4.52.
46 De Gallo. Tacitus, 4.71 et Dio, 58.3.3–6.
248 grubbed up uprooted.
47 De Agrippina, Nerone et Druso, lege Suetonium, Tiberius, 53–4.
48 De Caio consule Dionem, 58.8.1–3.
253 If . . . will If it is your will.
254 period Ayres notes the suggestion (Marotti, 1970, 201) that, this being a long sentence, there is a pun on Lat. periodus, a complete sentence.
255 already’ve] this edn; already’haue Q; already haue F1
258–9 when . . . suffer when I was more embarrassed to assume command than was the Senate to accept my dominance. (Sejanus was not embarrassed to assume command; he sees the Senate as even less embarrassed to concede power to him.)
261 temples See 4.429 n.40.
265–6 ] gnomic pointing in Q
265–6 who . . . known you who have long envied and feared lest any mortal should have any of the power that the fates reserve to themselves.
266 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅴ. / A Room in the same.; Terentivs. Tribvnes. Q, F1 subst.
267 SH] Ter. Q; not in F1
267 give impart to, tell.
267 SD.2] G subst.; Minvtivs. Cotta. Latiaris. &c. Q, F1 subst.
268 SH] Min. Q; not in F1
269 SD.2] F1 in margin; not in Q
269 SD.2 confer compare.
272 his Tiberius’s. See above, 113, 128, 161–2, for his authorship of the letters, and their distribution.
275 SD] Natta. Laco. &c. Q, F1 subst.; F1 adds To them in margin
276 SH] Nat. Q; not in F1
277 provost See Names of the Actors, 14n. for Laco’s command of the night watch.
277 SD] Q subst.; Seianvs. F1, adding To them in margin
278 SH] Sei. Q; not in F1
283 our Using the royal plural, reserved for sovereigns and other undisputed rulers.
286 Unquit Undisbanded. The only example of this meaning recorded by OED, but cf. Quit v. 9, ‘to dismiss’.
286 the Consul Fulcinius Trio (see 123n.).
288 They The consuls, whose duty it was to summon the Senate.
288 n.49 ‘For the Senate was to sit in the temple of Apollo’.
49 Vide Dionem, 58.9.4.
289 warn summon. Cf. EMI (Q), 5.3.161: ‘go warn them hither presently before me’.
292 Lordship?] G subst; Lordsh? Q; lordship! F1
293 It seems so It seems Sejanus does not know of the edict.
296 n.50 See above, 97 n.11. There is no explicit description by Dio of Macro as Sejanus’s known enemy, and Jonson may have been intending his note to refer again to Macro’s entry by night (cf. ‘This midnight’). It is placed in Q at the beginning of an unusually crowded last line of sig. L1v.
50 Dio, ibid. [9.2–4].
297 give signify (OED, †36).
298 engine plot, trap.
298 SD] this edn; Satrivs. &c Q; Satrivs, Seianvs, &c. F1
299 SH] Sat. Q; not in F1
302 regards you much is of great concern to you.
302 n.51 Dio says that ‘At dawn Macro ascended the Palatine . . . and encountering Sejanus, who had not yet gone in, and perceiving that he was troubled because Tiberius had sent him no message, he encouraged him, telling him aside and in confidence that he was bringing him the tribunician power.’
51 Dio, ibid. [9.4].
310 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
310 SD In keeping with his speech at 278–86 above, Sejanus reveals his new insecurity by making ingratiating gestures to his friends as he leaves.
313 instantly immediately.
314 instant at once, suddenly.
317 rapt enraptured.
317 he . . . million Cf. EMI (F), 3.1.106–7: ‘I had been slain if I had had a million of lives’ (Ayres). The phrase is quasi-proverbial, often as ‘a thousand lives’; see e.g. Heywood, A Challenge for Beauty (1636), 5.1: ‘thou hast killed a man, whom to have saved, / Had I a thousand lives, I’ld loose them all’ (Dramatic Works, ed. Shepherd, 1874).
319 And . . . man! How strikingly new and ingratiating, that Sejanus would actually speak to us individually by name!
322 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅵ. / Another Room in the same.; Seianvs. Macro. Q, F1 subst.
323 SD.2 H&S and Barish suggest the use of the gallery for this scene, but most action in Elizabethan public plays is best imagined on the main stage in the absence of any compelling reason to the contrary. Cf. 1.260 SD.2n., 4.95n.
323 SH] Sei. Q; not in F1
323 n.52 See above, 302 n.51.
52 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.9.4–5.
325 n. 53 . Marcipor] G; Marcipor Q
325 n.53 Meridies . . . Marcipor ‘The noon of night in Varro’s Marcipor’. Nonius quotes ‘nocte circiter meridie’ (‘about the noon of night’) from Varro’s lost satire (6.450). Jonson used it again in Gypsies (Burley), 193, (Windsor), 190. Exactly the same phrase (‘About the Noon of night’) was used by his friend Hugh Holland in Pancharis (sig. D1) which was entered in the Stationers’ Register on 1 Aug. 1603 (Arber, 3.100), but which Holland says had been intended for Queen Elizabeth. Holland was a good Latinist, taught like Jonson by Camden, but whether Jonson took the phrase from Holland, or Holland from the stage version of Sej., can probably never be resolved. The translation is precise, suggesting it was derived from Nonius, and not from Lipsius’s Menippaean Satire (cf. 5.102 n.12) where it is modified as noctis meridies erat (Lipsius, 1614, 1.633). Ayres notes that Alexander Scott had used it [in lowland Scots] c. 1560, but Scott’s poems were not printed until 1821, and do not appear to have circulated in MS in England. Whalley and Gifford noted the phrase’s subsequent use by many poets.
53 Meridies noctis Varronis Marcipor vide Nonium Marcellum, 6.
325 give leave leave us. As Ayres notes, not in OED in this sense (though similar to Leave n1 4), but apparently a common idiom: see e.g. Shr., 3.1.56: ‘You may go walk, and give me leave awhile.’ Used in a different sense by Sejanus at 636 below.
326 both the consuls Regulus and Trio.
327 design plan, project. Cf. Epigr. 110.19: ‘In every counsel, stratagem, design’.
329 n.54 See above, 302 n.51.
54 Dio, ibid. [58.9.4].
330 proportion amount.
332 election choice.
333 wants fails.
335 happy, and] F1; happy,’and Q
336 high Because of his anticipated tribunicial status (see above, 302 n.51, below, 363 n.57). Horace similarly calls Augustus ‘high Caesar’ (Caesarem altum) in Odes, 3.4.37, but as Ayres notes Macro is punning on Sejanus’s execution, and unknowingly providing an ironic echo of 5.5 and the play’s closing lines.
337 b’amused] Q, F1 (b’amus’d)
337 amused puzzled. Cf. Alch., 1.3.43 (Whalley).
338 the isle Capri.
339 With] F1 state 2; Which Q, F1 state 1
341 n.55 See above, 97 n.11.
55 Dio, ibid. [9.3].
346 informèd . . . thought given form in the minds of the populace. (Lat. informo, –are, to give shape).
347 Part of myself My other half, my soul mate. Cf. Ant., 3.2.24, ‘You take from me a great part of myself.’
347 Macro!] F1 state 2; Macro, Q; Macro, F1 state 1
353 retentive discreet, reticent (OED, a1 †6).
354 jealous anxious, fearful.
355 n.56 See above, 302 n.51, ‘he encouraged him’.
56 Dio, ibid. [9.4].
357 several separate.
361 your lover your devoted friend.
363 n.57 For Dio, see above, 302 n.51, ‘telling him . . . that he was bringing him the tribunicial power’. The tribunicia potestas was the constitutional device through which Augustus and his successors wielded power: see Tacitus, 3.56: ‘This term for the highest office was hit upon by Augustus, who while not wanting to take the name of king or dictator, yet desired a title which would indicate his power over all others.’ It had been granted to Tiberius and Drusus (cf. 4.167–70n.).
363 n.57 de . . . Sejani ‘on the overthrow of Sejanus’. For the passage from Suetonius, see 3.704 n.35.
57 Dio, ibid. Vide Suetonium, de oppressione Seiani, Tiberius, 65.
366 Thou’st] this edn; Thou’hast Q, F1
374 quitted repaid.
375 forward presumptuous.
375 tardy note reluctant response.
376 afford him] F1; bestow Q
381 SD.2 Enter satrius] Ayres; not in Q, F1
388 within this hour only a short time ago.
389–90 a quarter-look . . . face a contemptuous glance, scarcely turning the head in acknowledgement. Cf. Forest 12.30: ‘Turn . . . their quarter-face.’
390 By you By you so-called gods.
391–6 Sejanus challenges the gods to do their worst. ‘Senecan in tone’ (H&S), echoing Thyestes, 855–77: ‘The Lion of Hercules . . . will again fall from the heavens . . . the scales of Libra . . . will fall and with them drag down the sharp Scorpion . . . have we, out of all humanity, been seen as deserving that the universe, its axis collapsed, should overwhelm us?’ The Lion (Leo), Scales (Libra) and Scorpion (Scorpio) are signs of the zodiac.
394 Shake . . . hinge Suggested by Seneca’s everso cardine, ‘axis collapsed’; see OED, Hinge n. 3.
399 Who] F1; “Who Q
399 Who He who.
399 SD.2–3 Enter . . . others] Ayres; Pomponivs. Regvlvs. Trio. &c. Q, F1 subst., F1 adding ‘To the rest’ in margin
400 SH pomponius] Pom. Q; not in F1
399 n.58 See above, 302 n.51.
58 Dio, ibid. [9.4]
413 bond binding agreement.
414 Harpocrates Greek name for the Egyptian god of silence (Briggs). Cf. Epicene, 2.2.3, and Bart. Fair, 5.6.40 (H&S).
414 assure guarantee, promise.
417 SD] Seianvs &c. Q; Seianvs F1, adding ‘To them’ in margin
418 SH] Sei. Q; not in F1
418–19 I . . . so Sejanus means that the fates have a longer life in store for him than he had feared, but as Ayres notes the proverb ‘to have more tow [flax] on one’s distaff than one can spin’ (Tilley, T450) means that one has trouble in store.
419 n.59 Dio says that ‘At first, before [Tiberius’s letter] was read, they had been lauding Sejanus, thinking he was about to receive the tribunician power, and had kept cheering him, anticipating the honours for which they hoped and making it clear to him that they would concur in bestowing them.’
59 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.10.3.
421 presage omens. Cf. New Inn, 5.2.68–9: ‘the presage / Of a loud jest’.
424 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
428 You’re] this edn; You’are Q; You are F1
428 The mood is changed These men perceive that Sejanus’s mildnesss of spirit, which they marvelled at a short time ago (314–21), has left him as quickly as it had come on.
428 n.60 Dio says ‘Sejanus was so great a person by reason both of his excessive haughtiness and of his vast power, that . . . he himself seemed to be emperor . . . There was rivalry and jostling about the great man’s doors, the people fearing not merely that they might not be seen by their patron, but also that they might be among the last to appear before him; for every word and every look, especially in the case of the most prominent men, was carefully observed . . . those who enjoy an adventitious splendour seek all such attentions very eagerly, feeling them to be necessary to render their position complete, and if they fail to obtain them, are as vexed as if they were being slandered and as angry as if they were being insulted.’
60 Dio, Historia Romana 58.5.1.
429–30 Ay . . . ends Echoing, as well as the presage / of Dio just cited, Petronius, Satyricon, 80: ‘The name of friendship endures as long as it is useful’, and Tacitus, Historiae, 3.86: ‘he considered that friendships were held together by the scale of the presents given, not by steadfastness of character’ (Ayres).
429 He] F1; “He Q
430 Of] F1; “Of Q
430 SD.2–3] F1 subst. (last six words in margin); Arrvntivs. Lepidvs. Q
431 SH] Arr. Q; not in F1
431–79 These two scenes take place outside the temple of Apollo where the Senate is to meet (see above, 105 n.13). The Senators who pass by Arruntius and Lepidus (430 SD) would probably enter from one door in the tiring-house screen and exit by the other, unlike those who ‘pass over the stage’ at 460 below.
431–6 Ay . . . face These lines must have been delivered after the hurrying Senators had passed Arruntius and Lepidus. Arruntius is not addressing the Senators in such a way that they hear him; he is reflecting sardonically, for Lepidus’s benefit, on their haste to flatter the seeming-fortunate Sejanus.
432 n.61Ave’] this edn; AVe Q
432 n.61 ‘Ave’ . . . Romanos ‘“Ave[‘Hail’] was an exclusively morning greeting among the Romans.’ Paraphrasing Brisson, 743.
61 ‘Ave’ matutina vox salutanti propria, apud Romanos. Vide Brissonium, de Formulis, 8.
432 wide hall Perhaps recalling Greene, Selimus (1594): ‘When cheerful day is gone from th’earths wide hall’ (Complete Works, ed. Grosart, 1881–6, 14.261, line 1737).
433 a lictor’s pace fast, as Ayres suggests, because they cleared the way for magistrates, and perhaps also because, as officers of the court, they arrested those accused.
435–6 Imitating Juvenal, Satires, 4.74–5: ‘[those whom the emperor hated] on whose faces sat the pallor of that wretched and great friendship’.
442 Echoing Claudian, Against Rufinus, 1.22–3: ‘They are raised on high so that they may fall the more heavily’ (Briggs). The passage is underlined in pencil in Jonson’s copy, not necessarily by him.
443 think . . . that let those persons think it who.
444 ’say] Q, F1 (’ssay)
444 ’say essay, try.
445 In] F1; “In Q
447 lord] F1; Lord Q (so 448, 449, 450, 451)
451 Lordship] this edn; Lord- ship Q, lord-ship F1
452 noise Normally a band (OED, 5†b), but here ‘a noise of six’ (i.e. six trumpets).
453 Make legs Bow or curtsy.
453–4 take . . . shoulder tend to the grooming of Sejanus by brushing a hair from his shoulders.
454 lord’s] Lords Q; lords F1
454 eminent] F1; excellent Q
454 eminent Punning on Lat. emineo, –ere, to stand out (Ayres).
454 n.62 Tacitus mentions a Sanquinius as one of the ‘accusers of L. Arruntius’ (6.7), and (probably the same man) a Sanquinius Maximus as a ‘former consul’ (6.4).
62 De Sanquinio vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.[4, 7].
455 slow belly Translating Juvenal, Satires, 4.107, abdomine tardus (Briggs), where the phrase probably means a paunch so large it slows its owner down.
456 n.63 For Haterius, see Names of the Actors, 8n.
63 Et de Haterio. ibid. [6.4].
457 will . . . him who eagerly crowds forward ahead of Sanquinius. (Arruntius’s satirical speech suggests how the actors portraying the Senators are to behave as they pass in front of Arruntius and Lepidus.)
458 n.64 Ex . . . Lecticarii ‘Those of large and tall stature were sent from Liburnia, and became litter-bearers in Rome.’
458 n.64 turba . . . LiburnoThe crowd gives way as the rich man is carried swiftly overhead in an enormous Liburnian litter.’
64 Ex Liburnia, magnae et procerae staturae mittebantur, qui erant Roma Lecticarii. Teste Iuvenalis, Satura, 3.240 turba cedente vehetur / Dives, et ingenti curret super ora Liburno.
459 thy obsequious] F1; thy’obsequious Q
460 They’re] this edn; They’are Q; They are F1
460 The gout . . . carriage Haterius, overweighty and gout-ridden.
460 SD] F1 subst. (last four words in margin); Lictors. Consvls. Seianvs.&c. Q
460 SD See 1.176 SDn. Here, the actors may have entered from different sides of the yard, starting at 446, to meet (460) onstage, and climb down to the yard again at 462. Concentration on the front of the stage would have made it easier to introduce seating for the Senate scene (see below 479 SD.1 n.).
461 SH lictor] Lic. Q; not in F1
462 SD.1, 2] this edn; not in Q, F1
467 n.65, 471 n.66 See above, 428 n.60.
65 Dio, ibid. [58.5.2–4].
471 refrain ’em hold them [the ‘trifles’] back.
66 Dio, ibid.
473 springs origins.
474 SD.2] G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅸ. / Another Part of the same.; Macro. Laco. Q, F1 subst.
475 SH] Mac. Q; not in F1
476 n.67 Dio says that Macro ‘after stationing the night watch about the temple . . . went in, delivered the letter to the consuls, and came out again before a word was read. He then instructed Laco to keep guard there.’
67 Dio, 58.9.6.
479 SD.2 the senate] large capitals Q, F1
479 SD.1 The Senate As in 3.1–470, seating must have been put onstage for the fourteen or more Senators, perhaps during the previous two short scenes (463–79). There are at least eighteen actors onstage, with several more added when Laco brings in the guard (612), though the Praecones and Lictors may not be seated. For the separation of Arruntius and Lepidus from the main group around Sejanus, see 500 below.
479 SD.3–5] Ayres subst.; Praecones. Lictores. / Regvlvs. Seianvs. Trio. / Haterivs. Sanqvinivs. Cotta. / Pomponivs. Latiaris. / Lepidvs. Arrvntivs. Q; Haterivs, Trio, Sanqvinivs, / Cotta, Regvlvs, Seianvs, / Pomponivs, Latiaris, / Lepidvs, Arrvntivs, / Praecones, Lictores. F1
480 SH haterius] Hat. Q; not in F1
481 state greatness (in being invested with tribunicial powers).
482 fellow consul Regulus, hitherto known as an opponent of Sejanus (cf. Names of the Actors, 12n.).
483 he’s] this edn; hee’is Q; he is F1
484 n.68 acclamationes Senatorum ‘the cheering of the senators’. For Dio, see above, 420 n.59.
68 Vide acclamationes Senatorum, Dio, 58.10.3.
486 SH first senator] G subst.; Sen. Q, F1
487–8 dignity . . . worthy Playing on Lat. dignus, ‘worthy’ (Bolton).
488 SH sanquinius] San. Q state 2, F1; Sam. Q state 1
489 rector A ruler of almost any kind (OED, †1a). From Xylander’s Lat. version of Dio: Tiberium pro insulae rectore quodam habuerit (cf. 179 above).
489 isle] I’sle Q, F1
490 n.69 See 4.378 n.32.
69 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.5.1.
491 look take care.
492 n.70, 497 n.71 See above, 420 n.59.
70 Dio, 58.10.3.
493–504 Ayres points to the imagery of parasitic tree-climbing plants which seem ‘to add to the glory of the tree’ they eventually kill.
494 propagate his honours make them grow in numbers. OED cites Rom., 1.1.177–9: ‘Griefs of mine own lie heavy in my breast / Which thou wilt propagate to have it pressed / With more of thine.’
494 will more the more we will.
71 Dio, ibid.
502 SHs first . . . second . . . third senator] G subst.
502 do with do the same as, join in with.
508 More More blessed.
509 but most but most of all he who.
510, 511 his Sejanus’s.
510 subtle crafty, cunning. Cf. Queens, 104: ‘her subtle side’.
511 Flyblow The first known use as a verb (OED). Ayres notes Chapman’s subsequent use in his ‘Invective . . . Against Mr. Ben: Jonson’, 11 (Poems, 374).
512 summons Not in OED in this sense of the reading out of the summons.
513 Caesar . . . silence] Q, F1 subst. (all but and the in capitals)
514–19 Memmius . . . taken] Q prints all in small capitals in form of a Roman inscription, except MEMMIVS REGVLVS, FVLCINIVS. TRIO, and APOLLO which are in large capitals; each word in Q separated by a stop; F1 prints all in italics except Memmivs Regvlvs, Fvlcinivs Trio, and Apollo Palatine
514 n.72 See preceding note. Brisson (164), Lipsius (1614, 1.634) and others who record the formula for calling a Senate often use upper-case fonts similar to that employed in Q to imitate Roman carved inscriptions. See Textual Essay, Electronic Edition.
72 Vide Brissonium: de Formulis 2. Et Lipsium, Satyra Menippaea.
514 kalends of June Ayres notes that although this would have been the normal date, Sejanus was condemned on 18 Oct. 31 (Dessau, 1962, 1.158). This was already inferred in Jonson’s day from the fact that a holiday to celebrate the event was instituted on the fifteenth kalends of Nov., i.e. 18 Oct. Neither consul was in office by the kalends of June: Trio became consul suffectus on 1 July 31, Regulus on 1 Oct.
515 temple The Senate met in consecrated buildings; H&S note that later (below, 750) they meet in the temple of Concord, and in Cat., 4.2.2 in the temple of Jupiter Stator.
515 n.73 Palatinus . . . dictus ‘The Palatine, so called from the Palatine Hill’.
515–19 with . . . taken The whole passage is translated from Lipsius, Menippaean Satire, where Cicero summons a senate: [die crastini] senatum in templo Apollinis cum prima luce habebo. Qui Patres, qui conscripti, quibusque in Senatum veniendi ius est, moneo sive iubeo frequentes adeste. De summa Rep. agi scitote. Qui nec aderit, multam pignusve capiam, excusationem non capiam (1614, 1.634).
73 Palatinus, a monte Palatino, dictus.
516 fathers . . . registered fathers Translating the formula which distinguished between Qui Patres, qui conscripti, ‘Those who were Fathers and those conscripted (i.e. ‘registered’; see above, 102 n.12).
516–19 have right . . . taken Translating quibusque in Senatum veniendi ius est, moneo sive iubeo frequentes adeste . . . Qui nec aderit, multam pignusve capiam, excusationem non capiam (see above, 102 n.12). Briggs notes the imitation of this formula, not necessarily via Jonson, in Shackerley Marmion’s Cupid and Psyche (1638), where it is applied to the ‘general council’ of the gods (2.3.260–7).
517 frequently in large numbers (OED, †2), awkwardly translating frequentes adeste (see preceding note).
518 commonwealth’s] G; common.vvealthes Q; common-wealths F1
521–2 Fathers . . . commonwealth] small capitals in Q; italics in F1
522 n.74 Solemnis . . . relationibus ‘The customary formula of the Consuls in proposing motions’. See 3.29 n.4, and 5.102 n.12. Dio simply names the consuls (see passage quoted at 4.439 n.44); no ‘formula’ is mentioned.
74 Solemnis praefatio Consulum in relationibus. Dio, 58.9.
524 inspire . . . truth Since Apollo was god of truth and light.
529 n.75 See 3.704 n.35.
75 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 65.
531 What . . . done] small capitals in Q; italics in F1
531 n. 76 Alia . . . solemnis ‘Another customary formula’. Brisson, 172.
76 Alia formula solemnis. vide Brissonium, 2.
537–8 Rome . . . his Briggs notes the source in Claudian, On Stilicho’s Consulship, 3.39–40: ‘He alone in virtue left behind the bounds of envy.’ Marked by Jonson in his copy.
539 n.77 See above, 420 n.59, the fifth time Jonson has cited this passage.
77 Dio, 58.10.3.
540 fierce ardent, arrant. OED, Fierce adj. 5a, cites Poet., 5.3.109, ‘fierce credulity’. Cf. also Alch., 4.1.39, ‘fierce idolatry’.
541 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
541 ‘Tiberius . . . Senate] Bolton; large capitals in Q subst., F1
541–631 For the sources of the letter, see Argument, 28n. Jonson’s reconstruction is based on Dio, 58.10, the only source to indicate its content: ‘In the meantime the letter was read. It was a long one, and contained no wholesale denunciation of Sejanus, but first some other matter, then a slight censure of his conduct, then something else, and after that some further objection to him; and at the close it said that two senators who were among his intimate associates must be punished and that he himself must be kept under guard. For Tiberius refrained from giving orders outright to put him to death . . . Now the letter disclosed no more than this; but one could observe both by sight and hearing many and various effects produced by it.’ Jonson may also have recalled Tacitus’s description of a speech by Augustus on Tiberius (1.10) in which he ‘threw out certain hints as to his manners, style and habits, which, while seeming to excuse them, he offered as reproaches.’
541 greeting] centred on separate line in small capitals with initial large capital Q, F1
542 If] If Q, F1 which uses three-line double pica capital
542–3 you . . . so] small capitals, each word separated by a stop in Q; italics F1
543 n.78 Solenne . . . Romanos ‘The customary beginning of letters among the Romans’. Brisson, 741, quotes a number of such greetings.
78 Solenne exordium Epistolarum apud Romanos. Consule Brissonium de Formulis, 8.
543–631 The care . . . exacts it.’] Bolton subst.; Q, F1 print Tiberius’s letter in italics subst.
550 secure confident.
550 necessity bond or tie, especially between ruler and subjects (OED, †13).
551 infamous libels Translating legal Latin libelli famosi, defamatory pamphlets or leaflets circulated or posted.
553 sensibly in a keenly felt way.
556 n.79 Suetonius describes Tiberius as being ‘firm and patient in the face of insults and slanders . . . frequently declaring that in a free state there should be freedom of tongues and minds’ (linguam mentemque liberas).
79 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 28.
557 lapwing Cf. Dent, L68: ‘The lapwing cries most when farthest from her nest.’ See Poet., 4.7.49 (Gifford).
558 SH] this edn (so also 563, 568, 571, 579, 588, 592, 598, 606, 614); not in Q, F1
561 obscure . . . gentry See Argument, 1n. for Sejanus’s birth, and cf. Chapman’s sonnet ‘Come forth, Sejanus’, 3 and note.
567 the blood turns the temper changes (OED, Blood n. 5).
568 affy trust.
573–4 no . . . mercy Briggs notes the source in Seneca, ‘On Mercy’, 1.1.9: ‘nor is there anyone so well satisfied with his innocence that he does not rejoice to see mercy standing in sight, awaiting human errors.’ Cf. Discoveries, 860–2.
575 so quite so completely. Cf. the same usage in Pleasure Rec., 89, Vision, 169.
576 clemency . . . cruelty Whalley noted the source in Seneca, ‘On Mercy’, 1.11.2: ‘Truly, I do not call wearied cruelty clemency.’
578 good fox Referring to the proverb, ‘The fox may grow grey but never good’ (Tilley, F638; Ayres).
581 lets obstacles.
583 popularity ‘the action or practice of courting, or trying to win, popular favour’ (OED, †3a).
585 n.80 De . . . Epistola ‘On this letter’. For the sources cited, see above, 541–631n.
80 De hac Epistola, vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.10.1–5. Et Juvenalem, Satura 10.
586 This’s strange] F1; ’This ’strange Q
587 vultures As birds of omen (see 3.496n.), referring to Lepidus’s analysis of Tiberius’s strategy at 4.446–72.
592 averred proved true, tested.
593–4 What . . . know The beginning of a later letter of Tiberius to the Senate quoted by Tacitus (6.6) and Suetonius (Tiberius, 67). Whalley’s criticism that Jonson has used the passage out of context was scornfully demolished by Gifford.
596 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
600 jealousies cares, anxieties.
600 provide make provision for; not in OED in this direct trans. sense, but as Ayres notes derived from Lat. provideo, –ere, in sense given in Lewis and Short, B.2. Cf. a similar use in Cat., 3.4.18: ‘I provide, not fear.’
601 beware . . . fears For this paraphrase of Machiavelli, Discorsi, 3.6, see 3.637–46n.
605 off, . . . wind!] Q state 2; off! . . . winde Q state 1
605 this even in this.
608–11 SDs] this edn
608 porpoise] G; Porcpisce Q, F1
608–10 porpoise . . . tempest The porpoise (Lat. porcus piscis) was said to play before a storm (Dent, P483). Cf. EMI (Q), 5.3.199. Arruntius speaks mockingly of Sanquinius and Haterius, probably in asides that the persons onstage do not hear. ‘Your’ in 610 refers back to the ‘porpoise’, presumably Sanquinius, following the mocking query about Haterius, though ‘Your’ could refer to both, and to other Senators, since they are all restlessly rising from their seats. ‘Your’ is not likely to be the casual generic usage mocked in Alch., 4.4. 9–15: ‘Your Spanish jennet is the best horse . . .’
609 n.81 The passage quoted at 5.420 n.59 and 541–631n. continues: ‘When . . . they heard again and again just the reverse of what they had expected, they were at first perplexed, and then thrown into deep dejection. Some of those seated near him actually rose up and left him; for they now no longer cared to share the same seat with the man whom previously they had prized having as their friend.’
81 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.4–5.
612 SD.2] F1 in margin; not in Q
613 Here’s] Q state 2; There’s Q state 1, F1
613 read forward read on. Cf. Temp., 3.2.74: ‘Now forward with your tale’.
622 attempting it] F1; attempt Q
625 importune press, urge (OED, †2).
630 appr’ended] this edn; apprênded Q, F1; apprended F2
630 appr’ended Q and F1’s apprênded is, as H&S suggest, copying Lat. apprendo, ‘a syncopated form of apprehendo: so Volp., 5.1.6, the Quarto text’; the circumflex indicates Jonson’s recognition that the ‘rare’ English form (OED, † Apprend) involves a similar ‘syncopation’.
631 n.82 According to Dio, Tiberius ‘pretended that he could not with safety even make the journey to Rome, and therefore summoned one of the consuls to him’.
82 Dio, ibid.
632, 634 SDs] this edn; not in Q, F1
633 reverend Cf. 4.22 and note.
634–5 done . . . property fulfilled your characteristic function; not in OED, but close to Property n. †6.
635 SD] G; not in Q, F1
636 Hang . . . instrument There is a suggestion that they go to be hanged, but the primary image is of a musical instrument that having been played on is hung up because no longer needed.
636 Give leave Give (me) leave to pass: a different usage from 325 above.
636 SDs] this edn
638 friend] Q state 2; friends Q state 1, F1
638 friend Dio says that ‘some [denounced him] to conceal their friendship for him’ (58.10.9).
639 Hushed] Q, F1 (Hush’t)
639 hails] Hayles Q
639 SD] G; Macro &c. Q; Macro, Senate. F1
640 SH] Mac. Q; not in F1
640 n.83 Dio does not mention Macro here. Jonson may simply intend to refer to Macro’s command of the praetorian guard (644, below) but his notes here are not keyed to the text, and though this is placed near line 640, Jonson may intend to refer to lines 649–50, based on Dio: ‘Meanwhile Regulus summoned him to go forward, but he paid no heed, not out of contempt – for he had already been humbled – but because he was unaccustomed to having orders addressed to him. But when the consul, raising his voice and also pointing at him, called the second and the third time, “Sejanus, come here,” he merely asked him, “Me? you are calling me?”’
83 Dio, ibid.
643 provost Referring to Macro’s command of the praetorians (see 3.647 n.32).
646 constant doom firm judgement.
650–2 thou . . . you As Ayres notes, the contemptuous use of ‘thou’ and the polite response mirrors the exchange between Coke and Ralegh at the latter’s trial: ‘attorney –All that he did was by thy instigation, thou viper; for I “thou” thee, thou Traitor. Ralegh – It becometh not a man of quality and virtue to call me so . . .’ (Stephen, 1899, 1.23). Cf. 3.275–82n.
651 insolent monster Cf. the same phrase, also in the Senate, in Cat., 5.3.192.
652 between you and I Acceptable usage in early modern English. Cf. ‘All debts are cleared between you and I’, MV, 3.2.321, and Abbott (1886), §209.
655–8 Come . . . nostrils ‘In a production, Macro should clearly do all these things to Sejanus’ (Ayres).
655 Typhoeus One of the Titans who tried to overthrow the gods. Sejanus has already been compared to the giants (see 4.270 and note); the analogies are especially appropriate since Sejanus is a ‘monster’ (5.651, 669).
660 viper For Coke’s use of this word in Ralegh’s trial, see above, 650–2n. It was a common epithet, however, both because of Aesop’s fable (1.10) of the snake reared in a person’s bosom (Dent, V68), and the viper’s supposed habit of eating its way out of its parent.
661–2 If . . . torture If I could somehow lose all my humanity, it would be good in that I could then torture Sejanus as he deserves.
663–4 Wherefore . . . silent Cf. Tiberius’s speech to the Senate at 3.35–7.
667 Phlegra] Wh; P’hlegra Q, F1
667 Phlegra The site of the battle in which Jove defeated the Titans (see 4.270n.).
672 SH first senator] this edn; Sen. Q, F1
672–4 Based on the passage of Juvenal cited at 680 n.84 below.
672 bays garlands.
673 garlands] F1; Gyrlonds Q
680 n.84 Juvenal, Satires, 10.58–66 (cf. 1.217n.): ‘the statues come down and follow the rope, the axe cuts to pieces the very wheels of his chariot, and the legs of the unoffending nags are broken; now the fires are blazing and from what was once the second face in the whole world emerge pitchers, basins, frying pans, chamber pots. Put laurel-wreaths on your doors, lead a big chalked ox to the Capitol.’
84 Lege Juvenalem, Satura, 10.
686 SD.1, 2] this edn; Lepidus. Arrvntivs. Q, F1 subst.
687 popular air H&S cite Horace, Odes, 3.2.17, popularis aurae. As Ayres notes, it was a common Latin phrase, used for the fitful breeze of popular favour (Lewis and Short, aura, Ⅱ.B).
689–90 Based on Dio, 58.6.1: ‘not even if some god had plainly foretold that so great a change would take place in a short time, would anyone have believed it’.
694 superstitious Moors Briggs suggests a source in Herodotus, but Jonson is more likely to have known a Lat. source such as Servius, commentary on Aeneid, 1.642: ‘for all in these parts [Libya] worship the sun’.
702 n.85 Dio describes Sejanus’s treatment thus: ‘Thereupon one might have witnessed such a surpassing proof of human frailty as to prevent one’s ever again being puffed up with conceit. For the man whom at dawn they had escorted to the Senate-hall as a superior being, they were now dragging to prison as if no better than the worst; on him whom they had previously thought worthy of many crowns, they now laid bonds; him whom they were wont to protect as a master, they now guarded like a runaway slave, uncovering his head when he would fain cover it; him whom they had adorned with the purple-bordered toga, they struck in the face; and him whom they were wont to adore and worship with sacrifices as a god, they were now leading to execution. The populace also assailed him, shouting many reproaches at him for the lives he had taken and many jeers for the hopes he had cherished’ (11.1–3).
85 Dio, 58.6.1, 11.1–3.
704 circumscribe surround.
706 waited escorted, accompanied.
709 a fugitive a runaway slave (H&S).
712 would trust] Q, F1; could trust Ayres
713 her Chance’s, Fortune’s.
715–17 ] gnomic pointing in Q
718 SH senators] F1; not in Q
718 SD.1] Q, F1
719 SD.2] G subst.; Macro. Laco. Senate. Q; Macro, Regvlvs, Senators. F1
719 SH] Mac. Q; not in F1
719 Sejanus (Apostophized here in his absence.)
719 n. 86 Jonson cites the whole of Dio’s description of the fall of Sejanus and its aftermath. The immediately relevant passage is at 58.12.7: the senators ‘began shortly afterward to fawn upon Macro and Laco’.
86 Vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.11–15.
723 still bare always deferential, as indicated by a reverential doffing of hats.
725 twelve score 240 paces, used as a standard distance in archery (e.g. 2H4, 3.2.37 ‘Dead! A would haue clapped i’ th’ clout at twelve score’) and thus more generally as a recognizable distance, as in 1H4, 2.4.457–8: ‘his death will be a march of twelve score’.
726–8 And . . . advanced From Claudian, Against Rufinus, 2.447–9: ‘who built pyramids to himself, who built monuments that would honour his shade and which are not going to give way to temples’ (Briggs). The lines are not marked in Jonson’s copy. Pyramids were frequently conceived of at this date as obelisks or spires; cf. the ‘two magnificent pyramids’ of King’s Ent., 586–7.
731 SD.1, 2] this edn; Arruntivs. Lepidvs. Terentivs. Q, F1 subst.
732 SH arruntius] Arr. Q; not in F1
732–5 I . . . fall’n As H&S note, this echoes Tacitus, who quotes Arruntius’s gloomy view of the future when Caligula would be ‘under Macro’s guidance, who had been chosen to crush Sejanus because worse than him, and had afflicted the republic with more crimes’ (6.48).
734 prodigy monster (OED, 2†b).
735 SD] G; not in Q, F1
736 mankind human feeling. OED, †2b cites this as the only example. Briggs suggests an echo of Cicero, De amicitia (‘On Friendship’) 48: ex eius animo exstirpatam humanitatem.
738 states persons of high rank, such as Sejanus (OED, State n. †24), rather than, as Ayres suggests, ‘sorts of people’.
739 soft compassionate. Cf. Chlor., 62: ‘yond’ soft ear’ (of the King).
744 murmur Briggs notes the origins in Juvenal on Sejanus, ‘the secret muttering of the mob’ (secreta . . . murmura vulgi, Satires, 10.89).
746 devour the way Perhaps recalling OED’s first recorded use in 2H4, 1.1.47, ‘He seemed in running to devour the way’, or translating Catullus, 35.7: viam vorabit (Briggs).
748 Echoing Seneca, Hercules Furens, 838–9: ‘As great a crowd as flocks through the city, eager for the games in a new theatre’ (Briggs).
748 Pompey’s Cirque See 1.518 n.72 for one of Sejanus’s statues in Pompey’s theatre.
750 sensive grown] F1 state 2; sensitiue Q, F1 state 1
750 sensive capable of sensation. OED, †2, cites EMI (F), 2.3.65–7, as the only example.
751 them the statues.
753 ‘This] Barish; this Q, F1
753 n.87 See above, 680 n.84. Lines 750–2 also echo Dio: ‘They hurled down, beat down, and dragged down all his images, as though they were thereby treating the man himself with contumely’ (58.11.3).
87 Vide Juvenalem, Satura. 10.[61–4].
754 garlands] F1 state 1; Gyrlonds Q; gyrlands F1 state 2
758 founder’s pit pit holding the mould of the metal-caster.
758 pit.’] Bolton; pit. Q, F1
760 n.88 Dio says that ‘a little later, in fact that very day, the Senate assembled in the temple of Concord not far from the jail, when they saw the attitude of the populace and that none of the praetorians was about, and condemned him to death’.
88 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.11.4.
761–2 ‘Let . . . Away!’] Barish; Let . . . Away: Q, F1 subst.
761–2 tread . . . bank See 2.416n. After being dragged down the scalae Gemoniae, the bodies of executed criminals were left beside the river for three days.
764 ‘He . . . knaves!’] Barish; He . . . Knaues Q, F1 subst.
767 hook the uncus of the executioner. See 4.309 n.23.
769 they’re] Q, F1 (they’are)
772 he’d] h’would Q, F1
774 when he dies ask when he dies.
778–80 ‘There . . . Oh!’] Ayres subst.; There . . . O, Q, F1
779 Capreae] F1 (Capreæ); Caprææ Q
782 n.89 Not keyed to the text, but placed alongside this line, this note covers lines 761–86; Jonson changes the order in which Juvenal continues his treatment of Sejanus as an example of the vanity of human wishes with the secreta murmura vulgi noted at 744 above: ‘Sejanus is dragged with the hook as a spectacle that all may rejoice: “What lips, what a face he had!” “Believe me, I never liked this man.” “But what offence was he guilty of? Who was the informer? By what witnesses, by what evidence was the case judged?” “There was nothing like that; a long and verbose letter came from Capri.” “Very well, I ask no more.” But what of the mob of Remus? It follows fortune, as always and turns on the condemned. If Nortia [the Etruscan version of Fortuna] had favoured the Etruscan [Sejanus], the same crowd would, had the old emperor been quietly struck down, have acclaimed Sejanus as the Augustus in the very same hour . . .‘“Let us run headlong and, while he lies on the bank, trample on the enemy of Caesar.” “But let our slaves see that none denounce us, and drag their fearful master into court with his neck bound.”’
89 Iuvenalis, Satura, 10.[67–77].
783 prosperously oppressed An awkward translation of Juvenal’s oppressa . . . secura (see previous note).
788 n.90 See above, 760 n. 88.
90 Dio, ibid. [11.4].
791 forward precipitate.
793 n.91 Quo . . . divisit ‘On the very day that the Senate had escorted him [with honour], the people tore him in pieces.’
91 Seneca, de Tranquillitate Animi, 11.[11]. Quo die illum Senatus deduxerat, populus in frusta divisit, etc.
794 Dekker echoes this line in The Whore of Babylon (1607), 1.2.163–4: ‘Princes in tying such bands, / Should use a thousand heads, ten thousand hands’ (Dramatic Works, 4. 114). It may originate for Jonson in the mille manus juvenum of Aeneid, 10.167.
795 several different, separate.
796–814 Based on Claudian, Against Rufinus, 2.410–53. Parts of this passage, though by no means all, are underlined in Jonson’s copy.
800 mounting jumping to attack. Whalley, H&S, and Barish suggest the text is corrupt here, since Sejanus’s head has already been cut off and nobody would need to ‘mount’ towards it, especially while others were busy gouging out the eyes and brain. Whalley suggests ‘minting’ (‘aiming’), but this posits an unlikely compositor’s error going unnoticed in Q and F; moreover ‘minting’ is not used elsewhere by Jonson in this sense, and as Ayres notes, OED citations are mainly Scottish. Berry’s suggestion (1983, 171–2) that some of the mob are ‘placing a foot on the skull’ as on a stair is also unconvincing, and does not explain ‘mounting at’. Jonson, imitating Claudian here, was probably influenced by his image of the mob throwing stones at Rufinus’s head carried aloft on a spear. Sejanus’s head, carried on a spear, is jumped at and pulled down, then the face, eyes, and brain attacked.
803 have who have.
812 as as if.
814 SD] G; Nvntivs, &c. Q; Arrvntivs, Nvntivs, Lepidvs, / Terentivs. F1
815 SD H&S note the ‘revival’ of the Senecan device of a messenger (nuntius) to summarize events, rather than putting the narrative in the mouth of a named character. In fact Jonson had used it only once before, in Case, 3.4, and was not to do so again. Chapman employed a Nuntius in his Roman tragedy, Caesar and Pompey, written just after Sej. in early to mid-1604 (2.2 passim).
815 SH arruntius] Arr. Q; not in F1
817 behind left to be told; OED cites the closing lines of MM, 5.1.531–2: ‘we’ll show / What’s yet behind that’s meet you all should know’.
818 since] F1; though Q
819 highly offend] F1; highly ’offend Q
823 n.92 Seneca continues the passage cited at 5.793 n.91: ‘he who had had heaped on him whatever gods and men had gathered together, nothing of him was left for the executioner to drag’.
92 Vid. Senecam, de Tranquillitate Animi, 11.[11].
829 n.93 Tacitus says that ‘It was resolved next that the surviving children of Sejanus should be punished, though the anger of the people was waning, and the greater part had been mollified by the earlier punishments. They were therefore carried to a dungeon, the boy understanding what was about to happen, the girl so much unaware that she asked repeatedly what her offence was and where she was being dragged, saying she would not do it any more, and she could be cautioned with a childish beating. It is recorded by authors of that date that, as it was held to be unheard of for the death penalty to be inflicted on a virgin, she was raped by the executioner with the halter beside her; after that they were strangled, and their young bodies thrown on the Gemonian steps.’ Dio confirms the cynical rape: ‘His children also were put to death by decree, the girl (whom he had betrothed to the son of Claudius) having been first outraged by the public executioner on the principle that it was unlawful for a virgin to be put to death in the prison.’
93 Tacitus, Annales, 5.9. Et Dio, 58.11.5.
832 n.94 Lex . . . aetati ‘For the intention of the law was that it [strangling] should be unknown and forbidden not so much because of her virginity as her age’. A direct quotation from Lipsius’s long note on Annales, 5.9. This note explains, as Ayres says, the ‘wittily and strangely cruel’ of the following line. Suetonius, however, describes the practice as routine under Tiberius: ‘Young girls (since ancient custom made it impious to strangle virgins) were first violated by the executioner, then strangled’ (Tiberius, 51).
94 Lex enim non tam virginitati ignotum cautumque voluit quam aetati. Consule Lipsium, Commentarius [ad] Tacitum.
837–8 Oh . . . world H&S suggest an echo of Seneca, Thyestes, 1094–5: ‘May night last eternally, and a long darkness cover measureless crimes.’
841 expulsèd repudiated as a wife, hence ‘divorced’, as Barish notes; from Lat. expello, –ere (Lewis and Short, I).
841 n.95, 859 n.97 Dio says: ‘His wife Apicata was not condemned, to be sure, but on learning that her children were dead, and after seeing their bodies on the [Gemonian] stairway, she withdrew and composed a statement about the death of Drusus, directed against Livilla, his wife, who had been the cause of a quarrel between herself and her husband, resulting in their separation; then, after sending this document to Tiberius, she committed suicide. It was in this way that Tiberius came to read her statement; and when he had obtained proof of the information given, he put to death Livilla and all the others therein mentioned. I have indeed heard that he spared Livilla out of regard for her mother Antonia, and that Antonia herself of her own accord killed her daughter by starving her.’
95 Dio, ibid. [11.6].
842 degrees steps. Cf. Chlor., 174–5: ‘the goddess and her nymphs descend the degrees into the room, and dance the entry of the grand masque’.
842 n.96 Scalae . . . Corpora ‘The Gemonian steps on which the bodies of the condemned were thrown’.
96 Scalae Gemoniae in quas erant proiecta damnatorum Corpora.
844 hair] Q state 2, F1 subst.; heare Q state 1
847 got] gate Q, F1
849–51 force . . . again H&S point to echoes of two passages of Seneca, Thyestes: ‘Even if Titan himself turned his chariot to take the opposite way’ (784–5) and ‘lest all things begin to fall shaken in fatal ruin, and again unformed chaos overwhelms gods and men’ (830–2).
853 partial unjust; not impartial.
97 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.11.6.
861 opened revealed.
861–2 monster . . . multitude A common pairing, used ironically in Cor., 2.3.8–9: ‘for the multitude to be ingrateful were to make a monster of the multitude’. Cf. Dent, M1308.
862 reel Ayres suggests they are drunk, but the mob have already been characterized as ‘staggering’ (4.470) and are commonly represented as ‘giddy’ (e.g. 2H6, 2.4.21, ‘See how the giddy multitude do point’) because they are easily swayed. Their reeling is figurative, a consequence of that metaphorical giddiness.
862 now,] G; now? Q, F1
862–4 now . . . done Cf. Seneca, Troades, 1119: ‘the mob of Greeks wept for the crime it had committed’ (Riddell, 1975, 208).
865 flexible tractable.
870–1 How . . . ’em Ayres notes the echo of Horace, Satires, 2.8.61–3: ‘Alas, Fortune . . . as always, you delight to sport with human affairs.’
872 Cf. Tacitus, Historiae, 4.47: ‘uncertain Fortune, confounding the highest with the lowest’.
873–5 Dost . . . punishments Translating Claudian, Against Rufinus, 2.421–3: criminibusne tuis credis, Fortuna, mederi / et male donatum certas aequare favorem suppliciis?’ (Briggs).
875–9 Forbear . . . wise Based more loosely on Against Rufinus, 2.440–1: ‘Forbear to put your trust in things exalted / And learn that the gods are unreliable and the heavens slippery’ (Briggs).
877–9 When . . . wise Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 10.105–7: Sejanus ‘was building up the many floors of an exalted tower, from which the higher would be the fall, and the crash of headlong ruin terrible’ (Briggs).
878 pash smash.
882 ] gnomic pointing in Q
884–5 From Seneca, Thyestes, 613–14: ‘He whom the incoming day saw exalted / The departing day saw thrown down’ (Briggs). Cf. also Dio, cited above at 702 n.85.
885 the ’even, doth] this edn; the ’Euen doth Q state 2; the’ Euendoth Q state 1; the’euen doth F1
886 SD FINIS] Q (italics); THE END F1
886–90 This . . . Servants See Introduction.
886–96 This Tragedy . . . Revels] F1 subst.; not in Q. First names of actors abbreviated in F1
891–5 For the actors, see Sejanus His Fall: Stage History, Electronic Edition.