Title-page 0 Large-paper presentation copy given to Sir Robert
Townshend, with inscription in Jonson’s hand: ‘The Testemony of my
affection, & Obseruance to my noble friend Sr
Robert To<h>wnseehend wch I desire may remayne
wth him, & last beyond Marble’. For
Townshend see Introduction.
6–7 Non . . . sapit Martial, 10.4.9–10: ‘You will not find
Centaurs here, nor Gorgons and Harpies; our page smacks of mankind.’ Cf.
EMI (F), Prol., 30.
9 Elld George Eld became a freeman of the Stationers’ Company
in 1600, and acquired his own shop, The Printer’s Press, in 1604. In
1605 he printed at least sixteen other books, including East. Ho!; in 1607 he printed Volp., and in
1609 Shakespeare’s Tro. and Sonn.
9–10 Thomas
Thorpe Bookseller, 1571/2-?1625, also published East. Ho! and Volp. One of his first
publications was a speech of 1603 by Jonson’s friend and patron, Richard
Martyn. Thorpe was closely involved with Catholic exiles abroad and with
their complex intelligence network in England (Martin and Finnis, 2003).
He collaborated with Eld on Volp. and Blackness, and on Sonn., for which he wrote
the preface.
DEDICATION 0 F1; not in Q
DEDICATION 0 Esmé Stuart (1579–1624), at this time seventh
Seigneur d’Aubigny, second son of James’s cousin and former favourite,
Esmé, first Duke of Lennox (d. 1583). As a cousin of the King, and one
of six gentlemen of the bedchamber, Aubigny was a highly influential
figure in James’s court; see Donaldson (
1997a), 56–65; Cuddy (
1987), 173–225.
His elder brother, Ludovick, second Duke of Lennox, ‘first nobleman of
the bedchamber’, had been James’s heir until the birth of Prince Henry.
Both brothers remained high in James’s favour throughout his reign.
0 Esmé] Esme F1
1 Lord] F3 subst;
L. F1
2 ruin Punning
on Lat. ruina, ‘fall’ in the play’s title.
3–4 in . . .
here That the violence suffered by the ‘poem’ took place in
Aubigny’s ‘sight’ implies that the stage version at the Globe is
referred to, not one at court. Aubigny was in London from May 1603. For
the ‘the people’s beastly rage’ at the Globe performance, see below, ‘To
the Most Understanding Poet’, 5, and Introduction.
3 Lordship’s] F2 subst; Lo. F1 (so
9
subst.)
7 Lordship] F2 subst;
Lo. F1
8 your
benefits Cf. Epigr. 127.12 (to Aubigny) ‘thy
benefits’. Jonson told Drummond that ‘Five years he had not bedded with
[his wife], but remained with my
Lord Aubigny’ (Informations, 192–3). Apart from
accommodation and presumably other material support, Aubigny probably
helped obtain the release of Jonson and Chapman from imprisonment over
East. Ho! in the summer of 1605, and may also have
helped obtain the paper with the royal watermark on which Sej. was printed (see Textual Essay, Electronic Edition). For
Robert Townshend’s patronage in early 1603, when Sej.
was probably being written, see Introduction and ‘In
Sejanum’, below, 49n.
To the Readers The first of Jonson’s introductory epistles, and
only the second from author to reader in any English play. It may have
been prompted by the first, Marston’s ‘To the Reader’ in
The Malcontent (second half of 1604), dedicated to Jonson.
Parts of Jonson’s epistle were echoed in Webster’s preface to
The White Devil (
1612).
0–43 To the Readers . . . opimum.] Q; not in F1
1 The
following . . . friends The complimentary verses which follow
in Q, unusual in a play.
4–5 strict . . .
time Aristotle noted that ‘tragedy tends so far as possible to
stay within a single revolution of the sun, or close to it’ (
Poetics, 5.10–13). This was developed as a ‘law’ by
sixteenth-century neo-Aristotelians such as Scaliger and Castelvetro,
and formulated in English by Sidney, who offered the ‘rules’ that ‘the
stage should always represent but one place, and the uttermost time
presupposed in it should be, both by Aristotle’s precept and common
reason, but one day’ (
Apology for Poetry, ed.
Shepherd,
1973,
134). The action of
Sej. covers nine years, from
ad22 (Tiberius’s speeches to the Senate in Act
1) to the death of Sejanus in
ad31.
5 want . . .
chorus H&S note that
Jonson provided a chorus in
Cat., and planned to do so in the unfinished
Mortimer (‘Arguments’, 5–28). In 1603–5 Senecan
choruses appeared in Alexander’s
Croesus and
Darius, and Daniel’s
Philotas, the
latter two printed by Eld. Jonson had welcomed the fact that Menander,
Plautus, and others had ‘utterly excluded the Chorus’ from comedy in
EMO, Induction, 249–50. In
Sej. Arruntius, many of whose speeches are comments on the
action rather than contributions to it, has a function that is close to
that of a chorus; Jonson also offers a chorus of instrumental music
between acts as a substitute. Inter-act music was common in plays acted
by the children’s companies and in private performances, but, according
to Webster’s 1604 additions to
The Malcontent, was a
‘not received custom’ at the Globe (Marston,
Plays,
ed. Wood,
1934–9,
1.143). It was, however, used to settle the audience’s emotions
following a gruesome murder in Robert Yarington’s
Two
Lamentable Tragedies (printed 1601), thought to have been acted
by adults: ‘But though this sight bring surfeit to the eye / Delight
your ears with pleasing harmony / That ears may countercheck your eyes,
and say / “Why shed you tears, this deed is but a play”’ (1154–7). If
the music for
Sej. did act like a classical chorus, it
may have reflected the emotional tone of each act, as did the inter-act
music for Marston’s
Sophonisba (1606), promoting
reflection on the events just witnessed rather than distancing the
audience from them.
5 moods (1)
‘modes’, musical scales and instrumentation associated with particular
qualities of feeling in Greek theatre (cf. Milton, Paradise
Lost, 1.550–1: ‘the Dorian mood of flutes and soft recorders’);
(2) general state of feeling. Jonson uses it in similar conjunction with
‘habit’ in Sej., 1.34–5, EMO, 3.1.108, and ‘Breton’ (1.544), lines
1–3.
7 they . . .
laws Probably thinking of Castelvetro, Scaliger, and Sidney.
Cf. EMO, Induction, 254–5.
7 presently
during the present age.
7 of]
Wh; off Q
11–12 observations . . . publish Jonson read to Drummond in 1619
‘the preface of his Art of Poesy, upon Horace[’s]
Art of Poesy, where he hath an apology of a play of
his, St Bartholomew’s Fair . . . That, he said, he had
done in my Lord Aubigny’s house ten years since, anno 1604’ (Informations, 58–61). It was burnt in the fire which
destroyed many of Jonson’s books in Nov. 1623 (see Und. 43.89–91). Two versions of his translation of Horace’s Ars Poetica were published in 1640, both without the
‘preface’.
13–14 truth . . .
writer Aristotle had stressed ‘truth to life’ rather than
historical truth. Most of these ‘offices’ derive from the influential
essay
De tragoedia et comoedia by the fourth-century
grammarians Donatus and Evanthius, which was attached to many
Renaissance school and university texts of Terence; see Doran (
1954), 105–9.
14 sentence
Lat. sententia, maxim of general application to human
moral and practical life. Jonson marked such sentences with inverted
commas in Q. He later criticized Terence for ‘the sticking in of
sentences’ (Discoveries, 1290). Cf. Poet., 1.2.76: ‘Thou speakest sentences.’
16 prescribe
(1) set out the rules for (OED, 2a); (2) limit the
confines of (OED, 4).
17 convenient
appropriate.
18 nice . . .
affected Perhaps recalling Lodge’s title,
Catharos, A Nettle for Nice Noses (1591). H&S note that
Marston, despite his praise in ‘
Amicis, amici nostri
dignissimi, dignissimis’ (below), was one such sensitive reader
in
Sophonisba (1606): ‘Know, that I have not laboured
in this poem, to tie myself to relate anything as an historian, but to
enlarge everything as a poet. To transcribe authors, quote authorities,
and translate Latin prose orations into English blank-verse hath in this
subject been the least aim of my studies’ (‘To the General Reader’, in
Plays, ed.
Wood, 2.5). Dekker was almost as
pointed in
Whore of Babylon (1607), ‘Lectori’, 23–4:
‘know, that I write as a Poet, not as an Historian, and that these two
do not live under one law’,
Dramatic Works, 2.497.
20 integrity . . .
story (1) soundness of the history; (2) innocence (of current
political application) (OED, Integrity 2, 3).
20–3 common . . .
virtue A frequent complaint of Jonson’s. Cf. e.g. Bart. Fair, Induction, 101–10.
25 confer
bring together (OED, †1).
26–7 one . . .
do This is
Richard Greneway’s translation, The Annales of Corn.
Tacitus (1598). Drummond records Jonson’s later
mention of ‘The first four books of Tacitus ignorantly done in English’
(
Informations, 482), but despite these two
dismissals Jonson frequently echoes Greneway’s version.
27 since . . .
page In this edition Jonson’s page references have been
replaced by the section or chapter numbers standard in modern
editions.
28 editions] Q subst.; Edition H&S
28 Tacitus . . . 1600 Justus Lipsius’s fourth annotated edition
of C. Cornelii Taciti Opera quae exstant. Iustus Lipsius
postremum recensuit (Antwerp, 1600). Tacitus’s Annales (‘Annals’) are by far the most important source for
Jonson in Sej., and he frequently echoes Lipsius’s
annotations, both in his main text and marginalia. References to Tacitus
in the commentary are to the Annales in this edition
unless otherwise indicated.
28 Tacitus . . . 1600]
this edn; Tacit. Lips. in 4°. Antuerp.edit.600. Q
28–9 Dio . . . 1592
ΤѠΝ ΔΙѠΝΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΣΣΙΟΥ ΡѠΜΑΙΚѠΝ
ΙΣΤΟΡΙѠΝ . . .
Dionis Cassii Romanorum
Historiarum libri xxv. Ex Guilielmi Xylandri interpretatione.
Excudebat Henricus Stephanus
(Geneva, 1592). A parallel
Greek/Latin, unannotated text of the history of Rome written in Greek by
the Roman consul Dio Cassius in the years
ad210–30. Many of the 80 books are lost, but among those which
survive 57–8 cover Sejanus’s career, including the account of his fall,
which is lost from Tacitus. Jonson appears to have used Xylander’s Latin
translation rather than the Greek original (see Introduction and 5.54,
n.4). Quotations in the commentary, unless otherwise indicated, are from
the Loeb edition, trans.
Cary (1914-27).
28–8 Dio . . . 1592]
this edn; Dio. Folio.Hen.Step 92. Q
29 Suetonius
De vita Caesarum (‘Lives of the Caesars’), often known
as
The Twelve Caesars, published in
ad120. The first printed editions appeared in
1470. Jonson owned a copy of the Plantin edition of
C[aius]
S[uetonius]
T[ranquillus]
xii Caesares (
Antwerp, 1591), now in Cambridge
University Library, the text unmarked. See McPherson (
1974), 92–3. The
life of Tiberius is inevitably that most used in
Sej.
29 Seneca
Jonson’s main sources in Seneca are Ad Marciam de
consolatione (‘To Marcia on Consolation’) and De
beneficiis (‘Of Benefits’). The first, written about ad40 and addressed to the daughter of
Cremutius Cordus, is the closest source in date to the events of the
play. Jonson also frequently echoes Seneca’s tragedies, especially Thyestes.
31 in all
numbers in all parts, in all respects (Lat. numeri). See Textual Essay, Electronic Edition.
32 acted . . .
stage For the performance at the Globe, see Introduction.
32 second pen
Probably George Chapman: see Introduction, and Textual Essay.
36–40 I . . .
weakness The whole passage (including the Lat.) is from
Persius, Saturae (‘Satires’), 1.45–9: si
forte quid aptius exit . . . laudari metuam; neque enim mihi cornea
fibra est. / sed recti finemque extremumque esse recuso / ‘euge’
tuum et ‘belle’. (‘If I happen to turn out something good . . .
I am not afraid of being praised; my guts are not made of horn. But I
refuse to allow that the ultimate and greatest test of excellence is
your “good” and “beautiful”’.)
42 such,]
G; such. Q
43 Horace,
Epistulae
(‘Epistles’),
2.1.181: ‘who grows thin when the palm is denied, and fat
again when it is awarded’.
0–174 In Sejanum . . . life.] Q; reprinted, in F1 ¶4v–5v, omitting lines 53–92, 127–58
In . . . Deliciis.] Q subst.; Vpon SEIANVS. F1
In Sejanum In . . .
Deliciis ‘On Ben Jonson’s Sejanus, both his
and the muses’ favourite’.
3 confer
collate and select.
5 enchase set
(in gold). A word favoured by Chapman, who uses it in a similar context
in the essay ‘
Of Homer’ before his translation of the
Iliad: ‘Plato . . . with his
[Homer’s
] verses (as with precious gems)
everywhere enchaceth his writings.’ See
Chapman’s
Homer, ed. Nicoll (
1957), 1.20.
5 amelled
enamelled. Archaic form used by Chapman,
Iliad,
16.122–3: ‘Achilles’ arms (enlightened all with stars / And richly
ameld)’
(Chapman’s Homer, 1.326).
7 solid
flames ‘Chapman is thinking of the “fire” in the hard jewel’
(Ayres). Cf. poetry’s ‘clear essential flame’ in his sonnet to
Northampton (Chapman, Poems, ed. Bartlett, 1941,
398).
7 enrolled] Q (inrould)
12 prize] Q (Prise)
15 engulfèd
swallowed up, mired (here in a ‘boggy’ swamp of hostile ignorance).
21 unjustly
(1) without justice; (2) inappropriately (‘just’ = exact, accurate).
22–4 only . . .
rare The comparison only fails in that jewels are perfect
(‘exact’) in regard to an extrinsic measure of value put on them; Sej. is intrinsically ‘dear and rare’, regardless of
opinion.
25–8 Minerva, goddess of weaving and wisdom, turned
Arachne into a spider when the latter ‘vanquished’ her at weaving.
Minerva would have been defeated in a contest with Jonson because she
would herself have become entranced as she tried to weave his subject.
Jonson uses a similar but less convoluted image in praising Savile’s
translation of Tacitus (
Epigr. 95.15–16). In both
cases the reference may also be to Minerva’s embroidered mantle, carried
annually through the streets of Athens: see Briggs (
1916b), 178.
26 by . . .
advanced set up her sacred looms [in
competition] beside his play.
30 semicircle
Sejanus’s life is only a semicircle because of its shortness, his
failure to achieve his ambition, and its moral incompleteness. Cf.
Chapman,
Eugenia (1612): ‘Religion his life’s circle
closed, / And opened life for ever’ (
Poems, 296, lines
1062–3).
31–2 Your muse makes it (1) perfect; (2) a picture of
the whole world, offering a set of rules for those in public life, and
setting bounds to ambition. Chapman reads the play as relevant to all
periods, his own as well as Sejanus’s.
33–44 Bartlett notes Chapman’s use of this river simile
on several occasions (
Chapman,
Poems, 469, 472).
37–8 finding . . .
course The ‘supplies Of other fords’ may be the classical
sources alluded to in lines 3–4 above, but the context suggests the
contemporary help given by the ‘second pen’ (To the Readers, 32–3; cf.
Introduction and Textual Essay, Electronic Edition).
38 fords
streams (OED, †2c).
40 manned
fortified.
41 delightsome] Q;
delight some F1
42 flourishes
Punning on its use in swordsmanship generally, and especially in a
display of fencing; see OED, Flourish v. †13, ‘To give a short fanciful exhibition by way of
exercise before the real performance’.
44 passages
(1) the action[s] of flowing past;
(2) combats, continuing the fencing pun.
45–52 Referring to the promise to withdraw from the
theatre, and devote himself to writing tragedy, made in the
‘Apologetical Dialogue’ with which Jonson ended Poet.
45 chaste Term
of high praise for Chapman, who uses it many times, but also applied by
Jonson to poetry: see Epigr. 49.6, on his own ‘chaste
book’, and Poet., 5.1.108 on Virgil’s ‘chaste and
tender’ ear.
49 nobly
cherished Referring to Aubigny’s ‘noble’ patronage, as well as
Jonson’s own cherishing of his muse. Before he lived with Aubigny,
Jonson was ‘cherished’ by a gentleman rather than nobleman, Sir Robert
Townshend: ‘Ben. Jonson the poet now lives upon one Townsend and scorns
the world’; see Manningham,
Diary, ed. Sorlien (
1976) 187 (12 Feb.
1603). The writing of
Sej. probably began during
Townshend’s patronage: see Introduction.
50 sable
black, for tragedy.
50 orgies The
original sense of ‘orgies’ was of ‘secret rites’ (Gr. ὄργια), here those of tragedy.
52 ground
ground-bass, i.e. theme, continuing the singing metaphor.
53–80 Based on Plutarch’s
Moralia,
‘How one may become aware of one’s progress in virtue’, 77b and 81c –
82c. See Schoell (
1926), 228–9.
53–92 But as . . . degrees.] Q; not in F1
59 detects
accuses (OED, †2a).
61 Aeschylus
Quoted by Plutarch, from the Toxotides, a lost play on
the death of Actaeon.
64 vein
desire, appetite (OED, †13b).
64 vein] Q (vaine)
71 cureful
causing anxiety. Not in
OED, but, as Ayres notes, from
Cure
n.
1 †2, ‘care, anxiety,
trouble’ plus ‘-ful’. Possibly a coinage of Chapman’s, who uses a
similar one in
Iliad, 22.27–8: ‘Cure-passing fevers
then / Come shaking down into the joints of miserable men’ (
Chapman’s
Homer, 1.440).
74 direct
downright, absolute; ante-dating OED, 5†c (1668).
76 Losing] Q (Loosing)
77 offenders
At this date assailants, as well as transgressors.
77 past recure
beyond recovery.
78 spleen
anger, violent temper.
80 discreet
judicious, discerning.
81 natural
skill innate ability, not knowledge developed through
education, and thus for Chapman a lesser thing. This meaning ante-dates
the
OED citation (4d) by nearly 200 years, but compare
Chapman’s defence of women’s education ‘since it may / Her natural
cunning help’ (‘A Good Woman’, 17–18,
Poems, 232).
Natural skill here gives only the desire to please, not to make
considered judgements.
85–92 Continuing the borrowing from Plutarch,
Moralia, 78d (Schoell,
1926, 229).
85–7 Who . . .
juster Agesilaus, King of Sparta, said this of ‘the Great
King’, Zeus (Moralia, 78d).
87–92 No . . .
degrees This passage only survives in quotations by Plutarch
and Julian, Epistula ad Themistium (‘Epistle to
Themistius’); see Aristotelis fragmenta, 417–18. The
gist is that wisdom not social or political rank decides the status of
individuals in an ideal hierarchy.
89 the great
Stagirite Aristotle.
91 known:] Q state 2;
knowne. Q state 1
92 degrees.] Q state 2
subst.; Degrees, Q state 1
92 difference
are different from.
93 Thy poem
Sejanus. Cf. Jonson’s dedication, line 3: ‘It is a
poem.’
93 Thy poem, therefore,] Q subst.; Besides, thy Poëme F1
96 renown make
famous.
96 renown]
Ayres; renowme Q, F1
97–101 Translating Plutarch,
Moralia
347a, on Thucydides, with whom Jonson is thus implicitly compared. See
Briggs (
1916c),
328.
102 numerous
(1) extensive (OED, 1†c); (2) rhythmical (of verse).
Cf. Und. 28.6, the ‘numerous graces’.
103 handles . . .
bowls Referring to the cult of the muses at Thespiae, below
Mount Helicon, where shallow, handleless bowls (
phialai) were used for libations (cf. Stibbe,
1994, 94–4,
225–7). See also Chapman ‘take full the Thespian bowl’,
Ovid’s Banquet of Sense, 15.4
(Poems, 57); and
Jonson, ‘Give me my cup, but from the Thespian well’ (
Forest 14.11).
104 Palladian
casque Pallas Athene, goddess of learning, arts, and arms, is
usually shown wearing ‘a wonderful rich helmet . . .
[which
] signified that the wit and policy of
man . . . is . . . so armed, and at all times provided and ready’
(Cartari,
The Fountain of Ancient Fiction,
1599, sig. S4). Cf.
Epigr. 105: ‘That saw you put on Pallas’ plumèd
cask’.
104 casque] Q, F1 (Caske)
105 patronize
(1) defend; (2) encourage.
106 Castalian
head The spring Κασταλία on Mount Parnassus, sacred to the muses. Cf. Milton,
Paradise Lost, 4.274, ‘Th’inspir’d Castalian
Spring’.
107 expiscation
fishing out; almost always used figuratively. Chapman probably coined
the word:
OED cites him as the first user of
expiscation and
expiscate, the
latter in
Iliad, 10.181: ‘With their outguards,
expiscating if the renown’d extreme / They force on us will serve their
turns’ (
Chapman’s Homer, 1.204).
109 cheerful
cheering.
110 Pierian
streams Streams from the spring of Pimpla in Pieria
(Macedonia), also sacred to the muses.
111 for in
exchange for.
112 What, what] Q;
What? what F1
112 elect
choose to do.
113 Cyrrhan
poet Apollo; Chapman explains in his marginal note to Ovid’s Banquet of Sense, 2.1: ‘Cyrrhus is a surname of the Sun [Apollo], from a town called Cyrrha, where
he was honoured’ (Poems, 53). Briggs noted this line
translates Juvenal, Saturae (‘Satires’), 13.79: Cirrhaei spicula vatis.
116–17 Based on interpretations of the binding of Satan
in Revelation, 20.1–3, taken by some Protestants (e.g. the glosser of
the Geneva Bible) to refer to ‘the first time [i.e.
age] of the Christian church, when the dragon
thrown down from heaven by Christ went about to molest the new birth of
the Church in the earth’, a period of a thousand years beginning
thirty-six years after the Crucifixion, and ending in 1073 with the
release of Satan in the reign of ‘that wicked Hildebrand, who was called
Gregory the seventh’. Chapman is thus correctly using ‘was’, referring
to past history, not, as Ayres says, to the future ‘binding’ at the
Second Coming. The Catholic Jonson may not have welcomed the
allusion.
121 hundred
eyes Fame is described by Virgil as a
monstrum
horrendum who
quot sunt corpore plumae / tot
vigiles oculi subter (
Aeneid, 4.181–2),
translated in
Poet., 5.2.85–7: ‘how many plumes are
placed / On her huge corpse, so many waking eyes / Stick underneath’.
Chapman presents her more positively as ‘Jove’s ambassadress’ in
Iliad, 2.79 (
Chapman’s Homer,
1.49). Cf. also
Tit., 2.1.126–7: ‘The emperor’s court
is like the house of Fame, / The palace full of tongues, of eyes and
ears.’
122 his
Apollo’s.
123–34 From Plutarch,
Symposiacon, 626b
(Schoell,
1926,
70, 230).
124 the sensor . . .
sense the nose. Cf.
Ovid’s Banquet of Sense,
31.3: ‘Her odours, odoured with her breath and breast, / Into the sensor
of his savour flew’ (
Poems, 61, 431, 472). ‘Sensor’ for ‘organ of
sense’ is apparently a coinage of Chapman’s; the usual noun in early
modern English is ‘sensory’.
126 thence,]
Ayres; thence; Q; thence. F1
127–58 Because . . . propagate.] Q; not in F1
127 improve
make bad, vitiate; from Lat. improbus, ‘bad, below
standard’. Not in OED. The ‘earthy parts’ of the
flowers vitiate their sweeter odour when placed too close to the nose.
Cf. Bacon, ‘All sweet smells have joined with them some earthy or crude
odours’ (Sylva Sylvarum, Century 4.387, in Works, ed. Spedding, 1857–74, 2.470).
128 exhale] Q (exhall)
131 tenuity
rarefied condition. From Lat. tenuitas, thinness; OED gives 1603 as date of first use in this sense.
135 Our Phoebus
James I, himself a poet, is also characterized thus in Chapman’s
Memorable Masque of 1614 (
Comedies,
ed. Holaday,
1970,
580–2), and by implication in
Panegyre, 1–10,
143–7.
135 exampling
setting an example. Cf.
Iliad, 4.336: ‘Thy brave
exampling hand’, and 5.486: ‘thyself (exampling them in all)’ (
Chapman’s
Homer, 1.101, 123).
136 Arachnean
eyes Eyes blinded by spiders’ webs. Cf. Cynthia (Q), 3.4.61, ‘Arachnean workers’. For Arachne see 25–8
and note above. OED’s only citation is from 1854.
137–8 James I’s ‘knowledge’ as poet and savant makes him
like the sun which should lead to the extirpation from his court of
policies hostile to knowledge. The dating suggested here (see
Introduction) would rule out Ayres’s suggestion that this may refer to
an intervention by James to ‘clear’ Jonson with the Privy Council.
139 sciential
Pertaining to knowledge, from Lat. scientia,
knowledge. Jonson had used this word with reference to James as the sun
in Blackness (performed 6 Jan. 1605): ‘His light
sciential is, and, past mere nature, / Can salve the rude defects of
every creature’ (210–11). The Privy Councillors listed subsequently both
honour knowledge, and themselves possess it. Several of them had strong
Catholic sympathies, while Suffolk, Devonshire, Northampton, and
Salisbury had all been commissioners at Ralegh’s trial in Nov. 1603.
139 grace:]
Ayres; grace, Q
140 Chancellor
Sir Thomas Egerton, Baron Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor since 1603. In 1609
Chapman addressed one of the sonnets prefacing the
Iliads to him (
Poems, 396); Jonson,
Epigr. 74,
Und. 31, 32. A former Catholic, and
like the others appealed to here, a Privy Councillor.
140 fautor
patron, from Lat.
fautor, ‘favourer’.
OED, †2, citing
Iliad, 1.440–1: ‘O thou that
all things seest, / Fautor of Chrysa’ (
Chapman’s Homer,
1.36).
141 Treasurer
Thomas Sackville, created first Earl of Dorset 1604; Lord Treasurer
since 1599.
141 them]
Briggs; thèm Q (so 142, 145).
142 Northumber
Henry Percy, ninth Earl of Northumberland, a Catholic sympathizer,
committed on 7 Nov. 1605 to the care of the Archbishop of Canterbury on
suspicion of complicity with the Gunpowder plotters, and held in the
Tower from 27 Nov. 1605 to 1621. His imprisonment suggests a
terminus ad quem for the printing of
Sej., since it is unlikely his name would have been retained
here long after 7 Nov. Chapman had described him as ‘deep searching’ in
the epistle to
The Shadow of Night (1594;
Poems,
19), and Chapman’s
Homer was one of the few
English books he had in the Tower. He was a friend of Ralegh and Donne,
and Jonson may have known him through them, and/or through his Catholic
connections, one of whom was his brother, Sir Jocelyn (or Josceline)
Percy, mentioned in
Informations (436 and 348n.), and
one of those who, along with Jonson, dined with Catesby around 9 Oct.
1605 (see Introduction). Jonson’s close friend Sir John Roe (see
Informations, 113–16) had been Jocelyn’s lieutenant in
Ireland, and also knew Catesby (see Ribeiro,
1973). Cf. the poem ‘To his learned
and beloved friend’ below (p. 225), by John’s cousin Thomas Roe.
142 crescent
The arms of the Earls of Northumberland at this date included ‘a
[moon
] decrescent or’ (Papworth,
1874,
594).
143 Worcester
Edward Somerset, fourth Earl of Worcester, Master of the Horse, Earl
Marshal for James’s coronation, and a lifelong Catholic, though also,
with Suffolk, Devonshire, Northampton, and Salisbury, a Commissioner at
the trial of the Gunpowder Plot conspirators (1606). Spenser’s Prothalamion was written for the double wedding of two
of his daughters in 1596. Acting companies under his patronage are found
between 1589 and Jan. 1604, when Lord Worcester’s Men became the Queen’s
Men.
143 nerves
sinews etc. which give strength, protection (OED, 2a).
East. Ho! has a similar figurative use, perhaps by
Chapman, ‘Be sure brave gossip, all that I can do / To my best nerve, is
wholly at your service’ (3.2.195–6).
144 Northampton
Henry Howard, created first Earl of Northampton March 1604. Another
Catholic (despite his denials) and a Spanish pensioner, he corresponded
with Mary Queen of Scots and was regarded with deep suspicion for much
of Elizabeth’s reign, but gained the favour of James before the
accession, when he became a Privy Councillor. He intrigued to bring
about Ralegh’s trial (17 Nov. 1603), at which he was a commissioner, and
in 1604 was on a commission to expel Jesuit and seminary priests. Jonson
told Drummond that ‘Northampton was his mortal enemy for brawling on a
St George’s day one of his attenders. He was called before the Council
for his
Sejanus, and accused both of popery and
treason by him’ (
Informations, 325–7; see
Introduction). He too was addressed in one of the sonnets prefacing
Chapman’s 1609
Iliads (
Poems, 398).
144–5 height . . .
Heightens Camden derives ‘Howard’ from ‘High Warden’
(Remains, 1870, 148–9), an etymology Chapman may
refer to here, as Jonson does in
Epigr. 67.5–6. Howard
was second son of the executed poet Earl of Surrey; his elder brother,
also executed, was the Duke of Norfolk.
145 Devonshire
Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, created Earl of Devonshire July 1603.
High in James’s favour, he was made (9 Nov. 1605) general of a force
raised to put down the anticipated Catholic rising following the
Gunpowder Plot. By Dec. 1605 he had lost standing at court by marrying
his long-time mistress, the doubtfully divorced Lady Rich. Jonson
praised his successful Irish campaign in Ode
ἀλληγορικὴ (‘allegorical’),
prefixed to Holland’s Pancharis (1603).
146 When the streams of ‘human skills’ (140) ebb back
to him, their source, they become a flood again. Blount was a popular
patron, with eight dedications in 1604–5, including Bacon’s Apology for his (Bacon’s) part in the Essex affair.
147 Salisbury
Robert Cecil, secretary of state since 1596, was created first Earl of
Salisbury in May 1605, a date providing a
terminus a
quo for Chapman’s poem. Jonson appealed to him for help when he
and Chapman were imprisoned over
East. Ho! some time
between May and Sept. 1605 (Letter 3), and in the immediate aftermath of
the Gunpowder Plot he employed Jonson to contact and promise safe
conduct to a Catholic priest ‘that offered to do good service to the
State’ (Letter 9). Jonson praised him in
Epigr. 43,
63, 64, and wrote
Burse for his New Exchange, but told
Drummond that ‘Salisbury never cared for any man longer nor he could
make use of him’ (
Informations, 353–4). He is another
of those to whom Chapman wrote a sonnet prefacing the
Iliads (
Poems, 397).
148 proportions
rhythms, harmonies (OED, 10†a).
148 mysteries
The ‘mysteries of state’ were reserved to the King and his ministers:
see 1.534–40n.
151 Suffolk
Thomas Howard, became Privy Councillor and Lord Chamberlain May 1603 and
first Earl of Suffolk July 1603. Though a Catholic, he was, with his
uncle the Earl of Northampton, a commissioner to expel Catholic priests
in 1604, but unlike Northampton he refused a Spanish pension (though his
wife, notoriously, did not). He too is addressed in a sonnet prefaced to
Chapman’s
Iliads (
Poems, 397).
Jonson praises him in
Epigr. 67. He told Drummond that
at Christmas 1604 he and Sir John Roe ‘were ushered by my Lord Suffolk
from a masque’ (
Informations, 113–14).
152 fall by
fortune As Sejanus does, despite his courting of Fortuna.
153–5 Probably referring to Howard’s help in obtaining
the release from prison of Jonson and Chapman following the performance
of East. Ho!. See Jonson’s Letter 2.
154 importune
ask for urgently, beg (OED, 4); although OED records different uses by Chapman (2, 6), this is its only
possible meaning here, and, as Ayres notes, the only person Suffolk
could importune would be the King.
155 river The
River Permessus was named for the father of the nymph Aganippe, who also
gave her name to one of the fountains of Helicon; Helicon and Permessus
were both sacred to the muses. See Virgil,
Eclogae
(‘Eclogues’),
6.64.
157 poorest
virtue Characterized thus because virtue and wealth are rarely
compatible: cf. Beaumont and Fletcher, Faithful
Friends, 2695–6: ‘I prize poor virtue with a rag / Better than
vice with both the Indies’ (ed. Pinciss, 1975, 89).
159 how sweet a
touch (1) how sweet the impression on the mind or soul (
OED, Touch
n.13b; cf.
v. 23a, Ayres); (2) how sweet a gentle, hence harmonious,
musical technique. Cf. Marston,
Jack Drum’s
Entertainment 1.15, ‘I had the best stroke, the sweetest touch’
(Plays, ed. Wood, 3.181).
160 A . . . one] Q; The
Knowledge hath, which is F
162 composed
rage controlled inspiration of the poet. Cf.
Iliad, 1.66–7: ‘his prophetic rage / Given by Apollo’ (
Chapman’s
Homer, 1.25).
162 woodness
madness, including violent, destructive rage.
163 heats
passions, intense feelings.
165 A common Renaissance view. Cf. Augurs, 228–32; Sidney, Apology, 96: ‘that
which, in the noblest nations . . . hath been the first light-giver to
ignorance, and first nurse, whose milk by little and little enabled them
to feed afterwards of tougher knowledges’.
166 solely)]
H&S; solely, Q, F1; Folly; F3; solely: G
167 this,]
this edn; this) Q, F1 subst.
168 vanities
futile or trivial things.
174 Cf. Jonson’s advice to Thomas Roe: ‘study
conscience, more than thou would’st fame. / Though both be good, the
latter yet is worst, / And ever is ill got without the first’ (
Epigr. 98.10–12), and
Cat.,
5.5.279–81. Perhaps originating with Plato,
Crito:
‘Not life, but a good life, is to be chiefly valued’ (
Dialogues, trans. Jowett, 1871, 1.369).
[‘Come forth, Sejanus’] 1–2 Sejanus should fall prostrate before the text (by
1605 called Sejanus his Fall) whose author has brought
his original tragic fall back to life, and in doing so has given his
career a moral significance to which Sejanus himself could not aspire.
‘Reviver’ was also a relevant legal term for the renewal of a suit
abated by the death of one of the parties (OED,
Revivor2 2).
1–14.1 Come . . . est] Q; not in F1
3 low birth
An exaggeration: though not of senatorial rank, Sejanus was son of an
eques, seen as equivalent to an English knight or
gentleman.
6 plucked
plumes Sejanus has stolen the feathers of virtue.
6 calling
station in life.
7 marking
watching.
7 states
estates, positions in life (cf. 6 above, ‘calling’).
9–10 from . . .
house Based on Ovid’s description of the House of Fame, which
is ‘in the middle of the world, between earth and sky and sea . . .
wholly made from echoing brass’ (Met., 12.39, 46).
10 tower Ovid
places Fame in a citadel on a hill.
11 Homer’s
Barathrum From Gr.
βἁραθρον, a pit. The hell with which Jove threatens any gods
who support Greeks or Trojans in
The Iliad, 8.10–14:
‘as deep / as Tartarus . . . where Barathrum doth steep / Torment in his
profoundest sinks, where is the floor of brass / And gates of iron; the
place for depth as far doth hell surpass / As heaven (for height)
exceeds the earth’ (
Chapman’s Homer, 1.166). Cf.
EMI (Q), 5.3.261.
12 ruins See
dedication, 2n.
13 ground (1)
foundation (OED, 5a), from which Sejanus’s ‘ruins’
will grow; (2) ground-base, for the ‘song’ of line 14 (see ‘In Sejanum’,
pp. 216ff., 52n.).
15–16 Haec
. . .
Chapmannus ‘George
Chapman devised this.’
14.1–2 Haec . . . Chapmannus] Q subst.;
Geor. Chapman F1 (after previous
poem)
For . . . Holland] Q subst.; reprinted in F1 ¶6r
0 For] Q; To F1
For his Worthy Friend, the Author 1 deign
condescend to take (OED, 2†b).
1 Sejanus’]
Ayres;
Seianv’s Q;
Seianvs F1
3 could not
could not go.
4 heave] Q state
2, F1; heau’d Q state 1
9–14 Referring more clearly than Chapman to
contemporary interpretations of the play as subversive (see
Introduction).
13 times’]
Ayres; Times: Q, F1 subst.
14 acts sets
in motion (OED, †1).
15 Hugh
Holland Educated like Jonson at Westminster, and like him a
Catholic convert, he was prominent in the Inns of Court circle of Donne,
Richard Martyn, and others. He also knew Shakespeare, contributing a
poem to the 1623 folio.
15 Hugh Holland] Q subst.; H. Holland. (following title of poem) F1
To . . . Cygnus] Q subst.; not in F1
To the Deserving Author 1 respect pay
attention to, consider with care.
1 argument
theme (OED, †6).
4 retrieved
brought back. Cf. Volp., Epist. 60: ‘to see . . .
those antique relics of barbarism retrieved’.
7 playwrights
One of the earliest known uses of the word; the first OED citation is dated 1687, but Jonson uses it in Epigr. 49 and 68. If the latter describes the beating of
Marston roughly contemporaneous with Poet. (1601–2) it
would slightly ante-date this example.
14 act
imitate; punning, as Ayres notes, on ‘mimic’ (OED,
4).
15 Cygnus
‘Swan’. This poem is almost certainly also by Holland; Jonson had
recently called him ‘Cygnus’ in Ode
ἀλληγορικὴ prefixed to Pancharis: ‘But should they know (as I) that this, /
Who warbleth Pancharis, / Were Cygnus, once high
flying’ (2.413–17, lines 97–9). The whole long poem is built around the
idea that Holland is a swan.
To . . . Th. R.] Q; not in F1
To His Learned and Beloved Friend 0.2 Equal Fair, impartial; Lat.
aequus (
OED, 5). Cf.
Epigr. 63.8, ‘By
constant suffering of thy equal mind’;
Volp., Epistle,
1; Marston,
Fawn, ‘To my equal Reader’
(Plays,
ed. Wood, 2.143).
3 prince’s]
Ayres; Princes Q
4 popular
dependence dependence of the common people; but ‘dependence’
also meant a large following (OED, 4†b).
10 medals An
anachronism; Roe is probably thinking of Renaissance portrait
medallions. The Romans did put portraits on coins, but the most likely
form of such a gift to a follower would be on a ring.
11 lose]
G; loose Q
18 industrious]
Ayres; industrious, Q
21 Th. R.
Thomas Roe (1581–1644), courtier, explorer, and diplomat, one of the
circle of the Harington family and Lucy, Countess of Bedford. From 1603
he was in the household of Princess Elizabeth; between April and June
1605 he was part of a diplomatic mission to Spain, and in September he
was in the Netherlands (Strachan,
1989, 6–12), suggesting this poem was
written between June and September. Jonson praised him in
Epigr. 98 and 99.
Amicis, amici nostri dignissimi, dignissimis 0.1–0.4 Amicis
. . .
Marstonius ‘To the most worthy friends of our most
worthy friend, an epigram presented by John Marston’. The rivalry
between Jonson and Marston (see
Poetaster,
Introduction) had been briefly buried after
Poet.,
with Marston dedicating
The Malcontent (1604) to
Jonson, and collaborating with him and Chapman on
East.
Ho! (1605); but in 1606 Marston returned to the quarrel in the
epistle to
The Fawn: ‘the factious malice, and studied
detractions of some few that tread in the same path with me, let all
know that I most easily neglect them, and . . . smile heartily at their
self-hurting baseness’ (
Plays, 2.143); in the same year he
disparaged Jonson’s use of Roman history in
Sej. in
the epistle to
Sophonisba (see ‘To the Readers’,
18n.).
Amicis . . . more.] Q; not in F1
1 bays
garlands of bay leaves awarded to a victorious poet in classical times;
hence here critical praise.
4 ‘Sejanus’]
Ayres subst.; Seianus Q
4–6 shall . . . graced]
italic in Q
6 much . . .
more Referring to the then current stylistic ideal of brevity,
in reaction to Ciceronian eloquence. Jonson praises throughout
Discoveries ‘the brief style . . . which expresseth
much in little’ (
Discoveries, 1397–8). Marston makes
the loquacious Gonzago praise it in
Fawn, 1.2: ‘wise
heads use but few words . . . plain meaning shunneth art’ (
Plays, ed. Wood, 1934–9, 2.154). Cf. Polonius’s equally
incongruous ‘brevity is the soul of wit’ (
Ham., 2.2.90).
Upon . . . Strachey] Q; not in F1
Upon Sejanus 2 frame
competent (1) condition suitable to his rank; (2) framework
adequate (continuing the building metaphor).
3 cedar
Sejanus.
3 fate:]
G; Fate, Q
4 confluence
‘flowing together’, Lat. confluere. Here a flowing
together of power and/or fortune.
9 vaunt-curring warning, foretelling; see OED, Vaunt-courier 2b.
10 forced
violently achieved.
13–14 From Seneca,
Troades, 258–63:
(Briggs,
1916c,
328–9).
15 William
Strachey b. 1572, d. after 1618; entered Emmanuel College,
Cambridge, 1588. A friend of Donne and Jonson, he became secretary of
the colony in Virginia in 1610.
To . . . ΦΙΛΟΣ] Q; not in F1
To Him that Hath So Excelled on This Excellent
Subject 1 deceit
Apart from its common meaning of ‘deception’, ‘deceit’ was also a legal
term (OED, 1b) in keeping with the rest of this
poem.
3 Art]
G; Are Q
5 eschew
avoid, escape, possibly also with contemporary legal connotations.
5 cheat (1)
deception (OED, Cheat n.1 †4a, ante-dating earliest example); (2) escheat, a
legal term (OED, Cheat n.1 †1).
7 action . . .
file Legal terminology for a case that is current or pending
(OED, File n.2 3b), punning on ‘action’ = a play (OED,
†13).
8 conceit
understanding, intelligence. Cf. AYLI,
5.2.42–3: ‘I know you are a gentleman of good conceit.’
9–11 The clearest account of Sej.’s
reception when performed: some were simply unmoved (i.e. bored or
indifferent), others interpreted it as about recent or contemporary
events.
12 simples
ignorant or foolish people (OED, 2b).
12 elves Used
in a patronizing, depreciatory sense (OED, Elf n.1 5), probably here including a
hint of idiocy, as in Hobbes, Leviathan, 4.47:
‘natural fools, which common people do therefore call elves’.
13–14 The ‘wary simples’ cannot enter into the necessary
deception of the theatre, the ‘simple elves’ deceive themselves by
interpreting the play in terms of contemporary allusions.
15 ΦΙΛΟΣ
‘Friend’. Probably a lawyer. Hotson (
1949), 50, plausibly suggests Jonson’s
friend Richard Martin, the dedicatee of
Poet., but
possibly someone from an Inn of Court who had taken the part of ‘Philos’
in a masque.
15 ΦΙΛΟΣ]
G; ΦΙΛΟΕ Q, corr. by pen in Townshend
copy
To . . . Ev. B.] Q state 2; Ed. B.
Q
state 1; not in F1
To the Most Understanding Poet 1 Globe’s The
first performance at the Globe was either in mid-May 1603 or after 9
April 1604; see Introduction.
3–4 spoil . . .
conquest May be alluding to Jonson’s claim (made later to
Drummond) that when a soldier in the Netherlands ‘he had, in the face of
both the camps, killed an enemy and taken opima spolia
from him’ (Informations, 199–200).
5 beastly
rage irrational, unintelligent anger. Cf. Dedication, 4.
7 oil for
lamplight.
8 hardly ’suage]
this edn; hardly’assuage Q
9–11 At the time the judgement of many wiser spectators
was clouded by their emotions (‘passion’) so that they could not be sure
whether Jonson was more at fault for showing so learned a play at a
public playhouse, or the spectators for rejecting it.
12 doubtful
hell A state of indecision which left both Jonson and the
spectators in a kind of purgatory (sometimes seen as part of hell), with
a suggestion that the Globe has become a microcosmic imitation of hell
rather than the world. ‘Hell’ was the common name of parts of the
prisons in the Exchequer at Westminster and the Counter in Cheapside,
and was also used for the area below the stage.
13 sets . . .
free Cf. New Inn, title-page: ‘Now at last
set at liberty to the readers’ after a similar reception at its first
performance.
15 Ev. B. Q’s
early correction from ‘E
d’ to ‘Ev’ means this
cannot be by Jonson’s antiquarian friend
Edmund Bolton, as H&S (11.317)
suggested. ‘Ev’ was probably short for Everard (Evelyn, Eustace, and
Eugene were extremely rare). The only plausible candidate I have found
is Everard Buckworth of Wisbech, Cambridgeshire, who entered Trinity
College, Cambridge
c. 1591 as a pensioner (Venn),
brother of the Edward Buckworth ‘of co. Camb., gen
[t
].’ who was admitted to Lincoln’s Inn on
27 Jan. 1593, a few months after Donne; see
Lincoln’s
Inn (1896), 115. The ‘E. B.’ who wrote the commendatory poem
which precedes Jonson’s in Holland’s
Pancharis (see
‘In Sejanum’, pp. 216ff., 145n.) is more likely to be Edmund Bolton, to
whose
Elements of Armories (1610) Holland wrote a
commendatory sonnet.
The Argument 1 Seius
Strabo Prefect of the praetorian guard under Augustus (
Tacitus, 1.7), a
post he later shared with his adopted son Sejanus (
Tacitus, 1.24).
Sejanus became sole commander of the Praetorians when Strabo became
Prefect of Egypt (
Dio,
57.19.6).
1 gentleman . . .
Vulsinium Apparently echoing Greneway, 89: ‘born at Vulsinium,
son of Seius Strabo, gentleman of Rome’. (Cf.
Tacitus, 4.1, equite
Romano, ‘a Roman knight’.)
1 Vulsinium
Modern Bolsena, an Etrurian town on the via Cassia 50 miles north-west
of Rome.
Tacitus,
4.3, refers to Sejanus contemptuously as a ‘provincial
adulterer’ (
municipalis adulter).
3 won . . .
arts
Tacitus, 4.1,
writes
mox Tiberium variis artibus devinxit: ‘he soon
entangled Tiberius by his various arts’; Jonson may be translating
devinxit as if it was
devicit ‘he
overcame’, though he quotes
devinxit in his note to
2.279.
5–6 Drusus . . .
face
Tacitus, 4.3:
‘Drusus, impatient of a rival and prone to anger, had raised his hand at
Sejanus in a casual quarrel, and, when he defended himself, had hit him
in the face.’ Lipsius noted that in
Dio’s version (57.22.1) it was Sejanus
who hit Drusus; cf. 1.565, n.77.
5 Drusus
Drusus Julius Caesar, ‘Drusus Senior’ in Sej., son of
Tiberius, and his prospective successor (see Names of the Actors,
2n.).
7–10 Livia . . .
Drusus Cf.
Tacitus, 4.3, Dio, 57.22.2.
7 Livia
Claudia Livia, sometimes called Livilla, daughter of Tiberius’s younger
brother Drusus Nero Claudius, and sister of Germanicus, married her
cousin Drusus Julius Caesar, and as described here was accused of
helping Sejanus to poison him (see Names of the Actors, 18n.).
7 before
Before the plot proceeded, not (as Barish assumes) before Drusus struck
him. Tacitus implies this sequence (4.3), and Jonson follows it, though
he makes clear that Sejanus is already planning the seduction before the
blow (1.179–95, 261–365, 580–1).
7 him
Sejanus.
8 practiseth
plots to some evil end (OED, 9†b).
9 Lygdus A
follower of Drusus, a ‘eunuch . . . who by his youth and looks had
become dear to his master, and was prominent among his attendants’ was
himself seduced by Sejanus (
Tacitus, 4.10) and later confessed
under torture to administering the poison (
Tacitus, 4.8, 11).
10–14 This . . .
succession Translating
Tacitus, 4.12,
Nam
Sejanus . . . successio.
11 insolent
Combining the senses ‘arrogant’ and ‘presumptuous’, the latter not
recorded by OED before 1678.
12 lets
impediments. Cf. Poet., 4.9.6, ‘the two lets of our
love’.
13 issue of
Germanicus The popular Germanicus, nephew and adopted son of
Tiberius, had died in ad19 (see 1.159 n.30),
but his faction, thought like him to favour a return to the republic,
were subsequently led by his wife Agrippina, his three sons, Nero, the
younger Drusus, and Caligula, and (in this play) by Silius, Sabinus,
Gallus, and Arruntius.
The Argument 13–14 in . . . succession)] F1 state 2; in hope) Q, F1 state 1
subst.
14 succession
Although there was no constitutional ‘succession’, Germanicus’s sons and
the elder Drusus’s son Tiberius Gemellus also stood between Sejanus and
the de facto succession. Drusus and Germanicus were
Tiberius’s son and nephew respectively (an elder Drusus, Tiberius’s
brother, was father of Germanicus and Livia).
16 Caesar
Tiberius.
18 Sejanus] F1 state
2; hee Q, F1 state 1 subst.
18 with all] F1;
withall Q
18 engine
ingenuity, cunning.
20 retired] F1 state
2; seperated Q, F1 state 1 subst.
22 The former
Sejanus’s desire to marry Livia.
23 suspect
suspicion. Cf. Err., 3.1.87: ‘within the compass of
suspect’.
24 underworketh works secretly. Cf. ‘To the Readers’, 22:
‘blindly working under earth’. ‘Work’ is frequently used in Sej., almost always in the pejorative senses of conspiring,
manipulating, or destroying; see e.g. 1.171, 2.24, 3.718, 730.
25 the other’s
Sejanus’s.
26 least] F1;
lest Q
27 trains
allures.
28 a . . . day] F1 state 2; with one Letter, & in one Day Q, F1 state 1 subst.
28 long . . .
letter Tacitus’s account of this episode is lost. Suetonius
(
Tiberius, 65) merely calls it ‘a shameful and
pitiable message’ (
pudenda miserandaque oratione), but
its length is stressed by Juvenal,
Satires, 10.71,
verbosa et grandis epistula, and
Dio, 58.10.1. The
phrase is used in 1647 as if proverbial, but apparently from
Sej., by Mildmay Fane: ‘Let shoemakers no more exceed
their last / Nor princes obey that subjects might reign / Lest these
become all long letters at last’ (
Poetry, ed. Cain,
2001,
210).
28 doubtful
ambiguously worded.
30–4 This . . .
working Added late in the printing process (see Textual Essay,
Electronic Edition), apparently to anticipate accusations of disloyalty
in the aftermath of the Gunpowder Plot (Whalley).
30–4 ] Q in larger type
than 1–29; not in F1
1 The . . . Actors] Q;
The Persons of the Play. F1
The Names of the Actors 1 TIBERIUS Tiberius Julius Caesar Augustus (42
BC–
AD37), emperor
from
AD14, succeeding his stepfather Augustus.
Jonson’s characterization is based on the largely hostile accounts of
Tacitus, Dio, and Suetonius, not the adulatory one of Tiberius’s
contemporary, Velleius Paterculus,
Historiae Romanae
(‘History of Rome’), 2.94–131.
2 drusus senior Drusus Julius Caesar (
c.13
BC–
AD23), son of
Tiberius and his first wife Vipsania, said to have been poisoned on
Sejanus’s instructions. He was ‘licentious and cruel’ (
Dio, 57.13.1) and
‘inclined naturally towards severity’ (
Tacitus, 1.29), but nevertheless
retained a certain popularity, partly in contrast to his father (
Tacitus, 3.37),
and partly through his support of the games.
2 SEJANUS Lucius Aelius Sejanus, d. AD31, gained increasing power under Tiberius, first as
commander of the praetorian guard, which by AD23 he had concentrated in a single barracks on the north-eastern
boundary of Rome. After the death of Drusus Senior, he consolidated his
position through control of the Senate and a series of manipulated
treason trials. He encouraged Tiberius’s retirement to Capri in AD26, and intensified his attacks on
Agrippina’s family and supporters. He shared many honours and powers
with Tiberius, and was elected consul with him in AD31. When Tiberius was warned by his sister-in-law Antonia,
the mother of Livia and Germanicus, that Sejanus was aiming for supreme
power, he wrote the ‘long letter’ which led to his arrest and
execution.
3 NERO Nero Julius Caesar, eldest surviving son of Agrippina
and Tiberius’s nephew Germanicus. After the death of his uncle Drusus
Senior he was heir-apparent to the principate. In
AD29 Sejanus persuaded Tiberius of Nero’s and Agrippina’s
treachery (
Tacitus,
4.60, 5.3). Deported to Pontia, he was starved to death in
AD31.
3 LATIARIS Latinius (or Lucanius) Latiaris, former
praetor and follower of Sejanus.
Tacitus (4.68) says he had a ‘slight
connection with Sabinus’ (
modico usu Sabinum
contingebat); Greneway’s ambiguous rendering of this as
‘somewhat allied to Sabinus’ (113) may have led Jonson to present him as
a ‘cousin’ of Sabinus (1.21), making his betrayal of the latter (
Sej., 4.93–232) more despicable (cf. Ayres, 15).
Latiaris was later himself betrayed by an informer (
Tacitus, 6.4).
4 DRUSUS JUNIOR Drusus Julius Caesar, second surviving son of
Agrippina and Germanicus, and next in succession to the principate after
Nero. He colluded with Sejanus against his elder brother, and thus
escaped when Agrippina and Nero were arrested in
AD29, but Sejanus had him arrested in
AD30, gaining evidence against him by seducing his wife (
Dio, 58.3.8). He
was starved to death in the Palatine dungeons in
AD33, surviving an extra eight days by eating his mattress
(
Tacitus,
6.24).
4 VARRO Lucius Visellius Varro, follower of Sejanus. While
consul in
AD24 he prosecuted Caius Silius
(
Tacitus,
4.17–19), the conflict of interest involved being sanctioned
by Tiberius.
5 CALIGULA Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus, nicknamed ‘Caligula’
(‘Little Boot’), youngest surviving son of Agrippina and Germanicus.
Brought up under Tiberius’s protection on Capri after Agrippina’s
arrest, he succeeded him as emperor in AD37.
5 MACRO Quintus Naevius Cordus Sutorius Macro, Prefect of the
Vigiles, used by Tiberius to overthrow Sejanus, whom he succeeded in
AD31 as commander of the praetorian guard
(
Dio, 58.9.2–6,
59.12.7). Arruntius judged him worse than Sejanus (
Tacitus,
6.48).
6 arruntius Lucius Arruntius, consul in
AD6. Senator of influence, wealth, and unusual independence
and integrity. The probably spurious account of Augustus naming him as
‘not unworthy, and bold enough’ to succeed him as emperor (
Tacitus, 1.12) was
believed in Jonson’s time (Lipsius prints it without comment).
Mistrusted by Sejanus, but not by Tiberius (despite what Tacitus says of
Tiberius’s suspicion at 1.12), he was made governor of Nearer Spain in
about
AD23, but ruled the province from Rome.
Charges brought against him in
AD31 by
Sejanus’s followers were quashed, but when in
AD37 Macro contrived a charge of treason he committed suicide.
Jonson’s characterization is influenced by Tacitus’s account of his
valedictory speech (6.48) in which he says he had been ‘impatient of
villainies’ (
impatiens flagitorium), had been hated by
Sejanus and Macro, and yet had not taken decisive action, but had
‘endured an anxious old age amid dangers and mockery’ (
inter ludibria et pericula anxiam senectam toleravisset).
6 COTTA Marcus Aurelius Cotta Maximus Messalinus, probably
consul in
AD20. A harsh and unpopular senator,
opponent of Lepidus and Arruntius, but a supporter of Tiberius, who
saved him when indicted in
AD32 (
Tacitus, 6.5).
7 SILIUS Gaius Silius Caecina Largus, consul in
AD13, successful general and friend of
Germanicus, under whom he served in Germany (see 1.1 n.1). Because of
Silius’s continuing friendship with Agrippina, Sejanus brought about his
indictment and suicide in
AD24 (
Tacitus, 4.18–19,
Sej., 3.1–339).
7 AFER Gnaeus Domitius Afer, d.
AD59,
orator; prosecuted Claudia Pulchra (Augustus’s great-niece), in
AD26 (see
Tacitus, 4.52,
Sej.,
4.21–4).
8 SABINUS Titius Sabinus, of the knightly equestrian order (see
3.515–17n.), apparently not active in public life. Nothing is known of
him except that he continued to be a friend and supporter of Agrippina
and her children after the death of his friend Germanicus. Betrayed by
Latiaris and executed for treason in
AD28
(
Tacitus, 4.18,
68–70).
8 HATERIUS Quintus Haterius, orator, d. in
AD26 aged almost 90. Tiberius despised him for his
foedissimae adulationis (‘most repulsive adulation’,
Tacitus,
3.57). Tacitus describes him knocking Tiberius over in his attempt
to kneel before him (
Tacitus, 1.13; cf. 3.27), an episode exploited by Jonson at
1.375. Ayres suggests Jonson’s note to 5.456 shows he is conflating him
with his son, Haterius Agrippa, in presenting him as a gouty sycophant
of Sejanus (cf. 5.608–9).
9 LEPIDUS MarcusAemelius Lepidus. Called ‘Marcus’ at 4.276,
which, with 1.511 n.69, confirms that Jonson has in mind Marcus, consul
with Arruntius in
AD6, and not his cousin
Manius Lepidus. Lipsius was aware of the distinction between the two,
both often simply ‘M. Lepidus’ in Tacitus (see his
note to 3.35). Tacitus says Marcus
had great influence with Tiberius, and calls him a ‘grave and wise’ man
(4.20), unusually generous praise, as Lipsius noted.
9 SANQUINIUS Sanquinius Maximus, consul suffectus (substitute consul) in AD39; probably the same man described by Tacitus as one of the
‘accusers of L. Arruntius’ (6.7).
10 CORDUS Aulus Cremutius Cordus, historian of the period of
Augustus, accused at Sejanus’s instigation of writing without the usual
respect for Augustus. According to
Dio (57.24.2) he was ‘on the threshold
of old age’ (probably 50 to 60) when indicted in
AD25. He committed suicide, and his work was burnt, but copies
were saved by his daughter Marcia, who later published them. See
1.73 n.17, 1.84n.
10 POMPONIUS A follower of Sejanus. There are five so named in
the
Annales. Jonson would have followed Lipsius, who
identifies him as Quintus Pomponius Secundus (note to
Annales, 6.8). Jonson’s characterization is based on
Terentius’s coupling there of a ‘Pomponius’ with Satrius as contemptible
followers of Sejanus.
11 GALLUS Gaius Asinius Gallus, consul 8BC, proconsul of Asia 6BC. He was a
friend of Augustus, and married Tiberius’s divorced wife Vipsania. Seen
by Tiberius as a threat throughout his principate until he was arrested
(AD30) and starved to death in AD33, aged seventy-one.
11 POSTUMUS Julius Postumus, unknown except as the lover of
Mutilia Prisca (see
Sej., 1.292 n.51). Through her he
had access to her powerful friend, the dowager empress Livia, and was
thus a useful go-between for Sejanus (
Tacitus, 4.12).
12 REGULUS Publius Memmius Regulus, consul suffectus in AD31 at the time of
Sejanus’s fall, when he acted against the latter. Presented here as a
Germanican (2.220; cf. 4.439–40), though he had been a protégé of
Tiberius. Tacitus praises him highly as a man of independence and
integrity, admired even by Nero (14.47).
12 TRIO Lucius Fulcinius Trio, consul
suffectus with Regulus in
AD31, but
sided with Sejanus. A notorious informer (
Tacitus, 2.28).
13 TERENTIUS Marcus Terentius, equestrian, follower of Sejanus,
known only from his courageously honest speech in his defence after the
fall of Sejanus (
Tacitus, 6.8;
Dio, 58.19.3–5). Jonson makes use of the speech in 1.534–40,
and treats him with greater respect than the rest of Sejanus’s clients,
giving him the last words of the play.
13 MINUTIUS Minucius Thermus in modern eds., but ‘Minutius’ in
Lipsius, the form used by Jonson; equestrian follower of Sejanus, known
only from Tacitus’s report that he used his friendship with Sejanus
discreetly (6.7).
14 laco Gracinius Laco, ‘provost of the watch’ (5.230), i.e.
commander of the
vigiles (night watch), loyal to Macro
when the latter entered Rome at night to overthrow Sejanus (
Dio, 58.9.3; cf.
Sej., 5.116–52).
14 SATRIUS Satrius Secundus, client of Sejanus and accuser of
Cordus (see 1.22 n.7–8). Later he saved himself by revealing Sejanus’s
plot to assassinate Tiberius and seize the empire (
Tacitus,
6.47).
15 EUDEMUS Described by Tacitus as Livia’s ‘friend and doctor’
(
amicus et medicus, 4.3).
Pliny, Naturalis historia
(‘Natural History’), 29.8, says he was also her lover
(Lipsius’s note). He later confessed under torture to poisoning Drusus
Senior (
Tacitus,
4.11).
15 NATTA Pinarius Natta, client of Sejanus and prosecutor, with
Satrius, of Cordus (
Tacitus, 4.34). He is mentioned briefly by Seneca,
Epistolae morales (‘Moral Epistles’), 112.11.
16 RUFUS Petilius Rufus, client of Sejanus, and one of the
senators who eavesdropped on Sabinus, and then prosecuted him. Tacitus
describes him as a former praetor greedy to become a consul (4.68).
16 OPSIUS Marcus Opsius, like Rufus an ex-praetor and follower
of Sejanus, who spied on and betrayed Sabinus.
17 TRIBUNI Officers of the praetorian guard.
18 AGRIPPINA Widow of Germanicus, regarded with suspicion by
Tiberius (Tacitus, 1.69) as ambitious to replace him with Germanicus,
and after the latter’s death with her eldest son, Nero.
18 LIVIA Sister of Germanicus, she married her cousin Drusus
Senior, son of Tiberius. Seduced by Sejanus, who sought to marry her
(
Tacitus,
4.3), she was later accused by Apicata, Sejanus’s estranged wife
(a dubious witness), of complicity in the poisoning of Drusus. She was
put to death either by Tiberius, or by her own mother, Antonia (
Dio, 58.11.6;
Tacitus, 4.11; see
below, 5.841 n.95, 859 n.97).
18 SOSIA Sosia Galla, wife of Gaius Silius. Her friendship with
Agrippina meant that she was accused of treason along with her husband,
and sentenced to exile.
19 PRAECONES Criers.
19 LICTORES Guards attendant on magistrates, carrying the
fasces (see
1.376n.) before them.
20 FLAMEN Priest of a particular deity, here Fortuna.
20 MINISTRI Assistants attendant on the priest.
21 TUBICINES Trumpeters.
21 TIBICINES Flute-players.
22 NUNTIUS Messenger.
22 SERVI Servants.
22 servi]
G;
servvs Q, F1
23 PRAETOR Senior magistrate.
23 praetor, guards]
this edn; not in Q, F1
24 ] F1; not in
Q
ACTUS PRIMUS 0 ] Q; Act. Ⅰ
F1;
act ⅰ. scene ⅰ
G
SEJANUS HIS FALL 0 ]
Wh, Bolton, Ayres
subst.; SEIANUS Q, F1
0 SD]
Ayres;
Sabinvs. Silivs. Natta. Latiaris. Cordvs. /
Satrivs. Arrvntivs. Evdemvs. / Haterivs. &c. Q, F1 subst.; A State Room in the Palace. Enter
sabinus
and
silius, followed by
latiaris. G, Barish subst.;
[The Palace. Enter]
sabinus, silius
Bolton
Actus Primus 0.SD Gifford places this act in ‘the Palace’ (cf.
1.32), meaning the domus Tiberiana which Tiberius
built on the Palatine. Jonson does not give locations other than the
Senate (3.0 SD.1, 5.479 SD.2), but usually makes his characters identify
them early in each scene. Altogether six different locations are
employed, as well as the public places of Rome: the houses of Tiberius
(Acts 1, 2, and 3), Agrippina (2 and 4), Sejanus (5) and Regulus (5),
Eudemus’s garden (2) and the Senate House (3 and 5), but there would
have been little or nothing onstage to confirm a more precise location
than ‘Rome’. In this scene the ‘court’ in which Silius and Sabinus meet
(1.2, 13) is conceived anachronistically as akin to a royal court, the
same as that in which Eudemus has access to ‘ladies’ privacies’ (1.301),
not the administrative one in which Tiberius attends a meeting of the
Senate (1.51–2; for the Senate as a ‘court’ of judicature cf. also
2.328, 3.123). Jonson distinguishes between ‘court’ and ‘Senate’
elsewhere (e.g. 2.263, 5.582). Sabinus and Silius probably entered from
different doors in the tiring-house screen onto a bare stage. For the
use in the Blackfriars theatre of boards indicating ‘Rome’ as scene, cf.
Poet., Ind., 27–8.
1 SH
sabinus]
Sab. Q; not in F1
1 Caius Silius!1]a
Caius Silius Q; Q uses
alphabetical note anchors throughout
1 De Caio Silio, vide Tacitum, Lipsii editio quarto, Annales,
1.31, 2.6–7 et 25.
1 n.1
De . . .
quarto Superscript numbers refer
to Jonson’s own Latin notes, printed as marginalia in Q, but at the foot
of the text in this edition. The notes and the passages they cite are
translated in the commentary. ‘On Caius Silius, see Tacitus in Lipsius’s
fourth edition’ (see ‘To the Readers’,
28n.). Jonson’s page references to
this edition are here silently modernized.
Tacitus, Annales,
1.31, hereafter simply ‘Tacitus’, refers to Silius’s command
of one of the two armies in Germany under Germanicus at the time of
Augustus’s death (
ad14). The other army
mutinied against Tiberius’s succession, in favour of Germanicus, but
that commanded by Silius ‘looked on with a divided mind’ (
mente ambigua).
Tacitus, 2.6–7 and 25, refers to
Silius’s campaigning in Germany, still under Germanicus’s overall
command, in
ad16. Jonson refers later (2.291,
n.24) to his main achievement, the defeat of the Gallic rebel Sacrovir
in
ad21.
1 n.2
Tacitus, 4.18 describes Tiberius’s decision in ad24, under pressure from Sejanus, to attack both Silius and
Sabinus. ‘The friendship of Germanicus was ruinous to both’. Sabinus’s
fate was postponed until ad28.
2 De Titio Sabino, vide Tacitum, 4.18.
2 rarely
Punning on ‘seldom’ and ‘very well’ (Ayres).
4 enginers] Q (Inginers)
4 enginers
plotters, layers of snares (OED). Cf. Cat., 3.4.6.
5 the fine
arts the fine arts of conspiring. Cf. Staple, 1.6.57.
7–10 We . . .
fall Ricks (
1961) points to the way in which in its use of imagery of
parts of the body, such as this ‘grotesque collection’, the play
‘anticipates and works towards’ the dismemberment of Sejanus in the
final scene.
7 shift of
faces A succession of different faces, as in a shift (change)
of clothes. Cf. Epigr. 115.25–6: ‘shifting of its
faces, doth play more / Parts than th’ Italian could do with his
door’.
7 cleft
divided, hence deceitful. Cf. the ‘tongue / Forkèd as flattery’ of
5.38–9 and the ‘forkèd tricks’ of 4.423.
8–10 Cf. Dryden and Lee, Duke of
Guise 3.1.72–3: ‘Daubing the inside of the court like snails, /
Sliming our walls, and pricking out your horns’, in The
Works of John Dryden, vol. 14, ed. Dearing and Roper.
9–10 on . . .
Creep Cf. the serpent of Genesis 3.14: ‘upon thy belly shalt
thou go’.
11 n.3
Tacitus writes that when Augustus gained power ‘there was no opposition,
since the boldest had died in battle, or in the proscription, while the
rest of the nobility, the readier they were to be slaves, the higher
they rose in wealth and honours’. Cf. below, 43 n.11.
3 Tacitus, Annales, 1.2.
12 then
therefore.
14–15 nn.4–5 Jonson cites two passages of
Juvenal, Satires, 1.75 ‘to their crimes men owe their
gardens, great houses and tables’ (H&S note he had used this line in
Cynthia, Q, 3.4.32 and n.), and 3.49–54: ‘Who is
valued nowadays unless he is an accomplice, one whose inflamed soul
burns with secrets which are always unspoken? . . . He who is dear to
Verres is the one who can inform on him at any time he wishes.’
4 Juvenalis, Satura, 1.75.
5 et Satura, 3.49 etc.
16 dear Both
in hypocritical affection, and in the cost of blackmail.
16–17 live . . .
jealousies live in fear of the anger of those being
blackmailed.
18 subverting
destroying.
19 lines
queues. Not used with military connotations at this date (despite the
implications of ‘advance’), but there is a pun on lines of verse
advancing towards a full stop.
20 courted
(1) sought after; (2) of the court.
20 SD]
Barish; not in Q, F1; G adds ‘at a
distance’
20 lean ‘lean
towards us’, meaning approach obliquely (OED, 4b) with
a suggestion that they incline towards the corrupt practices described
in lines 4–19 above (cf. OED, 5). Cf. ‘bending to the
better’, 3.369.
21 SD]
Bolton; not in Q, F1
21 sabinus . . .
Latiaris]
this edn;
Sab. (Good . . . Latiaris) Q, F1, F2
21 cousin
Latiaris See Names of the Actors, .
21 n.6
De
. . .
consule ‘On Latiaris
consult’.
21 n.6
Dionem . . .
fol
‘Dio in Stephanus’s folio edition’ (see ‘To the Readers’,
33–4n.).
6 De Latiari consule Tacitum, Annales, 4.68–9 et Dionem, Stephani editio 58.1.1–3.
22 n.7–8
Satrio . . . Natta Tacitus describes these two accusers of
Cordus as Sejani clientes (‘clients of Sejanus’)
indicating a formal relationship of dependants and patron (cf. 1.57).
Seneca asks Cordus’s daughter Marcia to ‘Recall that most bitter time
for you when Sejanus gave your father as a present to his client Satrius
Secundus’ (‘To Marcia’, 22.4; cf. 1.84n, 1.542–5n.). Cf. ‘clientele’,
Cat., 3.3.180.
22 n.7–8
lege ‘read’.
7–8 De Satrio Secundo, et Pinnario Natta lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.34. et de Satrio consule Senecam, Ad Marciam de Consolatione,
[22.4].
7–8 De Satrio Secundo, et Pinnario Natta lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.34. et de Satrio consule Senecam, Ad Marciam de Consolatione,
[22.4].
24 Know Who
know.
24–7 whose . . .
organs ‘whose secretive breasts, if they could be opened up,
would reveal that it is a trivial offence indeed that is not harboured
there’. For the breast as ‘the repository of consciousness, designs, and
secrets’, see OED, Breast n. 5a; for
‘rip up’ meaning to open up something unpleasant, see OED, Rip v.2 4b. Cf. Cat., 3.3.252–4: ‘my sword . . . b’inspired of itself
to rip / My breast for my lost entrails’.
28 forswear
swear falsely. For the same conjunction with ‘swear’ cf. Greene,
James Ⅳ, 5.4: ‘You swear, forswear, and all to compass
wealth’ (
Complete
Works, ed. Grosart, 1881–6, 13.308, line 2358).
28 deprave
defame, disparage (OED, 4).
28 n.9 Seneca
says that ‘Under Tiberius Caesar there was a constant and almost general
rage for bringing accusations, which took a heavier toll of Roman
citizens than the whole Civil War; it snatched eagerly at the common
talk of drunks, the openness of jokers; nothing was safe; every occasion
for violence was welcome, and there was no need to wait for the outcome
of affairs, since there was only one.’ Cf. below, 4.314–20.
9 Vide Senecam, De
Beneficiis, 3.26.
29–30 beg . . .
livings In both Tiberian Rome and early modern England,
informers (Lat.
delatores, accusatores) were entitled
to a portion – in Rome usually a quarter, in England a half – of the
fines or estates of those convicted through their information. In
societies without a police force, such inducements played a significant
role in helping enforce the law. For Rome, cf. 64–72 below, 3.356–63,
and Jonson’s note to 3.368, citing
Tacitus, 4.20. See also
Tacitus, 4.30, and
Dio, who says:
‘those who had accused or testified against persons divided the property
of the convicted by lot and received in addition both offices and
honours’ (57.19.2). In England they mainly accused or blackmailed those
breaking economic statutes, but also informed on recusants. The issue
was especially topical when Jonson was writing and revising
Sej.; in 1604 the judges decided unanimously in the
Case of the Penal Statutes that such rewards were
‘utterly against the law’. Informers or ‘promoters’ were regularly
attacked in Parliament, but no action was taken by the King until 1616,
or by Parliament until 1624. See Beresford (
1957–8).
30–1 cut . . .
whisp’rings Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 4.110:
‘Pompeius, whose slight whisper could cut men’s throats’ (Sejanus, ed. W. D. Briggs).
31–2 sell . . .
palace Cf.
Martial,
4.5.7: ‘To sell no empty smoke around the palace’, i.e. to
make no empty promises of obtaining royal favours. A Roman proverb,
taken up by Erasmus, who writes about it at unusual length
(Adagia, 1.3.41, in
Works, ed. Mynors,
1982–92, 31.270). Cf. Tilley, S576.
36 watch
watchman. Usually seen as an anachronism, since the Romans had no
mechanical clocks or watches, using water clocks and sundials. But
mechanical watches do not ‘observe’ clocks, whereas
Martial (8.67.1) mentions a boy whose
task is to call out (
nuntiat) the time, and Petronius,
Satyricon, 26, describes a man employed to watch a
clock and blow a trumpet on the hour. Brisson,
De
formulis, 479, quotes
Pliny, Nat. Hist.,
7.60 and Varro,
De lingua Latina (‘On the
Latin Language’), 6.89, on similar announcements. From all these Jonson
could have correctly derived the idea of a servant keeping watch on a
water clock or sundial; cf. McDaniel (
1913), 158–60. This primary meaning
does not exclude the anachronistic one: the etymological connection of
the mechanical watch (developed in the early sixteenth century) to the
human watch (both ‘called out’ the time) was still fresh, and Jonson
plays on ‘watch’ as both human vigil and timepiece in
Bart.
Fair, 3.1.16–17, where Haggis the ‘vishe vatchman’ asks: ‘Why?
Should the watch go by the clock, or the clock by the watch, I pray?’
The spring-driven pocket watch of Jonson’s time was notoriously
unreliable, needing correction by a larger clock with a more
sophisticated mechanism. Cf.
LLL,
3.1.187–8: ‘And never going aright, being a watch, / But being watched,
that it may still go right’.
37–8 true . . .
him Ironically varying the proverbial ‘true as steel’ (cf.
MND, 2.1.195,
Tro.,
3.2.184). Gifford quotes
John Swan on how the colour of the
turquoise changes to reflect its wearer’s health: ‘if the wearer of it
be not well, it changeth colour and looketh pale and dim, but increaseth
to his perfectness as the wearer recovereth to his health’ (
Speculum
mundi, 1635, 296). Swan himself misquotes Donne,
First Anniversary (1611), 343–4: ‘As a compassionate
turquoise which doth tell / By looking pale the wearer is not well’ (
Poems, ed. Grierson, 1912, 1.241).
37 turquoise]
G; Turkise Q, F1, F2 subst.
38 n.10
Though Jonson only cites Juvenal, Satires, 3.105, he
is imitating lines 100–8, part of a long passage attacking Greeks and
Greek influence: ‘You smile, he shakes violently with immoderate
laughter; he weeps if he notices his friend’s tears, but he does not
grieve; if you ask for a small fire in winter, he puts on his woollen
cloak; if you say “I am hot,” he sweats. Thus we are not equals, he and
I; he is the better who can always, night or day, take his expression
from another man’s face, throw up his hands ready to applaud if his
friend belches well or pisses straight, or if his golden basin makes a
farting noise when it is turned upside down.’
10 Juvenalis, Satura, 3.105.
41 catch
apprehension. Not separately noticed as a noun in OED,
but derived from Catch v. 37.
42 conferred
compared.
43 n.11
Tacitus, 1.7
describes Rome at Tiberius’s accession: ‘consuls, senators, knights
rushed headlong into slavery. The more illustrious the person, the
greater his hypocrisy and his haste, and the more contrived his looks,
showing neither excessive joy at the departure of one prince nor sorrow
at the accession of another, tears mixed with joy, lamentations with
flattery.’
11 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.7.
44 gentry’s chief]
Bolton; Gentries Chiefe Q; gentries
chiefe F1
46 consuls
During the republic two consuls were elected annually by the Senate to
serve as supreme magistrates, the joint authority being a defence
against abuse of power by a single ruler. Under the empire their
authority greatly decreased, except when the emperor nominated himself
for ‘election’, as Augustus did thirteen times and Tiberius three.
Tacitus admits that under Tiberius the consulship at first regained some
of its power and prestige, but that this declined with the death of
Drusus and the rise of Sejanus (4.6–7).
46–53 nn.12, 14
Tacitus, 3.65:
‘so very corrupted were those times, so abject their sycophancy, that
not only the leading citizens, whose splendour they safeguarded by their
servility, but all those of consular rank, a large part of those who had
been praetors, and even many of the lesser senators
[pedarii senatores], would
emulate each other in rising to propose the most vile and preposterous
motions. Tradition has it that Tiberius, as often as he left the curia,
used to declare in Greek, “O men prepared for slavery!” It was clear
that even he, who opposed public liberty, was disgusted at the abject
servility of his creatures.’
12 Tacitus, Annales, 3.65.
47 praetors
Annually elected magistrates subordinate to the consuls. By this date
there were twelve (
Tacitus, 1.14), but their powers also diminished under the
empire.
48 n.13
Pedarii
Pedarii senatores (lit. ‘foot senators’) were not yet
enrolled by the censors and thus could not vote. Rosinus (Johann Rosen,
1551–1626), whose Romanarum antiquitatum libri decem
(‘Ten Books of Roman Antiquities’), 1583, was used by Jonson for Poet. and the early masques, gives this as the most
likely of a number of explanations (Bk. 7, ch. 5).
48 n. 13
Pedarii]
also in F1
13 Pedarii.
14 [Tacitus,]
Ibid. [3.65]
55 flat
Translating Tacitus’s projectae, ‘stretched out’ on
the ground, thus ‘abject, contemptible’, to give a sense not recorded in
OED; also conveying the common meaning of
‘downright’, ‘absolute’ (OED, Flat adj. 6a).
56 worthy of
us deserved by us (OED, Worthy adj. 9).
57 riots
debaucheries, extravagances (OED, 1a).
59–60 Going back to 49–8bc,
when Julius Caesar defeated Pompey and began the process which was to
lead to the destruction of the republic.
60–3 Echoing Tacitus’s description of the accession of
Tiberius (see above, ) and of Augustus’s Rome (11
n.3 above). Cf. also his description of the jeers at Augustus’s funeral
from those who remembered the day of Caesar’s assassination ‘when
servitude was still new and liberty sought again in vain’ (1.8).
60 triumphèd
conquered. Cf. Ovid, Amores, 1.15.26, Roma triumphati caput orbis, ‘Rome head of the triumphed
world’, and Cat., 3.280, ‘The far-triumphèd world’
(Sejanus, ed. W. D. Briggs).
61 affections
Emotions as opposed to reason, hence especially passions, lusts (OED, 3).
64 n. 15
Hispone]
H&S; Hispane Q
64 n.15
Lege
. . .
et caeteris ‘Read
Tacitus . . . on Romanus Hispo and the rest.’ Tacitus describes Hispo
Romanus and Caepio Crispinus as among the first professional informers.
Juvenal, Satires, 10.87, is part of a description of
the mob in Sejanus’s Rome: ‘but let our slaves see that none denounce
us, and drag their fearful master into court with his neck bound’.
Suetonius, Tiberius, 61, says ‘No day was lacking an
execution, not even those that were holy and sacred. Some were punished
even as the New Year began. Many were accused and condemned with their
children, and even by their children. Relatives of the condemned were
not allowed to mourn for them. Special awards were voted for accusers,
sometimes even for witnesses. Nobody questioned the trustworthiness of
an informer. Every crime was treated as capital, even if it consisted of
a few simple words.’ The note underlines the accuracy of Jonson’s
description of Tiberian Rome, but contemporaries would have recognized
parallels with the unpopular, if less dangerously pervasive, role of
informers in Tudor and Jacobean England (see above, .).
15 Lege Tacitum, Annales, 1.74 de Romano Hispone, et caeteris ibid. et Annales, 3.37–8. Juvenalem, Satura 10.87[–8].
Suetonium, Tiberius, 61.
67 n.16
Tacitus says: ‘for [Tiberius] was
distorting words and looks, which he stored away’. For Seneca, see
above, .
67–70 Our . . .
treason In 1592, Francis Bacon said Elizabeth did not like ‘to
make windows into men’s hearts and secret thoughts’ (referring to the
myth of Momus’s wish that Hephaestus had made a man equipped with such
windows); but treason, being a matter of intention almost as much as
action, was ‘proved’ by circumstantial evidence or by confession
obtained under torture, especially during the later years of Elizabeth’s
reign and that of James. Ralegh complained at his trial (Nov. 1603) of
being convicted by circumstantial evidence over his intentions, and
English Catholics like Jonson were always at risk from similar
interpretation of their motives. See Bacon, Certain
Observations Made upon a Libel, in Letters,
ed. Spedding (1861–74), 1.178.
16 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.7 et 3.38. Suetonium, Tiberius, 61. Senecam, De
Beneficiis, 3.26.
70–2 H&S note the paraphrase of
Machiavelli, Il Principe, 19, ‘that princes should give
burdensome affairs to others to manage, and keep those of grace in their
own hands’ (
che i principi debbono le cose di carico fare
amministrare ad altri, e quelle di grazia a lor medesimi).
Jonson transcribed the same passage in
Discoveries,
829–31. Machiavelli himself derived it from Aristotle,
Politics, 5.11 (1315a), a text Jonson seems to have
known (cf. 1.421 n.62). His copy of the 1619 edn of the
Opera Omnia is now at St John’s College, Cambridge.
70 Tyrants’]
Wh subst.; ”Tirannes Q, F1 subst.
71–2 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
71 accusers] Q, F1;
corr. by pen in Townshend Q to Accusers (to agree with Flatterers in Q,
F1)
72 SD]
G; not in Q, F1
73 Cremutius
Cordus See Names of the Actors,
10n.
73 n.17
Tacitus, 4.34–5
describes Cordus’s trial and suicide (see below, 3,407–60); Dio gives a
similar account, adding that Augustus had read the work himself (see
below, 84n.). The references from Suetonius add little, but Seneca’s ‘To
Marcia’ describes Cordus’s arrest and suicide from the viewpoint of his
daughter (see Jonson’s note, ). According to Dio,
Cordus’s lost history covered the ‘achievements of Augustus’ (57.24.3).
It did so, however, from a republican point of view (Tacitus, 4.34).
17 De Cremutio Cordo vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.34–5. Senecam, Ad Marciam de Consolatione
[1.3, 22.4–7]. Dionem, 57.24.2–4.
Suetonium, Augustus, 35, Tiberius,
61, Caligula, 16.
73 SD.2]
Silius . . . aside]
this edn; They whisper F1; not in
Q
74 your
cousin Sabinus. See Names of the Actors,
3n.
76, 77 Annals]
Annal’s Q, F1 subst.
76 Annals
Historical accounts organized by the year, like those of Livy and
Tacitus. The Lat. form ‘Annales’ was retained in English, as in Cor., 5.6.116, ‘If you haue writ your Annales true,
’tis there’ (1623 folio spelling), but Jonson habitually half-anglicizes
it as ‘Annal’s’ to indicate pronunciation as only two syllables.
78 Caius
Caesar’s Referring to Julius, whose full name was Caius
(Gaius) Julius Caesar.
78 n.18
Suetonius cites Cordus on Augustus’s fear of assassination by the more
vulgar senators.
18 Lege Suetonium, Augustus, 35.
80 n.19
de factionibus ‘on
factions’.
Tacitus says: ‘the court was divided and torn by concealed
partisanship for Drusus or Germanicus’ (2.43); ‘Sejanus was pressing
[Tiberius
] and complaining that the
state was divided as if by a civil war. There were those who called
themselves of Agrippina’s party, and unless it was opposed, there would
be more’ (4.17). Drusus and Germanicus were Tiberius’s son and nephew
respectively. For the continued popularity of Germanicus, see Argument,
13n.
19 Vide de factionibus Tacitum,
Annales, 2.43 et 4.17.
82 queasy
unsettled (of the political situation, OED, †1a).
84 Cordus had been ‘published’ in that his work had
been read to (or by) Augustus and ‘esteemed as good’ (
probarentur) by 18
bc (
Dio, 57.24.3; cf.
Suetonius,
Tiberius, 61.3) and his histories were certainly in
the public domain before his suicide in 25. Though they were ordered to
be burnt at his death, copies were kept and later published by his
daughter Marcia (Seneca, ‘To Marcia’, 1.2–4, 22.4–7). The burning of the
histories had been paralleled in England in 1599, when the order for
burning various satires and epigrams added ‘Englishe historyes’ to the
list of subversive books banned ‘except they be allowed by some of Her
Majesty’s Privy Council’ (Arber, 3.677).
85 SD]
Ayres; not in Q, F1; G omits
Latiaris
86 n.20
De . . . isto ‘On this
Lucius Arruntius’; see above, Names of the Actors,
6n.
20 De Lucio Aruntio isto, vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.13 et 3.31 et Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.[27.4–5].
87–9 ’tis . . .
fathers The theme of degeneracy from a once honourable
patrician (not democratic) order recurs in Tacitus. Here Jonson echoes
Tacitus’s
description of Nero’s Rome: ‘the morality of their fathers, which had
gradually been forgotten, was so completely overturned by this new
licentiousness, that whatever could in any way be corrupted or could
corrupt was to be seen in the city, so the youth degenerated through
foreign influences to the practice of sports, idleness, and corrupt
loves, with the encouragement of the emperor and Senate’ (14.20).
88 degenerate
degenerated.
90–2 Cato . . .
master Marcus Portius Cato Uticensis (95–46
bc), whose suicide after hearing of Julius
Caesar’s victory at Thapsus made him a potent symbol of republican
virtue. Cf. Lucan,
De Bello Civili (‘The Civil War’),
1.128. Riddell (
1975), 207, notes Jonson is also echoing
Martial, who praises Nerva for daring
to be good ‘under a hard prince and in evil times’ (12.6.11–12).
93–6 Brutus . . .
country Marcus Junius Brutus (85–42bc), Cato’s son-in-law, became with Cassius leader of the
conspirators who assassinated Caesar in 44bc.
94 charm of
benefits allurement of favours.
96 unkindly] F1;
vnkindly) Q, corr. by pen in Townshend Q to (vnkindly)
96 unkindly
unnaturally (Whalley).
96 captive
Stressed on second syllable.
98 raked up
hidden, covered over: cf. Volp., Epistle, 53–4:
‘faults which charity hath raked up, or common honesty concealed’.
100 blaze
momentary flare, as of lightning (OED, Blaze n.1 2c). Cf. Hym., 3–4: ‘the glory of all these solemnities had perished
like a blaze’.
104 ]
G; Q, F1 print all but Cassius in italic
104 Tacitus says Cordus ‘called Caius Cassius the
last of the Romans’ (4.34). As Lipsius noted, Plutarch, writing at about
the same date as Tacitus, gives these words to Brutus on Cassius’s death
(Lives, Brutus, 44), whence JC, 5.3.98: ‘The last of all the Romans,
fare thee well.’
105 Stand by
Stand aside (OED, Stand v. 91b).
105 n.21
Tacitus records that Tiberius sent Drusus to Pannonia (in the area of
modern Slovenia and Bosnia); Suetonius describes Tiberius’s exasperation
with and lack of affection for his son; and Dio characterizes Drusus as
‘licentious and cruel’.
21 Lege de Druso Tacitum, Annales, 1.24. Suetonium, Tiberius,
52. Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.13.1–2.
105 SD
drusus . . .
by] F1, not in
Q
105 SD
passeth by The actors
playing Drusus and Haterius may simply have entered by one tiring-house
door, walked around the stage, and left by the other door, but it is
possible that they came on to the stage from the yard, crossed it, and
left by descending into the yard again. See . below for ‘passing over the
stage’. In either case, they would only have been onstage briefly.
106–13 nn.22, 24
The mixed judgements on Drusus, and the contrast with his father (though
not the evidence of promise) are derived from Tacitus, especially 3.37:
‘By his moving about the city amid the meetings and talk of men, it was
thought that his father’s inscrutable policy was mitigated. Because of
his youth, even his voluptuousness did not cause offence. Better that he
should lean in that direction, spending the day in building projects,
his nights in banquets, than [like Tiberius] live alone, attracted by no pleasures, and absorbed
in sullen watchfulness and sinister schemes.’
22 Tacitus, Annales, 3.37.
111 me, I]
this edn; me I F1; me’I Q; me’, I H&S
112 n. 23 For
Tacitus’s account of the rise of Sejanus, and his enmity towards Drusus,
see Argument, 1–10 and notes.
23 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.1–3.
113 kinsmen] F1;
kinsman Q, corr. by pen in Townshend Q
24 Annales, 4.8.
114 The sons . . .
Germanicus Nero, Drusus Junior, and Caligula – the latter’s
notorious later career as emperor adds a poignant irony to the praise
bestowed on him here in the name of the republican tradition.
114 n.25
qui . . . nominatus ‘who
was born in a military camp, and was named “Little Boot”’ (from Lat. caliga, the leather sandal worn by soldiers).
25 Nero. Drusus. Caius, qui in castris
genitus, et Caligula nominatus. Tacitus, Annales, 1.[41].
114 n.26
De . . . consule ‘On
Germanicus consult’.
26 De Germanico consule Tacitum, Annales, 1.33–4 et Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.[5–6].
116 Drusus might have been expected to be wary of
them as rivals who could exploit their father’s popularity.
119 virtue
Used for Lat. virtus, signifying the manly
excellencies of courage, fortitude, etc., as well as moral ones. Cf. OED, 7.
120 fruits
Echoing Cicero, In Pisonem (‘On Piso’), 24.57: ‘the
justified fame which is the most honourable fruit of true virtue’
(Ayres).
120–1 fruits . . .
seeds Sweeney (
1981), 71–2, notes the recurrent
emphasis on the impotence of the Germanicans as opposed to the
‘procreative energy’ of the conspirators’ language.
27 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.18.
122 know him] F1;
know’him Q
122 within
inwardly, in his true character (OED, Within adv. 3).
124–6 He . . . nature As Whalley noted, this translates Velleius
Paterculus on Cato: homo Virtuti simillimus (History of Rome, 2.35, a passage Jonson cites below,
150 n.29). As a deity, Virtus was worshipped in Rome
together with Honor (see below, .).
124 virtue in]
this edn; virtue’; in Q, F1 subst.;
virtue; In F2; virtue, ’in Barish
127 reverend
worthy of reverence; translating
Tacitus’s venerabilis (2.72).
128 state high
rank, position of power.
28 Tacitus, Annales, 2.72–3 et Dionem, Historia Romana,
57.18.6–9.
130 avoided
banished, sent away (translating effugerat).
131–3 What . . .
sorrow Later (3.5), Tacitus reports criticism of Tiberius for
not giving Germanicus a full state funeral. The images of Germanicus and
his ancestors were not displayed, as was normal, at the funeral because
he was buried at Antioch, where he had died; the family portrait masks
were kept in the lararium at Rome.
134–6 silent . . .
losses the soldiers mourned without tears or the noise of
sobs; their profession meant that they associated tears only with their
defeated enemies.
136–9 I thought . . .
Alexander
Tacitus says
‘there were those who’ made the comparison between Germanicus and
Alexander (2.73). He does not say Cordus was among them. The practice of
‘paralleling’ Greek and Roman figures had been established by Plutarch,
who had, however, set his life of Alexander against that of Julius
Caesar. Sejanus, Afer, and Natta all accuse Cordus of ‘paralleling’
present times with the past (2.303–11, 3.39.–406); in 1600
Attorney-General Coke similarly accused the historian Hayward of giving
support to the Earl of Essex through his
Henry Ⅳ.
Jonson faced such charges over
Sej. (see
Introduction).
137 forms
outward appearances.
138 nearness . . .
fell Alexander died at Babylon, Germanicus at Antioch, cities
which were in fact several hundred miles apart.
140 best
feature well shaped; cf. R3, 1.1.18–19: ‘I
that am curtailed of this fair proportion / Cheated of feature by
dissembling Nature’.
140 high race
exalted heritage.
142 Accounts of Alexander’s poisoning by his son were
fictions. Germanicus died believing he had been poisoned by Piso, who
committed suicide protesting his innocence (cf. below, 159 n.30,
167n.).
143 for about,
as to.
143 wrest it
contrive a dubious parallel.
146 drunken
Macedon’s Alexander’s, who died after a long bout of
drinking.
147 bondman’s
slave’s.
150 speak him
declare who Germanicus truly was.
150 n.29
Vide . . . Caracteres
‘See in Velleius Paterculus History of Rome the fourth
edition by Lipsius . . . for the characters of these men.’ For ‘Pompey’s
dignity’, see Velleius, 2.29; Cato, a homo virtuti
simillimus, 2.35; Caesar, 2.41; Brutus, 2.72. A contemporary of
Sejanus and a serving soldier under Tiberius, Velleius gives a much more
enthusiastic account of both these men than the other historians used by
Jonson. Lipsius’s edition of his Historia was
frequently bound with his edition of Tacitus.
29 Vide apud Velleium Paterculum
Lipsii [editio] quarto 2.29, 2.35,
2.41, 2.72 istorum hominum Caracteres.
151 innocence
moral purity (OED, 1).
152 temperance]
Wh; temp’rance Q, F1
152–4 every . . .
him As Briggs noted, this recalls Claudian,
De
consulatu Stilichonis (‘On Stilicho’s consulship’) 1.33–5: ‘to
all others blessings are dispersed, in you they flow mixed together’.
These lines are underlined and marked in the margin with Jonson’s flower
symbol in his copy of
Claudian,
Cl. Claudianus, Theod. Pulmanni . . .
e vetustis codicibus restitutus (Antwerp, 1585), 226. The book
is slightly charred, and may therefore be a rare survival of the fire
which destroyed most of Jonson’s library in 1623 (see
Und. 43). It passed to Selden, and is now Bodleian 80 c 90
Art. Sel.
159 n.30
Tacitus says that
‘The turbulence in the East did not come as an unwelcome occurrence for
Tiberius, since it gave him an excuse for transferring Germanicus from
his familiar legions and appointing him to new provinces where he would
be open to both treachery and accident’ (2.5); later, when Tiberius
enticed Germanicus back to Rome, the latter ‘understood that envy was
the motive’ (2.25). Dio describes Germanicus’s death at Antioch: ‘as a
result of a plot formed by Piso and Plancina . . . that poisoning was
the means of his carrying off was revealed by the condition of his body,
which was brought into the Forum, and exhibited to all who were
present’.
30 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 2.5 et 2.26. Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.18.9–10.
159–66 When . . .
lessen Anticipating Silius’s cynicism about ‘princes’ at
3.300–8.
159 fast
securely.
162 decline
thwart, avert (Lat. declino, –are).
163 colours
semblances.
166 purge (1)
grow thin in the alien air by being purged (cf. OED,
Purge v.1 4b, though there is no
example of this figurative use); (2) purge their offence in having grown
‘honoured, and loved’.
166 n.31
de occultis . . . in
occulto ‘on the secret instructions given to Piso and
afterwards . . . the speech of Domitius Celer “you have the connivance
of the Augusta and the favour of Caesar, but only covertly”’.
31 Consule Tacitum, Annales, 2.43, de occultis mandatis Pisoni.
Et postea 2.55,77. Oratio
Domitii Celeris Est tibi Augustae consciencia, est Caesaris favor, sed in occulto
etc. Lege Suetonium, Tiberius, 52. Dionem,
57.18.9–10.
167 seconds . . .
Tiberius Piso (consul with Tiberius in 7
bc) was made governor of Syria while Germanicus was in that
region.
Tacitus
(2.43) says he had ‘secret instructions’ (
occulta
mandata) from Tiberius, but whether these were to spy on
Germanicus and thwart his mission (as in the following lines) or to
murder him is left vague. The plural ‘seconds’ embraces Piso’s wife,
Plancina.
168 dam Livia,
Tiberius’s mother, who had earlier persuaded Augustus to name Tiberius
rather than Germanicus as his successor.
169 detract
disparage.
173 n.32
Tacitus says that
Germanicus’s final ‘illness was made worse by his belief that he had
been given poison by Piso’ (2.69), but casts doubt on Piso’s guilt in
describing his trial: ‘only the charge of poisoning seemed to be
weakened’ (3.14).
Suetonius says Germanicus died ‘not without suspicion of
poisoning . . . He died, moreover, as opinion had it, through the guile
of Tiberius, aided and abetted by Gnaeus Piso.’
32 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 2.69 et 3.14. Suetonium, Caligula, 1 et 2.
175 n.33
principalis . . . totum
‘mainly and throughout’. These are the main sources for Sejanus’s
career, of which Pliny, Nat. Hist., 7.39, 8.74, and
36.46, are all relatively trivial. For details of Jonson’s more
substantial classical sources see Introduction and ‘To the Readers’,
notes to 28 and 29.
33 De Sejano vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.24, [lib.] 4 principalis et per totum. Suetonium, Tiberius. Dionem, 57 et 58. Plinium et Senecam.
176 SD
sejanus . . . terentius] Q,
F1 subst.; Enter
sejanus
talking to
terentius;
followed by
satrius, natta, &c. G,
after 174
176 SD
They . . . stage] F1 in
margin; not in Q
177 SD
To Satrius]
this edn; not in Q, F1; To Natta
G
176 SD
pass . . . stage
Allardyce Nicoll
argues persuasively that such stage directions meant the actors moved
‘from yard to platform to yard again’ (1959, 47–55, p. 53). Here, Cordus
and his companions would watch the actors emerge from one of the
entrances nearest the stage into the yard (175 above), and climb steps
onto the stage, where they would probably have remained from 177 to
194–5, leaving by climbing down to the yard again. Experience at the
reconstructed Shakespeare’s Globe in London suggests this would be
possible, though it might have proved slightly more difficult to clear a
lane through the groundlings than Nicoll assumed.
177 SH
sejanus]
Sei. Q; not in F1
177 I . . .
well Satrius has pointed out the group of Germanicans.
Sejanus’s first words in the play express in a single line suspicion,
conspiracy, confidence, and control.
179 Please] Q;
’Please F1
179 Lordship] F1 subst; Lordsh. Q
180 n.34
De . . . vide ‘On this
Eudemus see’. Cf. Names of the Actors, 15n.
34 De Eudemo isto
vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.3.
180 physician
Pronounced as four syllables.
182 said —] F1;
said. Q
182 tribune’s
place An influential position, whether as one of the tribuni plebis (tribunes of the people) or tribuni militares (military tribunes).
183 n.35
Monetae
. . .
Asse
‘£375 in our money. See Budaeus, On the
As.’ The as was a Roman copper coin. De asse et partibus eius forms vol. 2 of Guillaume
Budé’s Opera Omnia (Basel, 1557). Jonson’s estimate,
based on Budé’s conversion to French crowns (‘coronatorum
nostrorum’), that fifty thousand sesterces were worth £375
sterling agrees almost exactly with Godwyn, Romanae
historiae (1614), 138, who estimated the sestertius at ‘three
halfpence farthing’, giving a total of £364.10s. Jonson’s friend Richard
Martyn (see Poet., Dedication) borrowed more than four
times this sum (£1,500) from Lionel Cranfield to buy the roughly
equivalent Recordership of London (bribing Buckingham) in Nov. 1618: see
State Papers Domestic, 114/103/93.
35 Monetae nostrae 375 li. vide Budaeum de Asse, 2.64.
190 ’Thank] F2;
Thank Q, F1 subst.
192 deep (1)
learned (OED, Deep adj. 16); (2)
cunning, corrupt (OED, 17), as implied in R3, 2.1.38, ‘Deep, hollow, treacherous, and full of
guile’.
193 gallery Of
an Elizabethan, not a Roman house (cf. Poet.,
2.1.138); a rare anachronism, perhaps a survival from the stage version,
anticipating the meeting with Eudemus at 1.269 which may have taken
place in the ‘gallery’ (cf. note to 260 SD.2 below).
195 grief
injury (OED, †5a). Cf. 1.276, 294.
195 — On.] Q state
2, F1; On? Q state 1
195 SD]
this edn, Briggs, Ayres subst.; not in Q, F1; Exeunt Sejanus, Satrius, Terentius, &c. G
196 So, yet! . . . Yet?] Q, F1 subst.; So! yet another? yet? G
197 honour
Ayres suggests used in neutral sense of ‘preferment’ (Lat. honor), not in OED, but in this sense Lewis
and Short, 1.B.1. But this is only part of a typically compressed
allusion, whose primary meaning is that those who, like the unnamed
suitor, are reduced to grovelling bribery, would formerly have sought
such positions both honourably and because of honour due. The deity Honor was worshipped bare-headed in a major temple
outside the porta Capena, shared with Virtus (see above, .), and Q capitalizes ‘Honor’,
suggesting the god himself grovelling. The concept of honour is
interrogated thoroughly in Sej.: cf. the use by
Eudemus (1.325, 2.70, 72), Sejanus (1.327–32), Tiberius (1.455, 496,
518, 529, 3.40), Drusus (1.552), and many more. Almost always used
ironically, its most positive expression is Cordus’s judgemental one:
‘Posterity pays every man his honour’ (3.456).
199 his
its.
200–1 Gifford notes the origin in Juvenal, Satires, 8.84; ‘and in order to live, lose the reason for
living’.
200 circumstance The trivial, contingent details, as opposed to
the substance (OED, 8).
201 Nothing so
Not so.
202 if . . .
ruin if Jove himself punished the world, perhaps by blacking
out the sun, as Arruntius has just suggested must happen as a
consequence of Rome’s current malaise.
202 n.36
De ingenio
. . . Sejani ‘On the character,
conduct and power of Sejanus’.
36 De ingenio, moribus, et
potentia Sejani lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.1–2. Dionem, Historia Romana,
57.22.1–4.
203 now
current. Commonly used as an adjective in the 1600s; see OED, now, adj. a.
203–4 applied
With applied to, supplicated by means of.
204 sacrifice of
knees See above, .
204 crooks
bendings of the knee (OED, 10a, citing this line).
206 thousand
hecatombs A hecatomb was a sacrifice of one hundred oxen: thus
a hundred thousand oxen.
208 Rhadamanth
A proverbially severe judge of the dead in Hades.
209 Furies
Lat. Furiae, infernal goddesses who punish the guilty
in hell.
209 fire-brands those doomed to burn in hell (OED, 1†b).
210 adverse
part opposite side, usually in the sense of ‘the enemy’.
211 e’er] Q (ere)
212 boy!] F2;
boy. Q; boy? F1
213 Caius’]
Wh; Caiu’s Q;
Caivs F1
213 n.37
divi . . . nepos
‘grandson of the deified Augustus’. Tacitus rightly describes Caius
(Gaius) as Augustus’s grandson, but does not mention that he had been
adopted as his son in 17
bc with a view to the
succession (
Dio,
54.18.1). He died in
ad4.
37 Caius Caesar, divi Augusti nepos. consule Tacitum, Annales,
4.1.
213 trencher
Usually a plate or tray, here the table on which it was placed.
213–15 for hire . . .
Apicius Cf. Greneway: ‘for money he had suffered his body to
be abused by Apicius’ (89).
214 n.38
Tacitus and Dio both refer to M. Gavius Apicius’s sexual relationship
with the young Sejanus. Dio adds that Apicius committed suicide when he
found he only had ten million sesterces left, fearing that he would die
of starvation (
Dio,
57.19.5). The link between gourmandizing and sexual excess
recurs in Jonson: cf.
Volp., 3.7.200–39,
Alch., 2.2.57–87.
38 Tacitus, ibid. et Dio, Historia Romana, 57.19.5.
216 pathic
‘man or boy upon whom sodomy is practised; a catamite’ (OED, citing this as its earliest English usage). Possibly
coined by Jonson from its adjectival use in Lat.; cf. Catullus 16.2, Aureli pathice (‘pathic Aurelius’).
217 Juvenal’s graphic image (see Jonson’s n.39) of
Sejanus’s burning statue (‘now the fires are blazing . . . and from what
was once the second face in the whole world emerge pitchers, basins,
frying pans, chamber-pots’) suggests Jonson’s ‘second face’, but ‘face’
is in general a powerful word for Jonson with its varied associations of
superficiality and boldness, honesty, and hypocrisy. ‘Face’ occurs 26
times in Sej. alone. Cf. among many other uses the
character Face in Alch., and Bart.
Fair, 1.3.106–7, ‘One that stands upon his face more than his
faith’ and 1.6.56–7, ‘a foul face, but that face may have a veil put
over it’.
39 Juvenalis, Satura, 10.63.
219 ensigns
military standards. Tacitus (see below, ) says Sejanus’s effigies
were honoured in the
principia, the centre of a
legion’s camp where the standards were kept, a sacred place. In adding
‘ensigns’ Jonson may be recalling Lipsius’s note, ‘
inter
militaria signa’, or
Greneway’s ‘ensigns of the legions’
(89). Suetonius reports that the Syrian legions refused to allow
Sejanus’s image in their
principia
(Suetonius, Tiberius, 48.2).
220 Commands
Has at his disposal.
220 dignity
office of importance.
221–2 Centurions . . .
consuls A Centurion commanded a
centuriae,
usually, despite the name, of about 80 soldiers; heads of provinces were
governors of such overseas
provinciae as Gaul; for
tribunes, see above, .; for praetors and consuls, see
46n.,
47n., above.
223 general
suffrage selection by the republic at large.
223 n.40
Tacitus says that
Sejanus ‘himself chose the centurions and tribunes
[of
the praetorian guard
]. Nor did he abstain from showing
off in the Senate the offices and governorships with which he had
provided his clients, for Tiberius, yielding and readily favourable,
acclaimed him as the partner of his labours, not only in private
conversations, but among the Fathers and the ordinary people, and
allowed his statues to be erected in theatres and marketplaces, and even
in the headquarters of the legions.’ Dio places this outburst of
adulation much later, describing the Romans as being deceived by
Tiberius’s strategy of undermining Sejanus while praising him effusively
(see
3.704 n.35).
40 Tacitus, ibid. [4.2]
224–5 Translating
Claudian,
In Rufinum
(‘Against Rufinus’), 1.193–4:
Congestae cumulantur opes
orbisque ruinas / Accipit una domus (Briggs). Partially
underlined, but with no marginal symbol, in Jonson’s copy of Claudian
(see above, .).
226 strangely
exceptionally, unusually (OED, 5).
229 riot
debauchery, dissoluteness. Cf. 1.57n.
230 enterprise
Specifically at this time an attack: see OED,
Enterprise v. 2 and 3.
233 n.41
Though Jonson cites Dio, lines 225–33 are clearly based on
Greneway’s
translation of Tacitus: ‘His forces, which at the first were small, he
augmented by reducing the cohorts into one camp, which before were
scattered abroad in the city . . . He pretended that the soldier living
scattered, grew riotous: and if any sudden attempt should be
enterprised, their strength would be greater united, than separated and
that they would live more severely, if their garrison were lodged
further from the wanton allurements of the city’ (89).
41 Dion, ibid.
234–7 nn.42–3
See
Tacitus 4.2:
‘he gradually insinuated himself into the hearts of the soldiers,
approaching them, addressing them by name’.
42 Tacitus, ibid.
235 heard]
corr. by pen in Townshend Q; hard Q,
F1
43 [Tacitus,]
ibid.
238 kind
nature.
239 n.44
Though placed in the margin against lines 237–8, the reference to Dio is
not keyed to the text, and refers (like n.41) to Dio’s account as
generally supporting that given by Tacitus.
44 Et Dion, ibid.
240–1 letting . . .
ambition shooting he cares not what at the target of his
ambition; see OED, Fly v. 10.
244–50 Briggs quotes Coleridge’s amusement at the
‘anachronistic mixture in this Arruntius of the Roman republican . . .
with his James-and-Charles-the-First zeal for legitimacy of descent’.
For Jonson’s attitude to republicanism, see Introduction. Here,
Arruntius displays a patrician preference for the Julian clan
(especially the sons of Germanicus) over the upstart Sejanus. Jonson may
also have been influenced by Tacitus’s report that Augustus had named
Arruntius among those worthy to succeed him (see Names of the Actors,
6n.). Cf. below,
400–24n.
244 emp’ror] Q, F1 (Emp’rour); emperor Wh
244–5 The name . . .
keep I hope that Tiberius will retain for himself the name of
emperor. In fact Tiberius made a point of declining grandiose titles:
see below, , , and
Dio,
57.8.1–3.
246 Sure
Assuredly.
249 n.45 For
the succession see Argument, 13n.
45 Nero. Drusus. Caligula.
249 — ha! —] Q ((ha!))
251 their face
the outward appearance (as opposed to the heart) of Sejanus’s designs,
but with a secondary suggestion of boldness.
252 n.46
Tacitus says that because of the numbers standing between Sejanus and
the succession, ‘deceit called for the spacing out of crimes. He
decided, however, to take the more devious way, and begin with
Drusus’.
46 Tacitus, ibid. [4.3]
255 But . . .
out Sooner than that I should fail to find out Sejanus’s
secret thought.
255–8 and . . .
bed Arruntius’s vow closely anticipates the violence dealt out
by the mob in 5.787–807.
256 panting
throbbing (OED, Pant v. 3).
257 atomi This
Lat. form for ‘atoms’ was the most common in the early 1600s. Cf. Epigr. 133.127, ‘all those atomi ridiculous’, but Fort. Isles, 121, has ‘Spirits and atoms’.
257 to undo] F2 subst; to’vndoe Q, F1
258 knotted
bed Possibly ‘the intricately woven base’ [of his designs] (OED, Knotted
1b, Bed 10–11), rather than the ‘tangled cluster of serpents’ suggested
by Bolton.
258 You’re]
this edn; You’are Q; You are F1
259 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
260 SD.2]
this edn;
Satrivs. Evdemvs. Seianus Q, F1 subst.; A Gallery discovered opening into the State Room.
Enter
satrius
with
eudemus. G, beginning a new
scene
260 SD.2
Gifford placed this episode in a ‘Gallery’, as suggested by 1.193;
Chambers,
ES, 3.115,
Barish, 186–7, and
Berry (
1983),
168–9, support the case for using a gallery. Ayres rejects it, as does
Kidnie, who makes Sejanus’s group ‘stand apart’ on the main stage. Such
long scenes in the gallery are unusual, because of limited sightlines
and audibility, and the ‘gallery’ of 1.193, being that of a house, could
be represented on the main stage, with the group of Germanicans, and
later Tiberius and the Senators, both at a distance. ‘Let’s walk a turn’
(1.261) supports this interpretation. But Berry argues persuasively that
Jonson here exploited ‘stage elevation . . . the gallery in its superior
relation to the platform, in illustration’ of the play’s central themes
of rising and falling.
263 SD]
G (after 264); not in Q, F1
264 Jove and
Apollo The first explicit invocation of Roman deities (cf. Virtus and Honor above, 1.124–6n.,
197n.) whose implied presence (and often apparent absence) is a feature
of the play. Fortune, the most important of them for Sejanus, is
mentioned in the next line. Though this is not the goddess, the noun has
an initial capital in Q.
265 n.47
Terentii
defensionem ‘
[Marcus
] Terentius’s defence’ (see
Names of the Actors,
13n.). Terentius said that he rejoiced at gaining Sejanus’s
friendship in part because he had ‘the greatest power to help or to
harm’.
47 Lege Terentii defensionem Tacitum, Annales, 6.8.
268 He’s] F1;
He’is Q
268 noblest
Roman An ironic echo of
JC,
5.5.68, ‘This was the noblest Roman of them all.’
268 SD]
G; not in Q, F1
272 spoke out
declared, proclaimed (OED, Speak v.
36b).
275 virtue
skill, expertise.
276 that, Satrius?]
Wh. subst.; that? Satrius — Q, F1 subst.
276 grief
injury, ailment (cf. 1.195).
279 n.48
Germanici . . . Drusi ‘Sister of Germanicus, wife of Drusus’.
Tacitus says
that ‘as if fired with love
[Sejanus
] seduced her into adultery, and after the first shameful act
had been achieved (and a woman who has lost her modesty will not deny
anything else) he moved her to the hope of marriage, to a partnersip in
power, and the murder of her husband’.
48 Germanici soror, uxor Drusi.
Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.3.
284 physic
medicine; here, cosmetics.
285 fear no
colours Proverbial (Dent, C520, TN, 1.5.9), here punning on military colours, as in the
original saying, and on the unreliable ‘colours’ of early cosmetics.
286 conceited
witty.
287 read
deliver.
288 Pray] Q, F1;
’Pray F2
291 n.49
Mater
Tiberii ‘Mother of Tiberius’. Augusta was conferred as a title on the dowager
empress, Livia Drusilla, in the will of her husband Augustus. It was
later used for other senior members of the imperial family. Tacitus and
Dio both mention the suspicion that Livia had eased Tiberius’s path to
the principate by poisoning his rivals. Suetonius deals only with her
falling out with Tiberius, and her death in ad29, when he refused to allow her to be deified.
291 n.49
moritur ‘she dies’.
49 Mater Tiberii. Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1, 2, 3, 4. moritur 5. Suetonium, Tiberius
[50–1]. Dionem, Historia Romana, 57, 58.
291 Urgulania
Called
delicium Livia (‘Livia’s darling’, Jonson’s
n.50) by Lipsius, in his marginal note to
Annales,
2.34, where
Tacitus says her friendship with the Augusta had ‘raised her
above the law’.
50 Delicium Augustae. Tacitus, Annales, 2.[34]
et 4.[21–2].
292 n.51
Adultera
. . . Postumii ‘Adulteress with
Julius Postumus’. Mutilia Prisca was another close friend of the
Augusta, to whom her lover, Julius Postumus, thus had access (
Tacitus, 4.12).
She killed herself in the Senate (
Dio, 58.4.6).
51 Adultera Julii Postumii.
Tacitus, Annales, 4.12.
292 n.52
Pisonis
uxor ‘wife of Piso’.
Munatia Plancina was suspected with her husband of murdering Germanicus
on Tiberius’s instructions (1.159 n.30, 1.167n.). She too was a friend
of the Augusta, who protected her when she was charged with murder.
52 Pisonis uxor. Tacitus, Annales, 2, 3 et 4.
298 Go to An
exclamation of impatience.
299 You’re]
Bolton; Yo’are Q, F1
299 nation A
particular class of persons (OED, 6a, citing this
line). Frequently used thus by Jonson; see e.g Bart.
Fair, 3.5.128, ‘you vile nation of
cutpurses’.
300 cabinets
repositories of secrets. For this figurative use, cf. OED, 6.
300 n.53
Tacitus says
‘Eudemus, Livia’s friend and doctor, was taken into their confidence,
his profession giving a pretext for frequent private meetings.’
Pliny (Nat.
Hist., 29.8) describes the ‘adultery . . . of Eudemus
with Livia’. Cf. 1.368 n.56.
53 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.3 et Plinium, Naturalis Historia, 29.1.
301 privacies
(1) intimacies (OED, †5); (2) private parts (OED, †4b, dated 1656).
302 pleasant
witty, amiable, but also willing to please; continuing the sexual
innuendo.
304–10 I . . . it
Cf. Discoveries, 1147–51 on flatterers as
informers.
305 smells] Q, F2, F3 (smels); smel’s F1
305 violet
Early modern medicine attributed a wide range of curative powers to
preparations made from the violet, but it was also symbolic of love (
OED, 1d) and faithfulness (cf.
Ham.,
4.5.180–1).
305 siege
excrement (OED, †3c); analyses of urine and excrement
were the primary diagnostic tools of classical and early modern
medicine.
306 her] F1; the
Q
306 stool
commode (OED, 5a).
307–10 Which . . .
it Jonson adapts the same passage from
Martial (9.37.3–5) in
Cynthia (F), 4.1.113–15 and
Epicene, 4.2.74–82
(H&S).
310 box
Perhaps an obscene double entendre, as in Bart. Fair,
1.4.19–20: ‘Pray God . . . your clerk, be not looking i’the wrong
box.’
314 intergatories interrogatories, questions. Cf.
Cynthia (Q),
4.4.9 (H&S).
314 but
merely.
315 Augusta
The dowager empress; see above, .
315–16 perverse . . .
fit bad-tempered and hard to please in her temperament.
316 She’s] F1;
Shee’is Q
320–1 quaintly . . .
strange For quaintly as ‘elegantly, attractively’ see OED, 3, but Sejanus’s language becomes more
aggressively sexual, since ‘quaint’ was also ‘cunt’ (OED, †Quaint n.1), and
‘strange woman’, as Ayres notes, meant ‘harlot’ (OED,
Strange adj. 4, citing Bart. Fair,
2.4.55).
321 she’s] F1;
sh’is Q
323 He breathes
not There is no person alive.
323 on] F1; the
Q
327 coarsest] Q, F1 (coursest)
330–2 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
330 These virtuous definitions that people talk idly
about. (‘Your’ is generic.)
332 The truly honourable deeds are those that serve
self-interest.
336 your own
your own secret counsels.
337 faith
trustworthiness.
340 See above, for the use of Eudemus as
go-between.
54 Consule Tacitum, Annales, 4.3.
340 you should
if you should.
343 jealous
suspicious, mistrustful (OED, 5).
343 Happily
(1) ‘Happily’, (2) ‘perhaps’ (Ayres).
350 n.55 See
above, .
55 Tacitus, ibid.
354 gardens, whither] F1; Gardens. whether Q
355 Aesculapius Greek god of medicine, worshipped also in Rome,
where he had a temple on the island in the Tiber.
356 physic,]
this edn; physic! F1; Physic: Q
356 outspeaks
is of superior significance to (OED, †1, citing this
as earliest example).
358 it!] F1; it,
Q
359 juleps] F2 subst.;
Iulebes Q; iulebes F1
359 juleps
sweetened drinks, in this case used to mask medicines.
359 apozems
infusions.
360 Magistral
Of a concoction ‘devised by a physician for a particular case; not
included in the recognized pharmacopoeia’ (OED,
2a).
363–5 Fortune . . .
wishes The first mention of Sejanus’s ‘one deity’ (5.81).
Briggs noted the adaptation of Lucan, De Bello Civili:
‘how ill Fortune deserves, who only comes after your prayers’ (5.581–3).
Cf. above, 264n.
364 deserved, thus]
Barish; deseru’d thus Q, F1
365 To come . . .
wishes To be so tardy in rewarding your merits and answering
your desires.
366 Ambition] ”Ambition Q; “Ambition F1
366 than need
than does need.
367 n.56
Eudemus . . .
secretis For this direct
quotation from Tacitus, see above, .
367 n.56
in . . . Medicorum ‘on
the accusation against doctors’. A misleading reference, taken from
Lipsius: Pliny’s word crimine, ‘through crime’ in fact
refers to Aesculapius’s sin in bringing Tyndareus back to life, not to
Eudemus’s less ambitious activities.
56 Eudemus specie artis frequens
secretis. Tacitus, ibid. Vide Plinium, Naturalis Historia 29.1.[3]
in criminatione Medicorum.
368 oft-times] F1; oftimes Q
371 endures
tolerates.
373 Pallas
Title of Athena, Greek goddess of wisdom (and hence of ‘wit’); in Rome
identified with Minerva.
374 SD]
this edn;
Tiberivs. Seianvs. Drvsvs. Q, F1 subst.; Enter
tiberius
and
drusus, attended, G
375 SH
tiberius]
Tib. Q; not in F1
375 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
375 n.57
De . . . Principatus ‘On
the beginning of Tiberius’s principate’.
Tacitus describes (1.72) Tiberius’s
refusal to take the title
patris patriae (‘father of
the country’), which had been held by Augustus, but notes the
undermining of such claims to be a mere ‘citizen’ by his revival of the
lex maiestatis, the law of treason which could
only apply to him as head of state. 4.6 describes Tiberius initially
allowing free discussion in the Senate, and checking any lapses into
flattery (
adulationem lapsos cohibebat ipse).
Suetonius says:
‘He was so hostile to flattery that he would not let any senator
approach his litter, either to honour him or on business, and when an
ex-consul, apologizing, tried to embrace his knees, he fell over
backwards trying to avoid him.’ Tacitus, 1.13, identifies the ex-consul
as Haterius.
57 De initio Tiberii Principatus vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.72,
4.6, et Suetonium, Tiberius, 27. De Haterio vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.13.
376 axes, rods
The
fasces, bundles of rods bound around an axe, which
were the emblems of authority, carried before the consuls and other
magistrates by lictors.
Tacitus describes the
fasces being carried
reversed for the funeral of Germanicus (3.2).
378 Look . . .
us With eyes raised as to an equal; but Jonson’s punctuation
also suggests Tiberius wants to be looked up to.
379 How . . .
Caesar! Berry (
1983, 169) suggests Sejanus is here
looking down from the gallery, Jonson envisaging the imperial palace as
a contemporary Roman
palazzo, with a
loggia overlooking the central court. See above, .
Sejanus has nothing to say between this statement and line 503, giving
Burbage at least five minutes to come down from the gallery.
379–88 There . . .
name Ayres notes that these are not asides, but that since
Tiberius and his followers cannot hear them, the Germanicans must occupy
a distinct area of the stage.
380 second
second piece of flattery (following the kneeling supplicant of 1.375),
not a ‘follower’ as Barish suggests.
380 that’s no
flattery Said sardonically.
381–3 Cf.
Juvenal, Satires,
4.70–1, on the Emperor Domitian: ‘there is nothing he is not able to
believe of himself when he is praised as equal to the gods’
(Gifford).
384 meanly
ignobly, not like a prince, whose more subtle behaviour is described in
the following lines. Tiberius cannot afford to do anything so ‘mean’ as
accept flattery like Sejanus’s in public.
385 your
Generic, as in 330 above.
385 confederacy conspiracy. OED, 1b, quotes Bart. Fair, 1.2.45–6: ‘Why, this is a confederacy, a
mere piece of practice upon her by these impostors!’
386–8 To . . .
name The later account of Tiberius’s secret love of flattery
(1.410–18) clarifies these lines: the parasite’s role is to make up in
private for the flatteries the prince must reject in public to gain a
reputation for modesty and integrity.
386 private
Here in the senses both of ‘not holding public office’ and ‘belonging to
one person’.
388 SD]
this edn; not in Q, F1
388 lord —] F1;
Lord. Q
389–90 Cf. R2, 3.2.215–16: ‘He does me
double wrong / That wounds me with the flatteries of his tongue.’
389 make up
stop up (OED, Make v.1 96d, citing this line).
390 charming
magical, enchanting. Cf. Lovers
MM, 93–4: ‘stop your ears against the
charming god. / His every word falls from him is a snare.’
391 contumelies insults. Ayres suggests Jonson is recalling the
Lat. use of contumelia to mean ‘assault’, thus
reinforcing the oxymoron of ‘assaults / Of charming tongues’. But in
Lat. as English the connotations remain those of insult and abuse.
392 Or
Either.
394 n.58
Tacitus records that Tiberius repeated his refusal of the title
father of the country (see above, ),
‘and sharply rebuked those who called his occupations divine and he
himself Lord (
dominus)’. Suetonius also describes him
rejecting the title
dominus (27). For Tiberius’s
speech to the Senate quoted by
Suetonius, Tiberius,
29, see below, .
58 Consule Tacitum, Annales, 2.87. Et Suetonium, Tiberius, 27 et 29.
395 n.59
Nullam . . . diligebat
‘Tiberius esteemed none of his virtues as high as dissimulation.’ Cf.
Machiavelli, Il Principe, 18: ‘But it is necessary to
know well how to colour this attribute, and to be a great pretender and
dissimulator’ (
Ma è necessario questa natura saperla bene
colorire, et essere gran simulatore e dissimulatore).
59 Nullam aeque Tiberius, ex virtutibus suis quam dissimulationem diligebat.
Tacitus, Annales, 4.71.
396–7 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
396–7 Cf.
Discoveries, 796–9 with the marginal title
Mores aulici (‘Customs of the Court’): ‘I have
discovered that a feigned familiarity in great ones is a note of certain
usurpation on the less. For great and popular men feign themselves to be
servants to others, to make those slaves to them. So the fisher provides
baits for the trout, roach, dace etc., that they may be food to him’ (W.
D. Briggs, ed.
1911).
400 stay
await.
400–24 If . . .
offenders Briggs suggests this speech, and that of Sabinus at
4.161–6, are anachronistic since a Roman republican would not prefer
even ‘a virtuous prince’ to ‘our old liberty’. For Jonson’s probable
attitude, see Introduction.
401 words,] F1;
wordes. Q
402 blest] F1;
blist Q
402 were] F1;
where Q
402 Rome!]
G; Rome? Q, F1
403 We could not imagine another state that would be
better than the one we have under Tiberius (if he were as worthy as his
word).
405 n.60 Bruti . . .
Catonis ‘Of Brutus, Cassius, Cato’.
405–6 Imitating
Martial, 11.5.5–14, addressed to
Nerva: ‘If our ancient fathers . . . should come back, if it was allowed
to empty Elysium, Camillus, unconquered in the name of liberty, will
honour you, Fabricius will accept the gold you offer, Brutus will
rejoice in you as his commander, the cruel Sulla will surrender his
power to you when he lays it down, the great Captain
[Pompey
], with Caesar as a private citizen,
will love you, Crassus will give all his wealth to you. If Cato himself
should return, called back from the infernal shades of Dis, even he will
be a follower of Caesar’ (Briggs).
60 Bruti, Cassii, Catonis, etc.
407–9 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
407–9 Translating Claudian,
On Stilicho’s
consulship, 3.113–15: ‘He is deceived who thinks it servitude
beneath a noble (
egregius) prince. Liberty never looks
more attractive (
gratior) than under a good king’
(Gifford). These two lines are underlined and marked with one of
Jonson’s flower symbols in his copy of Claudian (see above, .). Cf.
Milton,
Tenure of Kings and Magistrates: ‘look how
great a good and happiness a just king is, so great a mischief is a
tyrant’ (
Complete
Prose, ed. Wolfe, 1952–82, 3.212).
410 lip-good
good in words, not deeds.
410 n.61
de
. . . Tiberii ‘on the character
of Tiberius’. Dio describes Tiberius’s ‘most peculiar nature’ at length,
stressing his habitual dissimulation and hypocrisy (cf. 395 n.59 above),
and the dangers of both misunderstanding and
understanding him: both could lead to death.
61 Vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.1.1 de moribus
Tiberii.
413–14 strokes . . .
him ‘Strokes’ are commonly contrasted with ‘strikes’ (cf. Epigr. 61.2; OED, Stroke v.1 1c and e); but although
‘stripes’ can be synonymous with punitive ‘strikes’, the meaning here is
more likely to be derived from the way flatterers ‘rub gently . . . by
way of charm’ (OED, Strike v.
3c).
416–17 he . . .
ears Proverbial for being easily led by flattery: see Dent,
E21, quoting (as do
OED, and H&S)
Chapman’s May Day, 3.1.154–5: ‘An arrant rook by this light; a
capable cheating stock; a man may carry him up and down by the ears like
a pipkin’ (
Comedies, ed. Holaday, 1970a, 347).
Horace, Carmina (‘Odes’) 1.9.8, refers to the
diota, a ‘two eared’ wine jar that held the Sabine wine, as
Jonson’s acquaintance John Bond noted in his important 1606 edition of
Q. Horatii Flacci Poemata.
421–4 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
421 n.62
Tyrannis . . . principem
‘For the most part, tyranny in a prince arises above all from excessive
flattery.’ Not a quotation from any pre-1605 Lat. translations of
Aristotle I have seen. Though Jonson cites chs. 10 and 11 of Bk 5 of the
Politics, which deal with monarchy and tyranny,
there is no mention of flattery in 10. The nearest equivalent is in 11:
‘Hence tyrants are always fond of bad men, because they love to be
flattered’ (1314a); cf. also 4.4, 1292a, and
Son.,
114.2, ‘the monarch’s plague, this flattery’. In chapter 23 of
Il
Principe Machiavelli had made almost the opposite
argument, that listening to flatterers weakened the prince.
421 n.62
Delatorum
auctoritate ‘On the
encouragement of informers’.
421 n.62
Sub . . . praemia ‘Under
which special rewards were voted for accusers’. A modified quotation
from
Suetonius, Tiberius, 61 (see above, ).
62 Tyrannis fere oritur ex nimia
procerum adulatione, in principem. Aristoteles, Politica, 5.11 et Delatorum auctoritate.
Lege Tacitum, Dionem, Suetonium, Tiberius, per
totum. Sub quo decreta accusatoribus praecipua praemia. Vide
Suetonium, Tiberius, 61 et Senecam,
De Beneficiis, 3.26.
423 grace
favour, privilege. Cf. the same association of ‘grace’ with tyranny,
flattery, and informers in 1.70–2.
426 fools and
blind Echoing Matthew, 23.17–19, addressed to the
‘hypocrites’, i.e. dissemblers: ‘Ye fools and blind. Whether is greater,
the gold, or the Temple that sanctifieth the gold? . . . Ye fools and
blind, whether is greater, the offering, or the altar which sanctifieth
the offering?’ (
Geneva
Bible).
427 n.63
Tineas
. . . Victor ‘Sextus Aurelius
Victor called them the worms and shrews of the Palatine’ (Spadonum et aulicorum omnium vehemens domitor tineas soricesque
palatii eos appellans, Epitome de Caesaribus, 41.10).
427 n.63
qui . . . laudatum ‘they
defame [the legate Manlius Valens]
by secret accusations of which he is unaware, and so that he might be
deceived while off guard, praise him openly’ (slightly misquoting
Tacitus).
63 Tineas, Soricesque Palatii vocat
istos Sextus Aurelius Victor et Tacitus, Historiae 1.64 qui secretis
criminationibus infamant ignarum, et quo incautior deciperetur,
palam laudatum, etc.
427 bane
poison.
428–9 Proverbial. Dent, F346.11: ‘Flatterers are worse
than crows (ravens).’ Thomas Forrest attributes it to Antisthenes:
‘Antisthenes’ opinion was, that it were better to be in company with
crows, than with flatterers, for crows will but devour the body when it
is dead, but the other will eat up a man alive.’ A Perfect
looking-glass for all estates (1580), sig. F3v, margin.
431 abide wait
for.
432 We must do what is allowed by decorum as well as
what is needed.
433–4 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
433 Recalling Horace,
Satirae
(‘Satires’), 2.1.18–19, which Jonson had translated in
Poet., 3.5.31–3: ‘But if I watch not a most chosen time, / The
humble words of Flaccus cannot climb / Th’attentive ear of Caesar.’ Cf.
also Julius Caesar’s deafness (
JC, 1.2.213).
436 Do not deny that I invoke you now.
436 now)]
this edn; now.) Q, F1; now,) F2
437–8 Of all . . .
flatterer ‘Preserve me from a tyrant, who is the most
terrifying of all wild beasts, and from a flatterer, the worst of all
tame beasts.’ From Plutarch, who attributes the saying to Bias,
Quomodo adulator ab amico internoscatur (‘How to tell
a flatterer from a friend’), 19 (
Moralia, 61c), and
to Thales, who denies it, attributing it to Pittacus, in
Septem sapientum convivium (‘The Dinner of the Seven Wise
Men’), 2 (
Moralia,
147b).
439 Return
Deliver to, answer.
439 voice:]
Barish; voice, Q, F1 subst.
439 creature,]
Wh; Creature: Q, F1 subst.
439 creature
servant.
441 n.64 Lines
439–46 translate the speech reported by
Suetonius, already partially used at
1.392–4: ‘I have said both now and often at other times, conscript
Fathers, that a good and helpful prince to whom you have furnished such
great and unconstrained power ought to be a servant to the Senate, often
to the whole body of citizens, and frequently even of individuals; nor
do I regret having said this, but I have always held you, and still do
hold you, to be good, just and indulgent masters.’ Cf.
Dio, 57.8.22–3.
64 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 29 et Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.7.1–5.
441 instructed
furnished, provided; translating Suetonius’s instruxistis. In English nearly always meaning ‘to furnish
with knowledge’ (always thus in Shakespeare), but OED,
Instruct v. †4 is close to the wider Lat. meaning.
442 dilate
widely extended (Lat. dilatatus, though here
translating tanta).
443 office
performance (
OED, 2c). Cf.
Temp., 1.1.32–3: ‘A
plague upon this howling! They are louder than the weather, or our
office.’
445 e’er] Q (ere)
446 fav’ring] F1;
fauo’ring Q
445–6 us The
royal plural. (As also with ‘Our’ in 451.)
447–8 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
448 To a]
G; To’a Q; T’a F1
450 want
fail.
451 prevent
come before; from Lat. praevenio, –ire.
452 empire
sovereignty, supreme power; from Lat. imperium.
454 n.65
Tacitus, 4.37,
says that ‘At about the same time Further Spain petitioned the Senate,
through a legation, to be allowed to build a shrine, after the example
of Asia, to Tiberius and his mother. On this occasion, the Caesar,
robustly contemptuous of honours at any time, and now convinced a
response was due to the gossip which said he had given way to vanity,
began his speech in this manner: “I know, conscript Fathers, that my
consistency has been questioned by many, because recently I was not
opposed to a similar petition from the Asian cities. I will therefore
lay open both the case for my earlier silence, and what principles I
will follow in future. Since the deified Augustus had not prohibited the
erection of a temple at Pergamum to himself and the City of Rome, I, who
observe all his deeds and sayings in place of laws, followed that
pleasing precedent, the more readily in that to my worship was joined
the veneration of the Senate. And yet, though once to have accepted may
be pardonable, yet to be consecrated in the image of a god through all
the provinces would be vain and arrogant; and the honour given Augustus
will disappear if it is vulgarized by such promiscuous flatteries.
[4.38
] As for me, conscript Fathers,
I wish you to witness, and posterity to remember, that I am mortal and
limited to the functions of mankind, and I hold it enough if I can
adequately fill the foremost place. They will pay enough, and more,
honour to my memory if they believe me to have been worthy of my
ancestors, careful of your interests, constant in danger, not afraid of
unpopularity in the cause of the State. These are my temples in your
hearts, these are my fairest and most lasting monuments. For those which
are raised of stone, if the judgement of posterity turns to hatred, are
scorned as sepulchres. I pray therefore to our allies, our citizens, and
the gods themselves, that the latter may give me to the end of my life a
tranquil mind and an understanding of human and divine laws, and the
former that, whenever I shall cease to be, they will honour the deeds
and reputation attached to my name with praise and kind
recollections.”’
65 Tacitus, Annales, 4.37, 38.
461 after-purpose future intentions. Not in OED, but such constructions were common in seventeenth-century
English: cf. Epigr. 51.8, ‘after-state’, 56.11,
‘after-times’, and OED, After-.
462–4 deified . . .
Rome Augustus (then Octavian) promoted the joint worship of
himself and Rome in Pergamum (modern Bergama, in Turkey) in 29bc as a way of encouraging romanization.
Pergamum was one of the main cities of the Roman province of Asia. The
cult was later extended to other provinces (see below, ).
465 n.66
Strabonem
Strabo’s Geography: ‘Tiberius, who is making Augustus the
model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus
and Drusus, who are assisting their father’ (Loeb).
66 Consule Strabonem, 6.[4.2]
de Tiberio.
468 Senate’s
reverence Veneration of the Senate;
veneratio
senatus in
Tacitus, 4.37.
468 also there]
Barish; also, there, Q, F1
469–73 To have once accepted such deification may be
pardonable, but to continue to allow it across the empire would show
excessive ambition and pride.
470 gain
reward, profit.
470 so]
Barish; so, Q, F1
471 note ‘name
or distinctive appellation’ (OED, Note n.2 †6).
472 wild
ambition Commonly characterized thus later in the century,
perhaps following this example, e.g. by Dryden, Absolom and
Achitophel, 198, and Cowley, Ode Upon
Liberty, 9.
478 can Used
elliptically: ‘can perform’ (OED, Can v.1 8).
484–90 Echoing Horace on completing his third book: ‘a
monument more lasting than brass and higher than the pyramid’s royal
pile’
(Odes, 3.30.1–2).
486 during
enduring.
492 The one
The gods.
492 race life.
A common metaphor, favoured by Cicero; see e.g.
Pro
Sestio (‘For Sestius’), 21.47:
vitae brevem . . .
cursum, gloriae sempiternum (‘the short race of life, the
everlasting glory’). Cf. also
Hebrews, 12.1: ‘let us run with
patience the race that is set before us’.
494 human] Q, F1 (humane)
495 The other
Men.
498–502 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
498–502 Based on
Tacitus, 4.38: ‘All other things come
at once to princes.
[But
] one thing
they must seek insatiably: a glorious memory. For in contempt of fame is
the contempt of virtue.’ This is said against Tiberius, not by him.
H&S note Jonson repeats the aphorism in
Queens,
605–6,
Gypsies (Windsor), 394-400, 1079–80, and
Chlor., 209–12.
503–4 Though these three speeches could be delivered
from the gallery, it is more likely that if 1.261–379 was played there,
Sejanus and his followers have by now come down to the main stage.
503 divine!] F1;
diuine. Q
503 The . . .
ceased The pagan oracles were said to have been silenced by
the birth of Christ; see
Prudentius, Apotheosis,
435–3; Micah, 5.12; Milton, On the Morning of Christ’s
Nativity, 173–80,
Paradise
Regained, 1.455–9. W. D. Briggs (ed.
Sejanus)
cites
Selden, Table Talk, 95: ‘Oracles ceased presently
after Christ, as soon as nobody believed them.’ Thus, like Satrius’s
‘divine’, Sejanus’s flattery is restoring to Tiberius the divinity he
has rejected. James I had compared his clarity favourably with the
obscurity of the oracles in a widely read speech at the opening of his
first parliament in Mar. 1604.
505 gone!]
this edn; gone, Q, F1
505 felt
palpable.
508–9 A statue of
Fortuna equestris,
given by the Roman equestrian order
pro valetudine
Augusta (‘for the
[recovery of the
] health of the Augusta’) was placed in a temple
dedicated to the goddess at Antium (
Tacitus, 3.71). Cf.
Horace, Odes, 1.35, addressed to the goddess Fortuna who
presides over Antium (modern Anzio).
67 Tacitus, [Annales,] 3.71.
68 Fortuna equestris, ibid.
511 n.69
Tacitus, 3.72: ‘
Marcus
Lepidus petitioned the Senate that he might restore and
decorate the Basilica of Paulus, a monument of the Aemilians, at his own
expense.’
69 Tacitus, ibid. [3.72].
514 n.70
Tacitus, 3.69:
Tiberius suggested to the Senate that since Gyarus, where
Silanus was to be exiled, was barren, he should instead be sent to the
island of Cythnus (Lipsius gives ‘Cythera’ for ‘Cythnus’).
70 Tacitus, Annales, 3.69.
515 Cythera, at] F1 subst.; Cithera. at Q
516 n.71
Torquata . . .
Romae ‘Torquata a vestal
virgin, whose memory marble preserves at Rome’. The reference is to two
inscriptions (
Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, 1862,
6.1.2127 and 2128) which are on statue bases in the House of the
Vestals, their formal residence behind the temple of Vesta. Lipsius’s
commentary on
Tacitus,
3.69, from which Jonson is quoting, gives the two
inscriptions.
71 Torquata virgo vestalis, cuius
memoriam servat marmor Romae. Vide Lipsium commentarios in Tacito.
518 n.72
Tacitus says that
‘the Caesar promised to rebuild Pompey’s theatre, which had been
destroyed by an accidental fire . . . At the same time he lauded
Sejanus, in that it was through his exertions and watchfulness that so
great a conflagration had been confined to one building; and the Fathers
voted a statue to Sejanus, to be placed in Pompey’s theatre.’ The
theatre, first of its kind in Rome, was in the Campus Martius, near the
Pantheon.
72 Tacitus, Annales, 3.72.
519 advance
raise (OED, 9).
528 Blush not,
Sejanus The fact that Sejanus makes no reply does not
necessarily mean he is still in the gallery. Though the text gives no
indication that Tiberius has become aware of his presence, he probably
acknowledges Sejanus at this point, bestowing these honours before a
grand exit.
528 n.73
Jonson cites two passages of
Tacitus: ‘Tiberius, yielding and
readily favourable, acclaimed him as the partner of his labours, not
only in private conversations, but among the Fathers and the ordinary
people’ (4.2); and Drusus’s complaint of ‘a stranger being invited to be
a helper in
[Tiberius’s
] rule’
(4.7).
73 Tacitus, Annales, 4.2, 7.
530 force
rape.
532 take
undertake (OED, 19a).
533 hyperboles] F2;
Hyperbole’s Q, F1 subst.
534–40 Though this partially translates Terentius’s
speech in his own defence (
Tacitus, 6.8), these lines refer as
much to contemporary politics as to Tiberian. Both Elizabeth and James
insisted that the
arcana imperii, the ‘mysteries of
state’, were their prerogative, not to be meddled with by Parliament or
the courts. H&S noted that Thomas Fuller quoted an abridged version
of Jonson’s lines in
The Holy State (1642): ‘But
princes have their grounds reared above the flats of common men; and who
will search the reasons of their actions must stand on an equal basis
with them’ (4.1.6). Cf. Macro’s soliloquy, 3.714–49, esp. 718–20.
Tiberius’s denial of flattery might likewise have reminded
contemporaries of James’s condemnation of flattery as ‘the pest of all
princes’ in
Basilikon Doron (
Selected
Writings, ed, Rhodes,
2003, 235), which was circulating in
England before his accession. Cf. Jonson’s predictably flattering use of
this in
Epigr. 36.4.
534 flattering]
G; flat’ring Q, F1 subst.
537–40 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
537 still
always.
537 grounds
justifying motives.
539 who
whoever.
542 n.74
Seneca writes
that ‘A statue was being voted for him to be placed in the theatre of
Pompey, which Caesar was restoring after a fire. Cordus exclaimed “Now
the theatre really is ruined.” And why not! Was he not to explode with
anger, to see Sejanus placed on the ashes of Pompey, a false soldier
honoured in the memorial of the greatest of generals?’ The reference to
Seneca is given by Lipsius, note to
Tacitus, 3.72.
74 Vide Senecam, Ad
Marciam de Consolatione, 22.[4–5].
545 world,]
G; world! F1; world: Q
546 bruise
crush.
548 n.75, 552
n.76
Tacitus, 4.3:
‘Drusus, impatient of a rival and prone to sudden anger, had raised his
hand to Sejanus in a chance quarrel, and being resisted
[contra tendentis], hit
him in the face.’ 4.7: ‘
[Sejanus
]
was in fear of an avenger whose enmity was not hidden, and who often
complained of a stranger being invited to be a helper in
[Tiberius’s
] rule while his son still lived.
And how long would it be before he was called a colleague? The first
steps toward power were hard; but once taken, a party and helpers were
at hand . . . already his statue could be seen among the monuments of
Pompey . . . after this, they could only pray for modesty, and that he
would be contented.’
75 Tacitus, Annales, 4.3, 7.
550 praise? . . . mate?] Q; praise! . . . mate! F1
551 rival
partner. Not in
OED in this sense, but H&S note
its use in
Ham., 1.1.13, ‘the rivals of my watch’, where the
quarto of 1605 prints ‘partners of my watch’. Jonson’s use here also,
however, suggests the tensions inherent in the near parity between
Sejanus and Tiberius.
551 Empire?] Q;
empire! F1
76 Tacitus, ibid.
553 Brave
Bravo! (Cf. 1.565).
554–6 ]
gnomic pointing in Q, F1
555 or
either.
558 Modesty
The goddess Pudicitia. The shrine of Pudicitia Patricia stood in the
Forum Boarium; that of Pudicitia Plebeia was in a private house (
Livy,
10.23.6–10).
558 contented —] F1; contented Q
559 emperor]
Wh; Emp’rour Q, F1 subst.
559 SD]
this edn;
Seianvs. &c. Q;
Seianvs, Drvsvs, Arrvntivs, &c. F1; He enters followd with clients. F1 in
margin
560 SH
sejanus]
Sei. Q; not in F1
560 bill any
official document. The next line suggests they are letters of
appointment, meaning Sejanus’s clients have been given a position by the
Emperor, such as the ‘tribune’s place’ Sejanus is selling at 1.182–3.
Sale of offices through favourites had become a notorious feature of the
late Elizabethan court (see Introduction and 1.183 n.35.).
561 moved made
a request.
563 over us An
ellipsis: walk over us, but with the secondary
suggestion that he will rise over Drusus in power.
564 Colossus
At this date specifically a gigantic statue. Cf.
JC,
1.2.135–6: ‘He doth bestride the narrow world / Like a
Colossus.’
564 lift lift
the hand threateningly. Not in OED but, as Ayres says,
the passage from Tacitus cited in n.77 (see following) clarifies the
meaning. Lipsius noted that to raise the hand thus was still (1590s) an
insult among Italians.
565 n.77
Tacitus . . .
legitur ‘We follow
Tacitus . . . although in Dio and Zonaras it is read otherwise.’ For
Annales, 4.3, see above, . Dio (57.22.1) says that
Sejanus hit
Drusus, and fearing the resultant enmity of both Drusus and Tiberius,
decided to poison the former.
565 n.77
Zonaram Joannes Zonaras compiled a twelfth-century
Epitome of
Histories based (for this period) on Dio, including
Dio’s now-lost books.
77 Tacitum sequimur, Annales, 4.3
quanquam apud Dionem, et
Zonaram, alitur legitur.
565 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
566 SD.2]
G; not in Q, F1
566 At gaze
Gazing in an attitude of bewilderment (OED, 3b).
567, 569 thy
Drusus’s use of the second person singular is contemptuous; cf.
3.275–82n.
567 spirits] F1;
spirit Q
568 dull camel] F1 subst.; dull, Camel Q, corr. by pen in
Townshend Q
568 camel
Shakespeare’s similar use as a term of abuse in
Tro.
suggests it signified a man fit only to be used as a beast of burden,
not simply ‘a great awkward hulking fellow’ as
OED, 1b
states. See
Tro., 1.2.250, ‘Achilles! a drayman, a porter, a
very camel’, and 2.1.51 (Thersites to Ajax), ‘do, rudeness; do, camel,
do, do’.
569 brav’ry
finery (OED, 3b); but referring also to Sejanus’s
swaggering manner (OED, 1).
570 advance
raise.
571 bulk Used
to mean both a large body (cf.
Tro., 4.4.130, ‘the great bulk
Achilles’) and a carcass (
OED, Bulk
n.1 †2b and c).
571 n.78
Servile . . . constet
‘Crucifixion was a servile and most ignominious type of death amongst
the Romans as is shown in Livy himself, Tacitus . . . Dio and nearly all
the ancient writers, especially historians.’
571 n. 78
pone . . . servo
‘crucify that slave’ (
Juvenal, Satires, 6.219). This and the
other references in this note appear to be taken from Lipsius,
De cruce (Antwerp, 1594), 26–8.
78 Servile (apud
Romanos) et ignominiosissimum mortis genus erat supplicium
Crucis, ut ex Livio ipso
[1.26] Tacito [Historiae 2.72, 4.11] Dione et omnibus fere antiquis, praesertim historicis constet.
Vide Plautum in Mile Glorioso
[372–3], Amphitruone
[793], Aulularia
[59], Horatium, Sermones 1.3.[82],
Petronium in Satyrico
[126]
et Juvenalem, Satura, 6.[219]
pone crucem servo, etc.
575 A . . . Castor!] F1 (capitals); Ac
Castor, a Castor, a Castor, &c. Q
575 n.79
Sic
. . .
cognominatus ‘So Drusus
was called because of his violent temper.’ Dio gives the sobriquet, but
neither Xylander (1592), 701 nor Lipsius explain it. It derives from the
fierceness of a gladiator of that name, mentioned by Horace, Epistles, 1.18.19, and identified by Bond in his 1606
edition.
79 Sic Drusus ob
violentiam cognominatus. Vide Dionem, Historia
Romana, 57.[14.9].
575 SD]
G;
Seianvs. Q, F1
576 SH
sejanus]
Sei. Q; not in F1
576–9 Translating Seneca, Medea,
151–4: ‘Whoever has born heavy blows with patience and a calm mind has
been able to repay them. Anger which is hidden causes harm; professed
hatred loses the chance of revenge.’
578 Wrath] F1;
”Wrath Q
578 carries
fate i.e. is deadly in intent and effect.
579 Revenge] F1;
“Reuenge Q
579 profess
merely express.
580 practice
plot, intrigue.
581 fell
fierce, deadly.
581 This . . .
new This insult I have just received from Drusus has
christened anew my revenge, turning it to an active pursuit.
581 SD.1]
G; not in Q, F1
581 SD.2]
this edn; Mv. Chorvs. Q; Chorus of musicians F1
581 SD.1
Musicorum Chorus Chorus
of Musicians. Inter-act music, an innovation in the public theatres,
providing an equivalent to the ‘proper chorus’ of classical tragedy (see
‘To the Readers’,
6 and
note).
ACTUS SECUNDUS ] Q; Act. Ⅱ. F1; ACT Ⅱ. SCENE 1. / The Garden of Eudemus. G
0 SD]
G subst.;
Seianvs. Livia. Evdemus. Q
1 SH
sejanus]
Sei. Q; not in F1
Actus Secundus 1–138 Gifford places the first part of this act in ‘The
Garden of Eudemus’, as suggested at 1.354, but there is no reference to
location within the dialogue in this scene, and the stage may have
remained bare, making the transition to Tiberius’s palace (2.139)
smoother.
3 greatest
Livia Livia, greatest among the great.
5 aught . . .
means any adequate way.
9 this
potion The phrase could suggest that a vial of poison is now
visible in Livia’s hands, or it may simply mean ‘this poison we have
talked about’.
9 n.1 For
Tacitus, 4.3,
see
1.279 n.48.
Tacitus, 4.8:
‘Therefore Sejanus, having decided to press on, chose a poison which,
introduced little by little, simulated the progress of a natural
illness.’
1 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.3, 4.8.
11 abled
endowed with ability. Cf. Donne, Progress of the Soul,
131: ‘The plant thus abled, to itself did force’ (Poems, ed. Grierson, 1.300). Jonson uses the negative form in
Epicene, 5.4.37: ‘Utterly unabled in nature, by
reason of frigidity’.
12 n.2
Tacitus, 4.8: ‘It was given to Drusus by the eunuch Lygdus, as became
known eight years later.’
2 Tacitus, ibid. [4.8]
14 cup-bearer
An addition of Jonson’s. As Ayres notes it suggests a homosexual
relationship (cf. 24 n.3 below), derived from Jove’s relationship with
his cup-bearer Ganymede.
19 laboured
contrived with difficulty, elaborate.
21 gold] F1;
”Gold Q
21 gold . . .
charm Varying such proverbial uses as ‘Gold is a cordial’ and
‘Gold is a god’ (Dent, G282.10 – G282.11).
24 n.3
Spadonis
. . .
devinxit ‘He ensnared
the eunuch in a debauched relationship.’
3 Spadonis animum stupro
devinxit. Tacitus, ibid. [4.10].
26–7 like . . .
trembles Cf. Und. 59.7–8, where the
trembling but mounting fire makes the fencers more ‘rarefied’ (line 10),
just as Sejanus claims the fires of love have rarefied him in 32
below.
32 through-rarefied purified throughout. Cf. EMO, 2.3.83–4: ‘how their wits are
refined and rarefied’.
35 flash (1)
brief flare, as opposed to the flame (32) of Sejanus’s love; (2) fop,
flashy person. See OED, Flash n.2 †5, citing this as earliest example, but cf. also
Sir Petronell Flash in East. Ho! and Randolph, Aristippus (1630), 636: ‘an admirable witty rogue, a
very flash’.
36 Briggs notes the origin in Horace,
Odes,
1.12.46–8:
micat inter omnes / Iulium sidus,
velut inter ignes / luna minores, ‘the Julian constellation
shines amongst all, as the moon among lesser lights’.
40 Augusta’s star]
marked with a note anchor in Q, but no marginal
note
40 Augusta’s
See
1.291 n.49. Ayres is
wrong in referring to a note by Jonson at this point: in Q ‘Augusta’s’
is marked with a superscript letter for a note which was never printed
(see Textual Essay, Electronic Edition).
42 n.4
Germanici
uxor ‘The wife of
Germanicus’. For Agrippina, see Names of the Actors,
18n.
4 Germanici uxor.
44 folded
arms folded around each other in an embrace.
46 SD]
Bolton; not in Q, F1
48 Illustrous
Illustrious, shining; continuing (as Ayres notes) the imagery of bright
light. Cf. Cynthia (Q), 3.4.70 and (F), 3.4.94.
48 Stay –] F1;
stay. Q
48 SD]
Bolton; not in Q, F1
53 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
54 fruition
enjoyment, possession.
59 means . . .
it Referring to Eudemus.
60 fucus
make-up, originally rouge (Lat. fucus, red dye), but
here white (61). In Cynthia (F), 5.4.338–9, it is made
of ‘sublimate, and crude mercury, sir, well prepared and dulcified, with
the jaw-bones of a sow, burnt, beaten, and searced’.
62 scarlet
rich cloth (almost invariably red at this time), here specifically the
small piece used by women to apply cosmetics. In Devil
the ‘admirable varnish for the face’ is ‘rubbed on / With a piece of
scarlet’ (4.4.36–8). Cf. Volp., 3.4.63: ‘And these
applied with a right scarlet-cloth’. Not in OED in
this sense.
63 ceruse
Originally white lead (Lat. cerussa), commonly used as
make-up. By 1605 any foundation cream or similar cosmetic. An elaborate
recipe is given in Devil, 4.4.52–3, to make ‘oglio reale, / A ceruse neither cold or heat will
hurt’. Massinger may have recalled this passage in Duke of
Milan, 5.2.184–5: ‘Your Ladyship looks pale / But I, your
doctor, have a ceruse for you’ (Plays and Poems, ed.
Edwards and Gibson, 1978, 1.297).
63 n.5
Cerussa
. . .
timebat ‘Ceruse, among
the Romans, was one of the artificial colours which feared the sun
because of its heat.’
63 n.5
Quam . . . solem ‘As
much as whitened Fabulla fears a storm, / Cerused Sabella dreads the
sun.’
5 Cerussa (apud Romanos) inter fictitios colores erat, et quae solem ob calorem
timebat. Vide Martialem, Epigrammaton,
2.41.10–11 Quam cretata timet Fabulla nimbum, Cerussata timet Sabella solem.
65 love!] Q (loue?)
67 ]in parentheses
in Q, F1
71–2 livia . . . withal]
in parentheses in Q, F1
73 strange
extreme, abnormal.
73 insolent
extravagant, immoderate (OED, †3), often with a sexual
connotation for women, as in Devil, 2.3.3–5: ‘to tempt
your wife / With all the insolent uncivil language / Or action he could
vent?’. Cf. Cowley, Guardian, 5.2.49–50: ‘Are not
their lusts unruly, insolent, / And as commanding as their beauties
are?’
74 addition
style of address, and in heraldry something added to a coat of arms (OED, 4, †5).
74 bear out
give specious support to.
76 study
undertaking, attempt.
78–81 ’Tis . . . skin]
in parentheses in Q, F1
79 dentifrice
tooth paste or powder.
Pliny (Nat. Hist., 32.26) recommends dried
whale meat mixed with salt, or the ash of the murex (a shellfish).
80 pomatum A
sweet ointment, at this date still made from apples.
OED quotes Gerard,
Herbal (
1597),
3.95.1295–6: ‘There is likewise made an ointment with the pulp of apples
and swine’s grease and rosewater, which is used to beautify the
face . . . called in shops
pomatum, of the apples
whereof it is made.’
82 curious
careful.
82 form
beauty (OED, 1†e), from Lat. forma.
82 still
always.
85 n.6
Ex . . . suspectaretur
‘[Apicata,] who had borne him
three children, so that he should not be suspected by his mistress’.
6 Ex qua tres liberos genuerat, ne
pellici suspectaretur. Tacitus, Annales,
4.3.
87 spacious
ample. Jonson uses it in a similar but more clearly pejorative way in
EMO, 1.3.59–60: ‘Is’t possible that
such a spacious villain / Should live and not be plagued?’
88 returned
reciprocated.
89 n.7
Tacitus says that besides Drusus’s public complaints about Sejanus, even
‘his intimate confidences were revealed [to Sejanus] by his seduced wife’.
7 Lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.7.
91–103 Ayres, citing Allen (
1966), 40–2, notes that the
fifteenth-century astrologer Giovanni Pontano suggested that ‘fortune
was connected with prudence, but not with virtue. He developed a theory
of the fortunate, who are outside the moral law . . . Eudemus praises an
amoral “prudence” in Livia (2.92) which will enhance her “fortune”
(2.95) through her alliance with “the thunder of Sejanus” (2.97).
Sejanus is imaged in Jovian terms (Jupiter is the “thunderer”), and one
notes that in astrological parlance, Jupiter was the greater of the two
“good Planets and Fortunes”, Jupiter and Venus.’
93 without
beyond; OED, 3†b, quotes this and Cynthia (Q), 1.4.42, as the only two examples of the sense
‘beyond the capacity or comprehension of’.
94 that rare
so remarkable an.
95 sound (1)
measure of depth; (2) note.
98 strike the
stars H&S note the source in Horace, Odes, 1.1.36, Sublime feriam sidera vertice,
translated by Herrick as ‘Knock at a star with my exalted head’ (‘The
Bad Season makes the Poet Sad’, 214.2). See also Seneca, Thyestes, 885–8: ‘I walk level with the stars, and raised
above all things touch the high heavens with my proud head.’ Jonson uses
the same figure again at 5.7–9. Cf. also Cat.,
1.1.125–6, ‘my emergent fortune . . . which now shall hit the stars,’
and New Inn, Ode, 58: ‘No harp e’er hit the
stars’.
99 concave
vault of the sky, heavens (OED, Concave n. 2).
100 are
himself are commensurate with his deserts.
102–3 Then those awed observers will renounce all their
previous notions (about you and Sejanus), and be ashamed ever to have
harboured such petty thoughts.
103 SD]
G subst.; not in Q, F1
108 n.8 See
the passage from Tacitus, 4.8, cited above at 9 n.1; Dio adds that ‘he
administered poison to the son through the agency of those in attendance
upon him and of Drusus’s wife, whom some call Livilla’.
8 Tacitus, ibid. [4.8]. Et Dion, Historia Romana, 57.22.2.
114 change
reciprocate exactly; a sense not in OED.
116 you:] F1;
you? Q
120 The]
gnomic pointing in Q
120 Proverbial; see Tilley, T248: ‘Your thoughts
close and your countenance loose’.
121–2 When I
shall When I have a mind to.
123 made
initiated, prepared. See OED, Make v.1 45†b, citing this and EMI (F), 4.11.37: ‘Come, let’s before,
and make the Justice, Captain.’ Perhaps derived from ‘making’ (training)
a hawk (OED, 45a).
125 resolve
melt, dissolve; OED, 21, quoting Cat., 3.3.250–1: ‘May my brain / Resolve to water and my blood
turn phlegm.’
127 cutis
OED cites this as the first example, meaning ‘The true
skin or derma of the body, underlying the epidermis or cuticle’, but
Jonson probably just uses it as an appropriately Latinate medical term
for ‘skin’.
127 against
when in anticipation of which time.
130 lay . . .
oil Either puff on in a powdered form or wipe on in an
oil-based solution.
134 choler . . .
up For the adverse effects of ‘choler adust’ on the complexion
(though not as here on that of the spouse), see Anne Bradstreet, ‘Of the
Four Humours in Man’s Constitution’, 437–8: ‘When by thy heat thou’st
baked thy self to crust, / And so art called black Choler or adust’ (ed.
Hensley,
1967,
45).
137 Echoing Ausonius,
Epigrams, 2.7–8:
‘Use your fortune with regard, whosoever rises unexpectedly to riches
from a lowly place.’ Cf.
Volp., 3.7.186-7,
New Inn, 5.2.58,
Barriers, 397–8,
Und. 26.23 (H&S).
138 SD.2]
G subst., starting a new scene: SCENE Ⅱ. / An Apartment in the Palace.
139 SH
sejanus]
Sei. Q; not in F1
139–404 Gifford places these lines in ‘An Apartment in
the Palace’ of Tiberius, to which Sejanus has just been summoned (above,
104–5). Since both men sit (below, 165), it is possible that a
thronelike chair for Tiberius was brought onstage during Sejanus’s
soliloquy.
140 n.9
Hi . . . aestimabantur
‘Among the Romans, these
[Egyptians, Parthians, and
Hebrews
] were regarded as barbarous and most
base.’ Briggs suggests that the passages Jonson had in mind are Martial,
10.76, 12.57;
Juvenal,
1.26, 1.130,
4.24; and
Tacitus, Historiae (‘Histories’), 5.4,
5.8.
9 Hi apud Romanos barbari, et
vilissimi aestimabantur. Iuvenal, Martial etc.
143 Thou The
second person singular is used contemptuously throughout this
soliloquy.
143 child Also
used contemptuously (OED, 3b; cf. ‘outskip’ in next
line, and the opposing ‘man’ of 146). Drusus was in his mid-thirties
when he died.
144 outstand
hold out against.
145 crush . . .
air Gold beaten into leaf was sometimes spoken of as crushed
into air; cf. Donne, ‘Like gold to airy thinness beat’, ‘A Valediction:
Forbidding Mourning’ (
Poems, ed. Grierson, 1.50), and
‘beat the yielding metal into air’, Samuel Holland (attrib.), ‘Elegy on
Mr Cleaveland’ in John Cleveland,
Cleaveland Rivived,
ed. Kelliher (
1990), 5. This poem also mentions
Sej. (line
7).
149–56 Based on Seneca, Thyestes,
24–7, 44–7, 192–5: ‘drive your sinful ancestors to madness . . . let
their rage know no limits nor shame, let blind fury goad their
minds . . . let wars be carried over the seas, let streams of blood
flood all lands . . . in this sinful house let defilement be the
lightest thing . . . my soul, do what no posterity will approve, nor yet
pass over silently. I must dare some crime terrible, bloody, such that
my brother would wish his’ (Whalley).
149 mean
measure, moderation.
155 close
secret.
157 empty name
Perhaps recalling the ‘
nomen inutile’ of Horace,
Odes,
1.14.13. Jonson refers ‘to the rumour that Tiberius was misled
by Sejanus into believing that Drusus had poisoned his cup at a banquet,
and, without checking any fact of the matter, passed it to his son to
drink, who in ignorance drained it and died. Thus Tiberius received the
opprobrium due to Sejanus’ (Ayres).
Tacitus rejects the story
(4.10–11).
158 On . . .
soul Echoing Seneca, Thyestes, 192: Age, anime.
158 start
swerve (from a course, purpose, principle). (OED,
†7.)
159 sulphur
lightning (
OED, 4†a). Cf. Persius,
Satires, 2.25, ‘
sulpure sacro’,
‘sacred fire’ (of Jupiter).
162 n.10
Translating the same commonplace from Petronius,
Fragmenta, 22 (not
Satyricon) and Statius,
Thebaid, 3.661: ‘
primus in orbe deos
fecit timor’.
10 Idem et Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon et Statius, [Thebaid,] 3.661.
162 SD]
G:
Tiberivs. Seianvs. Q, F1 subst.
163 SH
tiberius]
Tib. Q; not in F1
163 He’s] F1;
H’is Q
164 that
chamber Establishing for the audience the location in
Tiberius’s palace, perhaps gesturing towards one of the tiring-house
doors.
165 n.11
De . . . consultatione
‘On this interview’; consultatio was used specifically
for a praetor’s meeting with the emperor (Lewis and Short, Ⅱ.A), but it
also signified a meeting in which advice was taken. Suetonius at this
point says Tiberius advanced Sejanus merely to make use of him in
destroying the children of Germanicus.
11 De hac consultatione, vide
Suetonium, Tiberius, 55.
170–3 Briggs notes the similarity to Seneca, Thyestes, 215–18: ‘atreus:
Wherever honourable behaviour alone is allowed to a ruler, his reign is
insecure. attendant: Where there is no shame,
nor care for law, honour, duty, faith, then power is unsure. atreus: Honour, duty, faith are the virtues of
the private man. Let kings go where they please.’
170 laws of
kind Usually at this date laws of nature in general (OED, Kind n. †4a, citing MV, 1.3.77), but perhaps here also ‘laws
of kinship’ (cf. OED, Kind n.
†11a).
171 policy and
state government and interest of the state, but with a
suggestion of cunning (Jonson’s normal use of ‘policy’) and cynically
expedient statecraft.
172–209 As H&S note, the rhyme expresses strong
emotion. The couplets also emphasize the sententiae.
Cf. the similar sustained use of rhyme in 2.238–77, 3.625–60, 714–49,
5.1–24.
173–87 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
172 respects
considerations (OED, 14a).
174–5 Whom . . .
sov’reignty Echoing Seneca,
Oedipus, 703–4: ‘He
who fears hatred overmuch does not know how to rule’ (H&S) and
Phoenissae, 654: ‘He who fears hatred does not wish to
rule’ (Briggs). Cf.
Machiavelli, Il Principe, 17: ‘It is much
better to be feared than loved.’
178–87 Based on Lucan,
De Bello Civili,
8.489–95. For what may be a preliminary study for
Sej. see Jonson’s translation of this passage, ‘A Speech out
of Lucan’, 2.192–3, lines 9–20. Cf. Briggs (
1915b), 247–8. Macro echoes this
speech of Sejanus’s at 3.736–49, underlining the similarities between
the two.
181 it
command.
182 nice
fastidious.
183 licence A
condoned or acknowledged freedom to break rules, often in Jonson with
implication of abuse of such licence. Cf. Cat.,
4.2.117–18, ‘To what licence / Dares thy unbridled boldness run
itself?’, and Bart. Fair, Epil., 3–5.
186–8 Briggs compared
Mortimer,
1.1.24–8, and
Machiavelli, Il Principe, 3: ‘Here it must
be noted that men must either be treated well or crushed, because they
can avenge themselves of lighter injuries, of grave ones they cannot;
thus the injury that is done to a man ought to be of a kind that does
not lay one open to revenge.’
186 so in that
way.
187 and
Conditional: ‘as long as’, with the subsequent ‘we’ omitted.
189 sense of
hearing, as in Staple, 3.4.21–5: ‘Ha? I am somewhat
short / In my sense, too . . . My hearing is very dead.’
189 n.12 Dio
merely records that Agrippina was daughter of Agrippa and Julia,
Augustus’s daughter.
12 De Agrippina vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.5.6.
191 n.13
De . . . lege
‘Concerning Sejanus’s advice on Agrippina read’.
Tacitus, 1.69,
describes Agrippina’s role in saving the Vetera bridge over the Rhine,
and inspiring the legions in Germany: ‘Agrippina was more powerful now
with the armies than legates or generals . . . Sejanus inflamed and
aggravated
[Tiberius’s
] jealousy,
with his knowledge of Tiberius’s character laying down future hatreds,
which he would store away and then bring out, when they had grown
larger.’ 4.12 describes his use of ‘the Augusta’s old hatred, and
Livia’s recent guilt to induce them to inform the Caesar that, proud in
her fecundity and confident in the favour of the people,
[Agrippina
] desired the throne’. For
Tacitus, 4.17, see
1.80 n.19.
191 n.13
de . . . suspicione
‘about Tiberius’s suspicion’.
Tacitus, 3.4, describes how ‘nothing
pierced Tiberius more deeply than the igniting of men’s enthusiasm for
Agrippina’.
13 De Seiani consilio
in Agrippina lege Tacitum, Annales, 1.69 et 4.12, 17. de Tiberii suspicione 3.4.
194 n.14
Gnaris . . . ducebat ‘
“It was known to all that his joy at the death of Germanicus was badly
hidden by Tiberius” . . . Compare to this Tacitus’s account of the death
of Piso . . . “he counted the death of Germanicus among his
blessings.”’
14 Gnaris omnibus laetam Tiberio
Germanici mortem male dissimulari. Tacitus, 3. ibid. [2]
Huc confer Taciti narrationem de
morte Pisonis [3.16]
et 4.1. Germanici mortem inter prospera
ducebat.
195 But] F1; “But
Q
195 fame
rumour.
196–201 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
197 than An
ellipsis: ‘rather than’.
197 thought
idea, conception.
198–9 See Aristotle,
Rhetoric, 1.15.14,
quoting from the lost epic cycle
Cypria: ‘Foolish is
he who, having killed the father, suffers the children to live.’
200 make . . .
hence make away with, kill them.
203 out of
time too late.
205 thunder] F1;
“Thunder Q
205 thunder . . .
hit Conflating the sound of thunder and the ‘thunderbolt’, the
supposed destructive agent within the lightning flash. The sound is not
heard until after the thunderbolt strikes (cf. OED,
Thunder n. 1b). Jonson uses ‘thunder’ for
‘thunderbolt’ similarly in Alch., 4.5.59–60, ‘a bolt /
Of thunder’.
206–9 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
206 secure
overconfident, complacent; from Lat. ‘without care’ (OED, Secure adj. 1). Cf. 2.363.
206–7 none . . .
rest Briggs notes the source in
Velleius Paterculus,
History of Rome, 2.118.2: ‘Nobody is more quickly destroyed
than he who fears nothing.’
208 Do not let reckless courage put you in that
danger.
209 Briggs suggests that this echoes Tacitus,
Historiae, 2.92: ‘nor is there ever adequate trust,
when there is excessive power’.
211 great
thought noble or ambitious ideas, attitudes. Cf.
John, 5.1.45: ‘Be great
in act, as you have been in thought.’
211 n.15
De
. . . Agrippinae ‘On the
masculine spirit of Agrippina’.
Tacitus, 1.33 describes her as
‘excitable, but a strong morality and love of her husband directed her
wild spirit towards the good’. 1.69 recounts her part in saving the
Vetera bridge (see above, ); 2.72 quotes Germanicus’s
unromantic dying advice that she should ‘divest herself of her boldness,
submit her spirit to the rage of fortune’.
15 De animo virili Agrippinae consule Tacitum, Annales, 1.33 et 69, 2.72.
212 slacks
neglects. Cf.
Oth., 4.3.83: ‘Say that they slack their
duties’.
212 put them
on promote their interests, encourage them. Cf. Love Rest., 283: ‘Drawn back by doubt, put on by love’.
213 allowance
Ayres suggests an allowance of money, but ‘approbation’ (OED, 2) is equally appropriate, as in Althorp, 164–5: ‘Now he hopes he shall resort there / Safer
and with more allowance.’
213 popular
presentings putting them on show to the populace
214 suing for
titles claiming their legal rights (OED,
Title n. 7†c).
216 n.16
Tacitus, 4.17
describes Tiberius’s anger when the high priests, thinking to please
him, added prayers for Agrippina’s sons, Nero and Drusus, to those for
himself. He asked them whether in doing so ‘they had yielded to the
entreaties or the threats of Agrippina’.
16 Tacitus, Annales, 4.17.
220 Asinius
Gallus See Names of the Actors, 11n. He was not so much a
Germanican as an enemy of Tiberius, as is implied at 3.294–5 and
356–8.
220 Furnius
Unknown except as the adulterous partner of Claudia Pulchra (see 4.21–4,
and
Tacitus,
4.52). He was probably son of the consul of that name in 17
bc.
220 Regulus
See Names of the Actors,
12n.
223 n.17
Erat . . . uxor ‘She was
the granddaughter of Augustus, daughter of Julia, and wife of
Germanicus.’
223 niece
granddaughter; Jonson is translating Lat. neptis, but
OED shows that ‘niece’ meaning ‘granddaughter’ was
only just dying out around 1600. He distinguished between nephew and
grandchild when he recalled this line in Forest
14.41–2: ‘’Twill be exacted of your name, whose son, / Whose nephew,
whose grandchild you are.’
17 Erat enim Neptis Augusti.
Agrippae, et Iuliae filia, Germanici uxor. Suetonius, Augustus, 64.
224 they must
she insists that they.
226 n.18
De . . . vide ‘On her
fecundity see’.
Tacitus says that ‘in fecundity and fame’ Agrippina surpassed
Livia (2.43); for
Annales, 4.12, see above, .
18 De faecunditate eius vide
Tacitum, Annales, 2.43 et 4.12.
228 blow
rekindle (OED, Blow v.1 17). Cf. Latiaris’s less ironical use of the same imagery in
relation to the ‘bright flame / Of liberty’, 4.142–8.
229 puffing
arrogantly inspiring, elating; OED quotes Benlowes,
Theophila, 13.7, using the same phrase ‘puffing
hopes’.
229 aspiring
ambitious, but punning on Lat. aspiro, –are, to
breathe or blow on, continuing the imagery of blowing and puffing.
230 ticklings
delights, gratifications. Cf. Volp., 3.7.69: ‘My joy,
my tickling, my delight’.
232 stick not
do not hesitate.
232 they’re] F1;
they’are Q
233 As . . .
out As these flatterers exaggeratedly report them to be.
234 competitors Since the principate was not hereditary, and
Tiberius had not designated an heir, all potential successors were
theoretically equal competitors. Agrippina’s sons are accused of
claiming to be ahead of all others as ‘immediate heirs’.
235–8 Briggs compares Discoveries,
292–5, ‘Vulgi expectatio’ (itself translating Seneca,
Controversiae, 4, preface, 1): ‘Expectation of the
vulgar is more drawn and held with newness than goodness; we see it in
fencers, in players, in poets, in preachers, in all where fame promiseth
anything; so it be new, though never so naught and depraved, they run to
it and are taken.’ The Preface to Alch. makes the same
complaint.
237 n.19
Displicere . . .
agitaverint ‘Sons with democratic sentiments were displeasing
to monarchs, nor had they been cut off for any other reason than that
they planned to restore liberty and to extend equal rights to the Roman
people.’
19 Displicere regnantibus civilia
filiorum ingenia: neque ob aliud interceptos, quam quia Populum
Romanum aequo iure complecti, reddita libertate,
agitaverint. Nota Tacitum, Annales, 2.82.
238 That Who
(the rout).
239–44 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
239 ’tis . . .
neglects Cf. Discoveries, 295–7: ‘the only
decay or hurt of the best men’s reputation with the people is, their
wits have outlived the people’s palates. They have been too much or too
long a feast.’
241 by close
by.
242 Not Not
even.
244 n.20
Suetonius repeats
the point about Tiberius’s anger at the prayers for Nero and Drusus
(above, 216 n.16), and describes the deterioration of their position
until Tiberius ‘killed them by starvation, Nero on the isle of Pontia,
Drusus in a cellar in the Palace’. Cf. Names of the Actors, 3n., 4n.
20 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 54.
245 rank proud
(OED, †1).
246 trains
retinues, but perhaps with suggestion of stratagems (OED, Train n.2 1b). Cf.
Trains, Merecraft’s ‘man’ in Devil.
246 bate
abate, reduce in size.
247 Or your
state Or else your dignity and power will be put down.
249 great
powerful.
251 knot The
metaphor was often used for a ‘tight knit’ group, especially of
conspirators. Cf. Cat., 4.2.256: ‘not a soul without
thine own foul knot / But fears and hates thee’. Associated here, as
Ayres suggests, with the ‘snakes’ of lines 256–7.
252 detect
expose, reveal (OED, †2). Cf. EMO, Ind., 21–2: ‘I fear no strumpet’s
drugs, nor ruffian’s stab, / Should I detect their hateful
luxuries.’
253 suspect
suspicion. Cf. EMI (F), 2.4.69: ‘free
from the black poison of suspect’.
257 Naught] F1;
“Nought Q
257–9 Naught . . .
abound Based on Juvenal,
Satires, 6.284–5:
‘Nothing is more daring than these
[women
] when detected; they acquire anger and spirit from their
guilt’ (Gifford).
257 high
angry, arrogant (OED, 14a).
258–9 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
259 both] Q; doth
F1
261 blind . . .
cup Cartari,
The Fountain of Ancient Fiction
(
1599) says
Fortuna is ‘oftentimes called the blind goddess’ (Z3v), and is often
represented holding in one hand ‘the horn of plenty and abundance,
called Cornucopia’ (Z3).
262 place
status, rank.
265 ]
marginal note has no anchor in Q
265 fautors
supporters, patrons. Cf. ‘In Sejanum’, 140n.
265 n.21
Tacitus, 4.8
describes Tiberius’s commendation of Nero and Drusus to the Senate (cf.
below 3.66–91); 4.17 attributes part of Tiberius’s hostility to
Agrippina and her sons to the machinations of Sejanus. Cf. 1.80 n.19
above.
21 Tacitus, Annales, 4.8, 17.
265 the store
the whole body of followers (OED, †3, ‘A body of
persons’).
266 by-occasion incidental pretext.
266 sleight]
Barish; slight Q, F1
267 them] Q; not
in F1
267–8 night . . .
ambition blindness of their ambition. Ayres notes that the
canvassing and suing for support depicted in 211–38 above would have
been described as ambitio during the republican period
(Lewis and Short, I).
268 train
stratagem, scheme (Cf. above, 246n.).
269 engine
trap, plot (OED, †3). Cf. 3.731.
271 Yet] F1; “Yet
Q
272 deserts
actions deserving gratitude.
273–8 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
273 wolves . . .
hearts Greek proverb: see Erasmus,
Adagia, 787C, Tilley,
W616.
274–5 From Tacitus,
Historiae, 3.40: ‘he
followed a middle course, and acted with neither enough daring nor
foresight’ (W. D. Briggs, ed.
1911).
275 provide
act with foresight, anticipate (translating Tacitus’s providit). Cf. Volp., Epistle, 58–9: ‘the
wishes of those grave and wiser patriots who, providing the hurts these
licentious spirits may do in a state . . .’
276 modesty is
fond moderation is foolish.
277–8 The . . .
acts Echoing Seneca,
Thyestes, 205–7: ‘This
is the greatest good of sovereignty, that the people are forced to bear
their ruler’s actions as well as praise them’ (Briggs). Cf.
Marston,
Antonio’s Revenge, 2.2: ‘Our subjects not alone to
bear, but praise our acts’ (
Plays, ed. Wood,
1934–9, 1.89).
279 n.22
Tiberium . . .
efficeret ‘He entangled
Tiberius by his manifold arts, so that one who was inscrutable towards
others became to him alone incautious and open.’
22 Tiberium variis artibus devinxit
adeo (Sejanus) ut obscurum adversum alios, sibi
uni incautum, intectumque efficeret. Tacitus, Annales, 4.1. vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.19.7.
280–1 proved . . .
voice tested their assent. Cf. R3, 3.4.28:
‘your voice for crowning of the king’.
282 heart’ning
Cartari,
Fountain (
1599) says Jove was ‘the only and
especial god that had the power and authority to befriend or prosper the
estates of men here below . . . whereupon the Latins called him
Iupiter a iuvando
[‘supporting’
], for those many
benefits and good turns wherewith he possessed the people then living on
the earth’ (sig. Iii).
Cat., 4.2.2: ‘Jupiter the
Stayer’.
284 n.23
Premere . . . Signum ‘To
hold the thumb down was, among the Romans, a sign of the greatest
approbation.’ Quoting Turnebus,
Turnebi adversariorum
tomi (
1581), from whom Jonson has taken the references to Horace,
Pliny, and Politiano. This book was later in Jonson’s library
(Electronic Edition).
284 n.23
Fautor . . . ludum ‘A
patron will praise your sport eagerly with both thumbs.’
284 n.23
Pollices . . . iubemur
‘We are told by the proverb, furthermore, to hold our thumbs down when
we would give support.’
284 n.23
De . . . Adversariorum
‘On the interpretation of this passage see Angelus Politianus, Miscellanies, 42, and Turnebus, Journal.’
23 Premere pollicem, apud Romanos,
maximi favoris erat Signum. Horatius, Epistula ad Lollium Fautor utroque, tuum laudabit
pollice ludum. Et Plinius, Naturalis
Historia, 28[.25]. Pollices, cum faveamus, premere etiam proverbio iubemur. De
interprete loci vide Angelum Politianum, Miscellaneorum, 42 et Turnebum, Adversariorum, 11.6.
286 most of
mark most important.
291 ornaments
triumphal Under the empire triumphs became exclusive to the
princeps. Victorious generals were awarded the
lesser honour of ‘triumphal ornaments’ (
triumphalia
ornamenta). See Suetonius,
Augustus, 38.
291 n.24
Tacitus, 3.45–6,
describes the defeat of Sacrovir, rebel leader in eastern Gaul in
ad21. He gathered a large army which was
defeated near modern Autun by two legions led by Silius, then governor
of Upper Germany. 4.18 describes Tiberius’s decision ‘to attack Gaius
Silius and Titius Sabinus. The friendship of Germanicus was ruinous to
both.’
24 Tacitus, Annales, 3.45–6 et 4.18.
296 n.25, 300
n.26 Both notes refer to
Tacitus, 4.19: ‘Sosia Galla, Silius’s
wife, was hated by the Emperor because of her affection for Agrippina.
These two would be accused, Sabinus put off to a more convenient
time.’
25 Tacitus, ibid. [4.19].
26 Tacitus, ibid. [4.19].
300 would . . .
in should be drawn into the trap.
304 n.27 For
these references to Cordus, see Names of the Actors, 10n.;
1.73 n.17,
1.84n.,
1.542 n.74.
304 n.27
fusius ‘at greater
length’.
27 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.34–5. Dionem, Historia Romana,
57.24.2–4, et Senecam, Ad Marciam de
Consolatione, 1.3, et fusius, 22.4–7.
305 precedent] F1; praecedent Q
306 annals] Annal’s Q, F1 (so 3.373, 384)
307–8 under . . .
state See Introduction for parallels between Cremutius and the
historian John Hayward.
308 those the
precedent times (305).
308 tax
accuse, indict.
310 parallels
draws topical parallels between. Cf. Introduction, and 1.136–9n.
312 perishing
Probably ‘destructive’; although the casual disparaging usage would fit,
OED gives no example of it before 1847 (Perishing,
ppl.adj. 3). Cremutius is, of course, about to
perish, which is the sense Jonson employs in Staple,
3.4.64.
313–16 Cf. Lucan,
De Bello Civili,
3.138–40: ‘The course of time has not yet thrown things into
such confusion that the laws would not prefer to be destroyed by Caesar
than saved by the voice of Metellus’ (Briggs). H&S note the similar
sentiments of
Cat., 4.480–8.
315 ta’en . . .
us taken away by me; again using the royal plural, as in
1.445–6.
316 stain . . .
such shame to be preserved by such men as these
Germanicans.
320 matter
substance of an indictment.
322 The . . .
action The time that would be better devoted to action.
322 Counsels] F1;
“Councells Q
322–3 Counsels . . .
business Proverbial, as Ayres notes: ‘Take not counsel in the
combat’ (Tilley, C698).
322–4 Translating Tacitus,
Historiae, 1.21: ‘
perniciosior sit quies quam temeritas’ (Briggs). Cf.
Lucan,
De Bello Civili, 1.281, ‘It is always harmful
to delay when you are prepared.’
323–7 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
326–7 Cf. Tacitus,
Historiae, 1.38:
‘There is no place for delay in this plan, which cannot be praised until
it is carried through.’
328 court The
Senate sitting as a court of judicature. For Jonson’s different uses of
‘court’ see 1.0 SDn.
328 n.28
Edicto . . . constat An
unacknowledged quotation taken by Jonson from the French antiquarian
Barnabé Brisson (
De formulis,
1592, 164): ‘This accords with his
edict that the greater part of the senators be called to the Senate
House.’ Jonson also takes the reference to Tacitus, 1.7, from Brisson:
‘Even the edict by which he called the Fathers to the Senate he issued
only by authority of the tribunicial powers he had received under
Augustus.’
28 Edicto ut plurimum Senatores in
curiam vocatos constat. Tacitus, Annales,
1.7.
329 prevent] F1;
praeuent Q
330 ’Εμοῦ] F2;
Εμοῦ Q, F1
330 ‘When I am dead let fire destroy the world.’ An
anonymous fragment of Greek tragedy (Nauck,
Tragicorum
Graecorum fragmenta,
1899, Adespota, 513). The next line
(‘It matters not to me, for I am safe’) underlines the point.
330 γαῖα] F2;
γῖα Q, F1
330 n.29
Vulgaris
. . .
memoratur ‘A certain
common verse, which Tiberius was recalled to have quoted often’. See
Dio, 58.23.4;
Suetonius,
Nero, 38, records Nero using it. Cicero,
De finibus bonorum et malorum (‘On the Ends of
Good and Evil’), 3.19, calls it a ‘common Greek verse’, and Milton
translates it in
Reason of Church Government, 1.5 (
Prose, ed. Wolfe, 1952–82, 1.770), as spoken by ‘cruel
Tiberius’.
29 Vulgaris quidam versus, quem
saepe Tiberius recitasse memoratur. Dionis,
Historia Romana, 58.23.4.
330 SD.2]
G subst.;
Postvmvs. Seianvs. Q;
Posthvmvs, Seianvs F1
331 SH
postumus]
Pos. Q; not in F1
331 Sejanus −] F1; Seianus? Q
331 n.30 For
Postumus see The Names of the Actors,
11n., and
1.292 n.51.
30 De Julio Postumo vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.12.
332 Come . . .
wish You come as soon as wished for.
333 They The
members of Agrippina’s household.
334 character
code (Barish). Cf. OED, 7: ‘a cipher for secret
correspondence’.
335 Except
Unless.
336 Intelligence by
augury Cf. Cat., 3.802–3: ‘cor. I hope / We are not discovered. var. Yes, by revelation.’
336 augury of] F2; Augury’of Q, F1 subst.
343 n.31
Proximi . . .
perstimulare ‘Agrippina’s nearest friends were enticed to stir
her arrogant temper by pernicious talk.’
31 Proximi Agrippinae inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare.
Tacitus, ibid.
344 put home
put fully to use.
345 coughed] cought Q, F1; caught F2
346 she
Agrippina.
346 swell show
pride and anger in her speech (
OED, 9a). Cf.
Marston,
Antonio’s Revenge, 2.3: ‘swell like a tragedian’ (
Plays, ed. Wood, 1.93).
Tacitus uses
tumidus, ‘swelling’ to describe Agrippina’s spirit in 4.12. Cf.
also Sejanus’s use (of his ‘joys’) at 5.1.
347 Julius
Postumus.
348 Augusta
See
1.291 n.49.
349 ]
sidenote in F1: Mutilia Prisca.
349 n.32
Mutilia . . .
valida ‘Mutilia Prisca,
who was influential over the Augusta’.
32 Mutilia Prisca, quae in animum
Augustae valida. Tacitus, ibid.
351 n.33
Verba . . . iactata
‘Silius’s words, immodestly let fall’.
33 Verba Silii immodice iactata vide apud Tacitum, Annales,
4.18.
354 closeness
secrecy.
354 Give
Attribute to.
359 popular
studies support of the people, closely following Tacitus, popularibus studiis. Briggs notes Jonson’s ‘literal
theory’ of translation, but ‘study’ was still used to mean ‘affection’
or ‘inclination’ as late as 1697 (OED, Study n. †1, citing Dryden).
359 gapes for
sov’reignty aspires to absolute power.
359 sov’reignty] Q (sou’raigntie); soueraigntie F1
359 n.34. See
above, and 343 n.31 for Agrippina’s tumidi
spiritus (‘infinite pride’) and her ‘longing for power’ (inhiare dominationi).
34 Tacitus, Annales, 4.12.
361–2 pub-lic
Briggs, followed by H&S, thought this enjambment ‘a gross assault
upon the aesthetic sense’, but as Briggs also notes it is used by
Horace, Catullus, and others in the cause of synaphea
(regular scansion). H&S compare its use in Oberon,
136–7, Gypsies (Burley), 274–5 and 765–6, Owls, 167–8, Horace, 1.20, and Und. 70.92.
362 urge
stress to Tiberius the urgency of.
364 Ayres cites Suetonius on Tiberius occasionally needing and
taking his mother the Augusta’s advice (
Tiberius, 50).
365 sound
investigate.
369 n.35. See
above, .
35 Haec apud Tacitum, lege Annales, 4.17.
370 civil war
There had been recent civil wars between Julius Caesar and Pompey (48bc), and between Caesar’s supporters, Octavius
and Antony, and Brutus and Cassius (43–2BC).
374 enlarge it
amplify this argument.
376 your
Prisca See
1. 292
n.51.
377 business A
trisyllable; H&S compare JC, 4.1.22:
‘To groan and sweat under the business’.
381 second
support (OED, Second n.2 9†c, citing this as earliest example).
383 remiss
mild, lax. Cf. Cat., 4.2.152: ‘a man remiss and
slack’.
383 The] F1; “The
Q
384–90 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
384 in blood A
hunting phrase applied to hounds for which OED gives
‘in full vigour’ (Blood, n. 7), thus here ‘alert’,
‘scenting trouble’. Such a state in Tiberius would contrast with the
lethargic quality in Tiberius on which Augustus remarked in a passage
Jonson cites at 3.487 n.25.
385–6 late . . .
shadows shadows in early morning or late afternoon.
387–8 only . . .
cruel Cf. Ennius,
Scenica, 402: ‘Whom men
fear they hate, whom anyone hates he wishes to perish’, and
Ovid,
Amores, 2.2.10: ‘whom each man fears, he longs to see
destroyed’ (Ayres).
388–90 once
entered . . . doubt Cf.
Discoveries, 846–9,
where after quoting Machiavelli Jonson paraphrases
Seneca,
De Clementia (‘On Mercy’), 1.13.2–5: ‘But princes, by
hearkening to cruel counsels, become in time obnoxious to the authors,
their flatterers and ministers, and are brought to that, that when they
would, they dare not change them; they must go on, and defend cruelty
with cruelty; they cannot alter the habit’ (Briggs).
395 n.36
Quorum . . . poterat
‘Whose succession was not in doubt, nor was he able to disperse poison
among the three’.
36 Quorum non dubia successio, neque
spargi venenum in tres poterat etc. Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.12.
397 too too
Ayres cites
Ham., 1.2.129, but
OED notes the
usage is ‘very common
c. 1540–1660’ (Too
adv. 4a). H&S cite Jonson’s use in
Devil, 3.3.231 and
New Inn, 2.6.203. Cf. also
Tub, 2.4.44.
400 lets] Q;
betts F1
400 lets
impediments, obstacles. Cf. Poet., 4.9.6.
402 state Both
his high position (OED, †16) and the display that goes
with it (OED, 17a). Cf. MV, 5.1.95–7: ‘his state / Empties itself, as doth an inland
brook / Into the main of waters.’
403 safety] Q state
2, F1; saftly Q state 1
404 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅲ. / A room in
Agrippina’s House.
405 SH
satrius]
Sat. Q; not in F1
405–500 Located in ‘the house / Of Agrippina’ (below,
410–11); the audience is reminded of the location at 451 and 464.
405 They’re] F1;
They’are Q
405 They’re
The Germanicans are.
406 They . . .
wind They can scent us. Cf. EMI (F), 2.3.53: ‘She has me i’the wind’; and Dent, W434.
408 Looked
after Sought, desired. Cf.
Wiv., 2.2.112:
‘Will they yet look after thee?’
408 n.37
de . . . supra ‘for whom
see above’.
37 Silius. Sabinus. de quibus
supra.
409 SD.2]
G subst.; not in Q, F1
410 SH sabinus]
Sab. Q; not in F1
410 beagles
Continuing the hunting metaphor. Informers and sycophantic followers
were often referred to thus contemptuously. Cf.
Tim., 4.3.175–6:
‘Get thee away, / And take thy beagles with thee.’
412 n.38
Tiberii . . .
eliciebantur ‘In the
reign of Tiberius, informers, a breed of men invented for the state’s
destruction, and never adequately reined in by punishment, were now
encouraged by rewards.’ (Modern editions read ne poenis
quidem umquam.)
38 Tiberii Temporibus Delatores genus
hominum publico exitio repertum, et poenis quidem nunquam satis
coercitum, per praemia eliciebantur. Tacitus, Annales, 4.30.
413 great ones] Q; great-ones F1; great one’s Bolton
416 public
hook Executed criminals were dragged up the Aventine to the
scalae Gemoniae by a hook (uncus) in their neck. Their bodies were left for three days before
being thrown into the Tiber. Cf. 4.309 n.23. Juvenal describes Sejanus
being ‘led by the hook’ (ducitur unco, 10.66).
417 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
417 SD Cf.
1.105 SDn. The actor playing Afer may have walked around the stage, or
‘passed over’ it in the way suggested at 1.176 SDn.
418 n.39
Tacitus, 4.52,
relates the trial of Claudia Pulchra ‘with Domitius Afer her accuser. Of
modest reputation, he had recently been a praetor, and was hurrying by
way of any villainy to become famous . . .’ See also
below.
39 De Domitio Afro vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.52, 66.
419 flowers] Q;
flowres F1
419 flowers
rhetorical embellishments;
OED quotes Nicolas Udall’s
title,
Flowers for Latin Speaking, selected and gathered
out of Terence (
1533).
420 n.40
Quoquo . . .
accingeretur ‘Hurrying by way of any villainy to become
famous . . . he had a reputation that was more conspicuous for eloquence
than morals . . . for a long time very poor, and with his recently
acquired reward badly used, [it was no surprise] that he should be preparing himself for more
disgraceful acts.’
40 Quoquo facinore properus
clarescere Tacitus, ibid. et infra prosperiore
eloquentiae quam morum fama fuit et 4.66 diu
egens, et parto nuper praemio male usus, plura ad flagitia
accingeretur.
421 offer
opportunity. Cf. OED, 2c. Jonson’s use ante-dates
first OED citation by 226 years, but cf. Alch., 1.3.88.
423–4 artificial . . .
Tiber For the crocodile’s proverbial hypocrisy in weeping, cf.
EMO, 5.3.169, and Epicene, 5.4.158. Ayres notes that since Afer means ‘Africa’ the epithet is especially appropriate.
426 would] F1;
could Q
426 he, he!
Probably intensifying the personal pronoun, as in in
Volp., 1.2.81, rather than indicating cynical laughter.
Ado,
4.1.16–17 gives ‘he’ as one form of ‘Interjection’ (‘some be
of laughing, as, ah, ha, he’), but Jonson always uses ‘ha, ha’ for
laughter elsewhere.
426 Contemn
Heap scorn upon.
427 Their] F1;
“Their Q
427 Their present conduct will lead to their
deaths.
427 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅳ. / Another
Apartment in the same. Not in Q, F1
428 silius]
Sil. Q; not in F1
429 with my
manners without detriment to my manners (OED, With prep. 31b(a)).
429 attempt
try with afflictions (OED, †4), thus ‘exacerbate your
trouble’.
434 virtue’s] Q (virtu’s); vertuous F1
438 Travails
withal Labours with (Ayres), with the additional sense of the
birth pains of the ‘zealous thought’.
438 n.41 See
above, .
41 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.19.
439 simply
born sincerely brought forth.
441 unseasoned
untimely; usually with sense of unripe. Cf. Poet.,
5.3.15: ‘The unseasoned fruits of his officious tongue’.
442 state high
rank (OED, †16)
443 envies . . .
eyes Cf.
Panegyre, 84: ‘Unto as many envies
there as eyes’; Spenser gives Envy a kirtle ‘ypainted full of eyes’
(
The
Faerie Queene, 1.4.31; H&S). For Jonson’s related
version of Virgil’s Fame with her ‘many waking eyes’ in
Poet., see ‘In Sejanum’, pp. 216ff., 121n. Ayres notes the
etymology linking
invidia (envy) and
invideo (look spitefully at).
443 n.42 Cf.
191 n.13 above.
42 Tacitus, Annales, 4.12.
448–9 extract . . .
substance (1) quote selectively to make something apparently
true (cf. Tit., 3.2.80, ‘He takes false shadows for
true substances’); (2) extract by distillation the ‘substance’ of which
heavenly bodies were made, and which was believed present in potential
in all matter. Cf. Alch., 2.3.38: ‘To draw his
volatile substance and his tincture’.
449 SH agrippina] F2;
Arr. Q, F1
450 stuck with
eyes The ‘waking eyes’ of Fame ‘Stick underneath’ her body in
Poet., 5.2.86–7; H&S compare 1H4, 5.2.8: ‘Supposition all our lives shall be stuck full of
eyes.’
452 lawn fine
linen. Cf. EMO, 2.2.248–9: ‘She speaks
as she goes ’tired, in cobweb lawn, light, thin.’
453–4 ears . . .
closet See
1.67–70n. For contemporary anxieties over the closet as ‘a
space of secrecy outside the knowledge of the household’ (especially the
closet, as here, of a female head of household), see Stewart (
1995). The long
ears suggest the foolishness of King Midas in listening to rumours.
454–6 I . . .
rival Juno was Jupiter’s consort, queen of the Roman pantheon.
Agrippina is refusing to whisper, or change actions which may be
dangerous, even if by doing so she could achieve the status of a goddess
rivalling Juno.
456 Virtue’s] F1;
”Vertues Q
457 Show] F1;
“Shew Q
457 conspicuous clearly seen, unambiguous (Lat. conspicuus, visible). Cf. EMO,
2.3.348–50: ‘these narrow-eyed decipherers . . . that will extort
strange and abstruse meanings out of any subject, be it never so
conspicuous and innocently delivered’.
460 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
460 providence
OED, 2 quotes Samuel Johnson’s definition of ‘timely
care’. Cf. Epicene, 2.4.57: ‘Fortune? Mere providence.
Fortune had not a finger in’t.’
462 n.43 For
Tacitus, 4.12
see above, ; 4.54: ‘Sejanus added greater dismay to her grief and
lack of foresight by sending to her those who, under the guise of
friendship, warned that poison was prepared for her, and that she should
avoid her father-in-law’s banquets.’ 4.59: ‘
[Sejanus
] took the part of a judge towards
the family of Germanicus, placing those who took the roles of accusers
so that they might mainly attack Nero, next in line of succession, who,
notwithstanding his youthful modesty, nevertheless frequently forgot
what the present circumstances demanded.’
43 Tacitus, ibid. et 4.54 et 59.
467 tricks (1)
information intended to decieve the hearers (OED, 1a);
(2) foolish or stupid acts (OED, 2b).
470 You’re]
G; Yo’are Q, F1
472 practice
treachery, intrigue.
472 n.44
Suetonius says Tiberius ‘constantly disparaged Germanicus, so that he
made light of his splendid achievements and condemned his glorious
victories as ruinous to the state . . . He was even believed to have
been the cause of his death, through Gnaeus Piso, governor of Syria.’
Dio says Tiberius and Livia were ‘thoroughly pleased’ at the death of
Germanicus.
44 Suetonius, Tiberius, 52.
Dionis, Historia Romana, 57.18.6.
473 exampless
exampleless, without parallel.
475 sit down
rest content.
476 He] “He Q, F1
476 Proverbial: Dent, T255.
476 threatens] F1; threatents Q
477 sear
burn.
478 SD]
G subst.;
Drvsvs
iu:
Agrippina, & c. Q
479 drusus junior]
Drv. Q; not in F1
479–84 n.45, 485
n.46
Tacitus, chs. 3,
and 7–12, already cited for the most part, deal with the quarrel with
Drusus, the plot against him, his poisoning and the aftermath of his
death.
45 Tacitus, Annales, 4.3–12.
484 What should
be What is (OED, Shall v.
23†c).
485 Poison, poison —]
This edn; Poison. poyson. Q; Poyson.
Poyson — F1
485 Poison,
poison — F1’s punctuation indicates that Silius murmurs the
word thoughtfully to himself, as is confirmed by the subsequent
questions and his guarded response.
485 ]
marginal note has no anchor in Q
46 Tacitus, ibid.
491 away —] F1;
away. Q
491 Toys
Trifling events. Cf. Case, 1.1.73–4: ‘they look for
good matter, they, and are not edified with such toys’.
494 n.47
Tacitus says: ‘Tiberius, through all the days of [Drusus’s] illness, either through lack of
anxiety or so he could show his strength of mind, continued to attend
the Senate, even when [Drusus] was
dead and not yet buried.’
47 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 4.8.
495 what’s . . .
forge what’s cooking. There is a bleak irony in that it is his
own destruction that is ‘in the forge’.
500 No] F1; “ No
Q
500 prospect
(1) view; (2) expectations. Cf. Mortimer, 1.1.3:
‘Naught hinders now our prospect, all are even.’
500 SD.2]
this edn; Mv. Chorvs. Q;
Chorus of musicians F1
ACTUS TERTIUS ] Q; Act Ⅲ. F1;
ACT Ⅲ. SCENE Ⅰ G
0 the senate.] Q, F1; The Senate House. G
Actus Tertius 0 SD.1
Senate The only location
Jonson specifies in this play (cf. 5.479 SD.1). Though in Tit. Senate scenes had been played ‘aloft’, in Sej. and Cat. they must have been on the
main stage. Since much is made of the seating arrangements (below, 26–7,
30–1, 36–7; cf. 5.500, 508, 597 etc.), benches or chairs must have been
brought onstage during the music at the end of Act 2, with two larger
chairs for the consuls to allow them to move from the sycophantic ‘low’
places which they take up at first (3.25).
0 SD.2–3
Ayres notes the order of entry in Q is more formally correct than in F,
with the Praecones (Heralds) and Lictors leading in the consul Varro,
who should precede Sejanus.
0 SD]
G subst.;
Praecones. Lictores. / Varro. Seianvs. Latiaris. /
Cotta. Afer./Gallvs. Lepidvs. Arrvntivs. Q; Seianvs, Varro,
Latiaris. / Cotta, Afer. / Gallvs, Lepidvs, Arrvntivs. / Praecones,
Lictores. F1; Briggs adds Sabinus
1–3 As Briggs notes, the Senate sometimes sat as a
court, a consul presiding. Jonson conflates three separate meetings in
this scene: that following the death of Drusus (ad23), and those for the trials of Silius (ad24) and Cordus (ad25).
1 SH]
Sei. Q; not in F1
1 him
Silius.
1 n.1
Tacitus, 4.19: ‘And Varro the consul was set on, who pretending to
continue his father’s feud, gratified Sejanus’s hatred through his own
dishonour.’ Given the absence of professional advocates and the
proliferation of self-seeking informers, personal motivation could be
taken as a sign of the integrity of the prosecutor.
1 Tacitus,
Annales, 4.19.
5 his
H&S note this should be ‘him’: the enmity was between Varro’s father
and Silius himself, rival generals in the campaign against Sacrovir (see
Tacitus,
3.43).
6 practice
plot. Cf. Cat., 3.2.155–6: ‘a Stygian practice /
Against that commonwealth’.
9 debated
considered (OED, Debate v.1 5).
11 take him] Q, F2; him take F1
12 n.2
Sed . . . exercita ‘But
the whole case was prosecuted as one of treason.’
2 Tacitus, ibid. Sed cuncta quaestione
maiestatis exercita.
12 SD]
this edn; not in Q, F1
16 good-dull-noble Jonson favoured such compound words, in which
‘our English tongue is above all other very hardy and happy’ (Grammar, 1.8.5–6).
20–1 saved . . .
furies The furies punished the dead in Hades with whips of
scorpions and firebrands; cf. the ‘whips and brands’ of
Queens, 218–22. Briggs quotes from
Spanish Tragedy,
3.11.42–3 (one of the passages added in 1602, possibly by Jonson): ‘And
there is
Nemesis, and Furies / And things called
whips.’
21 their
action the physical attitudes and conspiratorial gestures of
Sejanus’s supporters, whom the Gemanicans are eyeing warily, as in a
play. Cf. Alch., 3.3.68–9: ‘good action. / Firk like a
flounder; kiss like a scallop, close.’ The following two lines make it
clear Sejanus’s followers are huddling in a caucus.
23 shuttles] Q, F1 (shittles)
23 shuttles
The devices in weaving that pass the thread of the weft rapidly back and
forth between the threads of the warp.
24 curious
intricate.
25 n.3
eodem . . . sedentes ‘in
the same book [i.e. 4]. And the
consuls sitting on the ordinary benches under pretence of mourning’.
Lipsius’s note explains they were ‘in the seats of the Praetors or
Tribunes’.
3 Tacitus, eodem libro
[4.8]. Consulesque sede
vulgari per speciem maestitiae sedentes.
27 Bid us
silence i.e. Bring the Senate to order.
28 Fathers conscript]
Bolton; FATHERS CONSCRIPT. Q; Fathers
Conscript F1; “Fathers conscript Wh
28 conscript
Originally those senators summoned (
conscripti) in
addition to those
patres there by right. In his note
to 5.102 Jonson quotes
Livy, 2.1: ‘Thereafter, so that the strength of the Senate
might be increased by a large number of that order, he filled up the
list of Fathers by selecting from the leading men of equestrian rank.’
Here, as often in Tacitus (see e.g. the passage quoted in note to 1.454)
it is used for all senators.
28–9 may . . . the]
Bolton; italic Q, F1
29 commonwealth]
Bolton; COMMONWEALTH
Q;
Common-wealth F1
29 n.4
Praefatio
. . .
Romanorum ‘The customary
formula of the Roman Consuls’. Paraphrasing
Brisson, De formulis,
164.
4 Praefatio solennis Consulum
Romanorum. Vide Barnabaeum Brissonium, de
Formulis, 2.
29 SD]
G subst.;
Silivs, &c. Q;
Silivs, Senate F1;
[Enter]
Silius,
[to the]
Senate. Briggs
30 SH
sejanus] Sei. Q; not in F1; Briggs gives these words to Varro,
adding SD
[Speaks to Lictors.]
32 The consul
Varro.
34 SD]
G subst.;
Tiberivs. &c. Q;
Tiberivs, Senate. F1
35 SH]
Tib. Q; not in F1
36 n.5
Tacitus, 4.8:
‘The consuls being seated on the ordinary benches as a sign of their
grief,
[Tiberius
] reminded them of
their dignity and proper place, and when the Senate burst into tears,
suppressing a groan, he cheered them up with a fluent speech. He was
not, indeed, unaware that he could be criticized for appearing before
the eyes of the Senate when his grief was so recent. Most mourners could
hardly tolerate the solicitude of relatives, hardly the light of day.
Nor should they be condemned as weak. But he had sought a manlier solace
in the embrace of the republic. And having deplored the extreme age of
the Augusta, his still tender grandsons, and his own declining age, he
requested that Germanicus’s children, the only comfort in their current
ills, be brought in. The consuls went out, and having encouraged the
boys with kind words, led them in and presented them to the Caesar.’
5 Tacitus, Annales, 4.8.
37 Rome’s consuls]
G; ROMES Consuls Q; Romes Consuls
F1
37 dissolved
weeping; cf. Tacitus’s account quoted in the previous note, and East. Ho!, 3.3.99: ‘Mistress Bramble here is so
dissolved in tears.’
41 peculiar
private.
43 in . . .
grief so soon after the death of Drusus.
43 Senate,] F1;
Senate. Q
44–5 When I find it difficult to endure the well-meant
comforts offered to me in private by kinsmen and allies.
46–7 The thousands who share our grief for the death
of Drusus are so affected that they do not see other people, and
scarcely see the daylight.
46 face Here
plural, as in such uses as ‘before the face of the enemy’ (EMI (F), 3.1.99–100).
47 communicate share (Lat. communico, –are);
see OED, Communicate v. 4, citing
this line.
48 argue
these accuse these persons.
50 and . . .
out and draw out those fair helps.
52 struck with
time
H&S take this to be
an ‘incorrect variant’ of ‘stricken in years’, which simply means
advanced; but the meanings ‘stamped’ and ‘hit’ were both well
established before 1500 (
OED, Strike
v. 25, 28), and afford a powerful metaphor for aging which is
carried on in the next line. The Augusta was 80 at the date (
ad23) of this speech (cf.
Dio, 58.2.1).
53 impressed . . .
characters stamped with the identifying marks of age. Tiberius
was 65 in ad23.
60 Honour . . .
in Conduct them in with honour. This transitive usage not in
OED.
62 suns] F1;
springs Q
62 suns . . .
up One of Jonson’s most substantial revisions of Q (see
collation), acknowledging the incongruity of springs exhausting (i.e.
draining) floods. There is a conventional pun on ‘suns’/‘sons’.
62 drink up] F1;
exhaust Q
64–5 I . . .
Sphinx The Sphinx was a monster sent by Hera to plague Thebes,
devouring one of its citizens each time they failed to answer her riddle
about the three ages of man. When Oedipus answered it, she committed
suicide.
65 SD]
G;
Nero. Drvsvs. iu. Q;
Tiberivs, Nero, Drvsvs
iunior. F1
66 SH]
Tib. Q; not in F1
66–81 ‘Taking them by the hand he said: “Conscript
Fathers, when these boys lost their father, I gave them to their uncle
and begged him, although he had his own children, that he would treat
them as if they were his own blood, cherish and raise them for himself
and for posterity. Now Drusus is taken from us, I turn my prayers to
you, and implore you before Heaven and your country: the great-grandsons
of Augustus, descendants of noble ancestors. Adopt them, rule them,
fulfil this duty of mine and yours. These will be to you, Nero and
Drusus, in the place of parents. For you are so born that your good and
ill is that of the commonwealth”’ (
Tacitus, 4.8).
67 princes,] F1;
Princes Q; comma added by pen in Townshend Q
69 he’d]
this edn; he had Q; h’had F1
69 proper
legitimate, true.
71 self-blood
his own ‘proper issue’; OED gives this as the only
example.
77 Accomplish
Fulfil; from Lat. compleo, –ere, to fill (Ayres).
78 these] Q;
(these F1
6 Tacitus, Annales, 4.8.
84–5 Translating Claudian,
On Stilicho’s
consulship, 2.317–18:
Titulo tunc crescere posses;
/ Nunc per te titulus (Briggs). These words are underlined and
marked with Jonson’s flower symbol in his copy (see
1.152–4n.). Jonson quoted the Lat. in
marginal note 13,
Haddington, 183 (
H&S).
84 them their
actions and themselves.
87 no . . .
themselves As Whalley and later editors note, a common
conceit, ultimately derived from Seneca’s
Hercules Furens,
84–5: ‘Do you seek a peer for Alcides? / There is nobody but
himself.’
88–9 Let . . .
virtue An addition to the speech in Tacitus. In contrast to
Sejanus, Nero and Drusus will be led by virtue, with Fortuna
following.
88 nothing
nothing undeserved.
91 Relieve
Support; suggested by Tacitus’s vestram meamque, ‘for
you, and for me’.
91 general
collective, unanimous. Cf. Welbeck, 15: ‘“Welcome, O
welcome” is the general voice.’
92–4 ]
italics in Q, F1 subst.
93–4 ]
marginal note in F1: A forme of speaking
they had.
95 in . . .
right on their behalf. Ayres wrongly says not recorded in OED: see Right n.1 7b.
95 SD From
this point until the Senate dissolves (470 below), Arruntius, Sabinus,
and (up to 294) Gallus speak to each other, providing a commentary which
is not addressed to the Senate at large (only at 215 below does Cotta
take up one of their comments), but which does not consist of a series
of private asides to the audience.
96 now!] Q state
2, F1; now? Q state 1
96–7 the . . .
lips Proverbial. Cf. Florio, First Fruits,
19: ‘Between doing and saying there is great space’ (Ayres).
97–8 Tiberius’ . . .
man’s Tacitus says, ‘Tiberius esteemed none of his virtues as
high as dissimulation’ (cf. Sej., 1.395 n.59).
104 greater . . .
less Proverbial. Cf. Dent, G 437.
105 covetously
eagerly, greedily.
106 now now
that.
108 great
issue Nero and Drusus.
112 spleens
OED (Spleen n. 1†c) quotes Andrew
Boorde, Breviary of Health (1547): ‘A spleen, the
which . . . doth make a man to laugh.’ As Ayres notes, it was also
confusingly the source of melancholy (OED, 1†b).
112 n.7
Ad
. . .
susciperent ‘Returning
to the vain and much derided wishes that the republic be restored, and
that the consuls or some others might undertake the government’.
7 Tacitus, ibid. [4.9.]
Ad vana et toties inrisa revolutus, de reddenda Republica
utque Consules, seu quis alius regimen susciperent.
113–14 The . . .
shoulders Cf.
Claudian,
Against Rufinus, 1.273–4: ‘
[you
] who sustain the falling and
slipping world on your shoulders’. Marked by Jonson with his flower
symbol in his copy of Claudian (see
1.152–4n.).
119 taste
perceive, suspect, as if by tasting the flavour. Cf. Devil, 1.6.138: ‘Nay, then I taste a trick in’t.’
123 ]
marginal note in F1: A wreath of
laurell.
123 n.8
Tonitrua . . . frondis
‘He was terrified beyond measure by thunder; and when the sky was stormy
he never failed to wear a laurel wreath on his head, because that kind
of leaf is said not to be struck by lightning.’
Pliny,
Nat. Hist.,
15.40 (Jonson cites 15.30), describes the laurel’s connections with
Augustus.
123 n.8 15.40
this edn; lib. 15. cap. 30
Q.
8 Tonitrua praeter modum expavescebat:
et turbatiore coelo nunquam non coronam lauream capite gestavit,
quod fulmine afflari negetur id genus frondis. Suetonius, Tiberius 69. Vide Plinium, Naturalis Historia, 15.40.
124 Hear
Gallus is calling the Germanicans’ (and the audience’s) attention back
to Tiberius.
127 counterpoint exact opposite.
130 Atlas
According to Hesiod (Theogony, 517), a Titan who
supports the heavens. Cf. Pleasure Rec., 1–3.
132 bring him
off rescue him (OED, Bring v. 19b).
133 then] Q, F1;
than Bolton
136 Vertumnus
Etruscan god who became associated with all forms of changing and
turning (Lat. verto, –ere), especially the turning of
the seasons.
136 For . . .
public ‘For the public good’ or ‘As for the public good’.
137 drawn
diverted from my purpose.
138 affect
like to practise (OED, Affect v.1 2c).
140 n.9
Semper . . . Oratione
‘Tiberius was always ambiguous and obscure in his speech’ (Tacitus says
suspensa . . . et obscura, ‘uncertain and
obscure’).
9 Semper perplexa et obscura
Oratione Tiberius, vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.11.
141–4 Caesar . . . innocence]
italics. in Q, F1 subst.
142 ]
marginal note in F1: Another
forme.
143 modesty
(1) clemency, mildness (OED, †1); (2) lack of
arrogance (OED, 2).
145 prayer’s . . .
subject Playing on logical terms: the subject of a proposition
should come before the predicate. Tiberius’s innocence in particular
does not exist.
145–7 Guard . . . bounty]
italics. in Q, F1 subst.
149 prayers] F2;
prayer’s Q, F1
154, 155 SDs]
this edn
154 Afer
Briggs notes Tacitus does not mention Afer taking part in the trial of
Silius, though he does emphasize his unscrupulous ambition (4.46, 52).
Otherwise, Jonson follows the account of Silius’s trial in
Tacitus, 4.18–20,
very closely.
155 n.10
Citabatur . . .
praeconis ‘The accused was called from the tribunal by the
voice of the herald.’ Quoting
Brisson, De formulis,
470.
10 Citabatur reus e tribunali voce
praeconis. Vide Barnabaeum Brissonium, de
Formulis, 5.
157 Sacrovir
See
2.291 n.24.
160 admit
allow.
164 discovered
disclosed, made known.
167 mule] Q, F1 (Moile)
173 n.11
Jonson gives no specific references, but all these authors document the
vicious roles played by Tiberius, and informers profiting from the
charges they brought. In the instances given, Suetonius describes how
Tiberius ‘Soon, as time went on, even resorted to plunder’, and
describes a sequence of false accusations and other abuses. Tacitus
recounts Silius’s unsuccessful attempt to avoid forfeiting his estate by
committing suicide: ‘Nevertheless there was savagery against his
property . . . Augustus’s gift was torn away, and the claims of the
exchequer were calculated one by one, the first example of Tiberius
dealing sharply with the wealth of others. Sosia was sentenced to exile
on the motion of Asinius Gallus, who had proposed half her estate should
go to the exchequer, half be left to her children. Against this, Marcus
Lepidus argued for a quarter to go to the the prosecutors, as the law
required, and the rest to the children.’ For Dio, see
1.29–30n.; for Seneca,
1.28 n.9.
11 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, [49], Tacitum,
[4.20], Dionem [57.19.2, 58.4.8], Senecam [De Beneficiis, 3.26].
173–5 name . . .
matter Afer sets the word ‘crime’ against the supposedly
substantial thing itself.
179 thrust in
Translating Tacitus’s inmissus (4.19).
180 The charge was of laesa
majestas, treason, rather than the financial corruption of
which Tacitus acknowledges Silius and Sosia were guilty, a point Jonson
does not pursue.
181 cause
person who is to blame (
OED, 2). Jonson may also be
recalling Cicero’s
nocentem causam, which out of
context could be mistranslated as ‘guilty cause’ (
Pro Sexto
Roscio, 2.56).
182 n.12 ‘Conscientia . . .
arguebantur ‘It was alleged that Sacrovir was long protected
by his complicity in the war, that his [Silius’s] victory was sullied by greed, and that his wife
Sosia was his partner in this.’
12 Tacitus, 4.19. Conscientia
belli, Sacrovir diu dissimulatus, victoria per
avaritiam foedata, et uxor Sosia arguebantur.
183 n.13
Bellum
. . . Germania ‘The war against
Sacrovir was in France, the triumph in Germany.’
13 Bellum Sacrovirianum in Gallia
erat. Triumphus in Germania, vide Tacitum, Annales, 3.45.
186 entertainment money sent to Silius to pay for the war.
187 polled
plundered (OED, 5).
189 actions’]
G; actions Q, F1
192–4 Under the law of calumny, the accuser who lost
his case could face the penalties for the crime of which he had accused
his opponent.
192 unjustly]
Wh; injustly Q, F1
192 n.14
Vide . . . apud ‘See the
procedure for making an accusation in’. Brisson, De
formulis, gives this formula on 469.
14 Vide accusandi formulam apud
Brissonium, de Formulis, 5.
199 design
designate (Lat. designo, –are).
203 n.15
Adversatus . . . etc.
‘The Caesar was against it: [saying]
it was usual for magistrates to bring charges against a private citizen,
and the powers of the consul should not be impaired, on whose vigilance,
etc.’
15 Tacitus, Annales, 4.19. Adversatus est Caesar: solitum quippe
Magistratibus, diem privatis dicere, nec infringendum Consulis ius,
cuius vigiliis, etc.
204 appoint . . .
day Translating the Lat. formula dicere
diem, ‘to appoint a day’, i.e. to accuse, impeach someone
(Briggs).
207–8 commonwealth . . . loss Translating the formula ne quid detrimenti respublica capiat, by which unlimited
emergency powers had been vested in the consuls in pre-imperial
times.
208 oblique
course behaviour deviating from the interests of the
commonwealth.
209 fraud
deceit, hypocrisy (since the consular powers in question were for
extreme cases, and presupposed a Senate and consuls with genuine freedom
of action).
216 choose to]
Bolton; choose too Q, F1; choose,
too Barish
219 interessed
implicated.
220 Please Caesar] Please’ Caesar Q, F1 subst.
220 Please
Caesar The apostrophe in Q, F1 (see collation) indicates an
ellipsis: ‘Please you Caesar’ or ‘May it please Caesar’.
220 give way
give permission, acquiesce. Cf. Cat., 3.1.54–6: ‘I
know ’twas this which made the envy and pride / Of the great Roman blood
bate and give way / To my election.’
224 natural
Natural law was perceived as that based on an innate moral sense
implanted by God, rather than the codified laws of the state.
226 unkind (1)
ungenerous; (2) unnatural.
236 o’the] F1; of
the Q state 1; of Q state 2
238 n.16
Immissusque . . .
gratificabatur ‘And Varro the consul was set on, who
pretending to continue his father’s feud, gratified Sejanus’s hatred
through his own dishonour.’
16 Tacitus, Annales, 4.19. Immissusque, Varro Consul, qui paternas
inimicitias obtendens, odiis Seiani per dedecus
suum gratificabatur.
240 impious
Because, as Briggs notes, the consuls had a priestly as well as secular
function.
240 SH]
Sil. F1;
Sei. Q, corr. by pen in Townshend
and Verulam copies
240 take part
(1) take sides; (2) participate.
241 scent] Q, F1 (sent)
243 Minion
Favourite; usually as here with contemptuous suggestion of a humiliating
dependency in the relationship.
245 net . . .
filing Vulcan the smith made a net of fine wire ‘light as a
cobweb’ in which he trapped his wife Venus in bed with Mars (
Odyssey, 8.266–366).
245 engine
device.
248 nostril An
organ of keen perception and wisdom to the Romans (H&S, Ayres). Cf.
To the Readers, 21, and Poet., Apol. Dialogue, 195:
‘the stuffed nostrils of the drunken rout’.
250 equal
fair, impartial.
252 howe’er
provoke ‘however much they provoke me’; Whalley first amended
to ‘provoked’, but as Ayres notes, the referent is still the
‘wolf-turned men’.
252 provoke] Q, F1; provoked Wh
253 engaged in
battle.
257 crispèd
curly-haired. Cf. Und. 2.9.10–11: ‘with crispèd hair /
Cast in thousand snares and rings’.
257 eagles The
aquilae, principal standards of the Roman
legions.
261 n.17
Populi
. . . Sicambri ‘A German people,
today the Geldri, living in Belgium between the Meuse and the Rhine,
whom Martial celebrates,
On the Spectacles, “With
their hair twisted into a knot come Sicambrians.”’ Gifford notes a
similar description in Juvenal,
Satires,
13.164–5.
17 Populi Germani hodie Geldri in Belgica sunt
inter Mosam et Rhenum: quos
celebrat Martialis, De Spectaculis, 3.[9:]
Crinibus in nodum tortis venere Sicambri.
262 backward . . .
slave scars on the back, indicating cowardice.
264 Were . . .
to (Which) were meant to honour.
270 blood As a
source of passion, especially anger. Cf. EMO, 1.1.3–4: ‘Doth that man breathe that can so much command
/ His blood and his affection?’
272 n.18
‘Since Silius . . . had commanded a great army for seven years, and won
the triumphal ornaments in Germany
[see
2.291n.
] as victor of the war with Sacrovir, so his fall would be the
more tremendous and spread greater fear among others. And many believed
he had exacerbated his offence by his own vanity in boastfully insisting
that his troops had remained loyal, while others were falling into
mutiny, and Tiberius’s throne would not have survived if his legions had
also been passionate for revolution. The Caesar regarded this as
destructive of his state, which he judged unequal to such deserts. For
benefits are a pleasure while they seem to be requitable; when they go
far beyond that, they are repaid with hatred instead of gratitude.’
18 Tacitus, Annales, 4.18.
275 thine] Q;
yours F1
276 Thou wert]
Q; You were F1
276 Thou wert
he You boasted that you were the man.
275–82 The changes in F1 from Q’s contemptuous second
person singular to second person plural (see collation) may be a
compositor’s. H&S suggest the usage is interchangeable at this date,
but Drusus’s insulting choice of ‘thy’ for Sejanus at 1.567, and
Sejanus’s contemptuous use for the absent Drusus at 2.143–56, suggest
otherwise. Macro’s obviously insulting use of ‘thou’ and ‘thy’ to
Sejanus at 5.650–60 is especially close in context to Afer’s. Afer,
using reported speech as Barish notes, places heavy emphasis on each
pronoun.
277 saved] F1 (sau’d); sau’dst Q
278 thy] Q; your
F1
278 mutined
mutinied. Cf. Epicene, 1.3.13: ‘rails at his fortunes,
stamps, and mutines’.
279 Thy] Q; Your
F1
280 Thou gav’st] Q; You gave F1
282 donative
gift. As Bolton notes, translating Lat. donativum,
imperial largesse from the emperor to his soldiers (and not, as here,
the reverse).
282 thee] Q; you
F1
285 famous
credit (1) well-known trustworthiness; (2) infamous (Lat. famosus) reputation.
288 crime
accusation (Lat. crimen. Cf. OED,
†3).
288–91 What . . .
pay? By claiming he has reversed the ‘donative’ (282) and made
Caesar and Rome unrequitably in his debt, Silius has undermined
Tiberius’s status as the giver rather than recipient of benefits.
289 royal Not
anachronistic, since used frequently at this date to mean ‘splendid,
imposing’ (OED, 8).
290 urgèd
charged, debited.
290 benefit
favour (cf. 305 below).
291–2 In . . .
courtesy If these claims were true, Tiberius’s whole fortune
would not be enough to pay the debt required by Silius’s support.
294 Silius’]
Wh; Silius Q, F1 subst.;
Siliu’s F2
295 Gallus . . .
too Though named in the ‘discontented list’ of Germanicans
(2.220–1; cf. the ‘old list’, 2.338–9), and later seen advising
Agrippina to temporize (4.1–14), Gallus was not a Germanican. Here
Jonson follows Tacitus, who records Gallus proposing that Sosia be
exiled and lose half her estate (see above) and earlier reports
his flattering argument that Senate business transacted in Tiberius’s
absence would lack
status (2.35).
295 o’] Q; on
F1
296 circumstance circumstantial evidence or argument.
298 meet fall
in with. Cf. Case, 1.4.60: ‘what cross events do meet
my purposes’.
302–5 So . . .
answered Thus quickly do all good services become changed into
suspected deep injuries by anxious and equivocating princes, when those
good services are seen as threatening to obscure and compete with the
prince’s own glory. Cf. Ventidius in
Ant., 3.1.11–27.
Lipsius notes a source in Seneca, ‘
Epistolae, 19 Quidam quo
etc.’ (in fact 18.3), but it is a commonplace most fully worked
out by Machiavelli, at length in
Discorsi, 1.29,
‘Which is more ungrateful, a people or a prince’ (
Quale sia
più ingrato, o uno popolo o uno principe), and more succinctly
in
Il
Principe, 3: ‘From this a general rule is deduced,
which never or rarely fails: that he who is the cause of another
becoming powerful is ruined; because that power has been brought into
being either by ingenuity or by force, and the one and the other of
these two are suspect by him who has become powerful.’ (
Di
che si cava una regola generale, la quale mai o raro falla: che chi
è cagione che uno diventi potente, ruina; perché quella potenzia è
causata da colui o con industria o con forza; e l’una e l’altra di
queste dua è sospetta a chi è diventato potente.) Ayres adds
Seneca,
De Beneficiis (‘Of Benefits’), 2.24.1: ‘It is
safer to offend some men than to deserve well of them; for they seek a
cause of hatred in order to show that they owe nothing.’
303 With . . . deep] F1; With Princes, do conuert to Q
303 doubtful
(1) anxious, fearful (
OED †5; cf.
Sej., 5.236, ‘doubtful states’); (2) equivocating, inscrutable
(cf. Argument, 28, ‘doubtful letter’). H&S and later editors assume
Jonson’s revision here (see collation) is self-censorship (
H&S, 2.4–5,
9.587–8), excluding James I in particular from the generic
Machiavellian censure of princes implied in Q (see previous note), but
it seems more likely that Jonson revised F1 to delineate Tiberius’s
mistrustful mental state more clearly. See Textual Essay, Electronic
Edition.
305–8 Benefits . . .
kill Cf. Seneca, De Beneficiis (‘Of
Benefits’), 2.24.1, quoted above, 302–5n.
307 restore
recompense. Cf. EMO, 3.2.88: ‘Restore to
all men, what with wrong I robbed them.’
311 make] Q;
makes F1
311–12 must . . . of
it must not be interrogated or challenged.
314 in eye in
sight of. Examples such as
Ham., 4.4.6, ‘We shall express our duty in
his eye’ suggest it was used particularly for being in the royal
presence (Eye,
n.
1 4†c).
315 front
confront, as if on equal terms. Cf. Epigr. 80.7: ‘So
to front death as men might judge us past it’. Ayres suggests a pun on
Lat. frons, forehead, emphasizing the idea of
equality.
316 spirit
spirit of arrogance and rebelliousness.
317 shows . . .
rest reveals the truth of the other charges against him.
317 censured
judged. Cf.
JC, 3.2.15: ‘Censure me in
your wisdom.’
321 Delude
Cheat (Lat. deludo, –ere). Cf. Devil, 1.6.53–4: ‘wife, I will have thee / Delude ’em with a
trick’.
324 hands of
Fortune Briggs notes the echo of Seneca, De
constantia sapientis (‘On the firmness of the wise man’), 8.3:
‘And if he can bear the blows of Fortune with patience, how much more
those of powerful men whom he knows to be the hands of Fortune’ (quos scit fortunae manus esse). Cf. Und. 23.16–18.
324–5 She . . .
threats Translating Lucan, De Bello Civili,
9.569: Fortunaquae perdat / opposita virtute minas
(Briggs). Jonson uses the same passage in New Inn,
4.4.153–5 (H&S).
326–31 Applying to Silius’s predicament a passage from
Cicero,
Tusculanae Disputationes (‘Tusculan
Disputations’), 5.1: ‘Virtue . . . holds as beneath her all that can
happen to a man, and looking down upon them despises the vagaries of
mortal life’ (Briggs,
1916c, 330).
334 Translating Lucan, De Bello
Civili, 9.583: pavido fortique cadendum est
(Briggs).
334 must fall
alike must fall.
335 discerns
distinguishes. Cf. Cat., 4.1.50–1: ‘How easy is a
noble spirit discerned / From harsh and sulphurous matter.’
336 Again echoing
De Bello Civili, 9:
‘virtue rejoices when it pays dearly for its existence’ (9.404; Riddell,
1975,
207).
339 SD] F3; not in Q, F1
340 Oh, desperate] Q (O
desperate)
340–8 As before, the Germanicans converse privately
among themselves.
340 n.19
‘Silius anticipated his imminent conviction by a voluntary end.’ Whalley
notes that Tacitus does not say Silius killed himself in the Senate.
340 ]
marginal note has no anchor in Q
19 Tacitus, ibid. [4.19].
345 stallèd
forestalled, prevented from proceeding (
OED, Stall
v.
1, 11†a, citing this line).
Briggs notes the reference in
Tacitus, 3.50: ‘Often I have heard our
prince lament when someone has forestalled his mercy by choosing death.’
Ayres adds the example of
Tacitus, 2.31, on the suicide of Libo
Drusus: ‘Tiberius swore he would have interceded for his life, however
guilty, if he had not hurried to death of his own free will.’
347 prevent
anticipate.
349 His His
own.
353 state
estate, property.
354 gaped for
longed for (OED, Gape v. 4). Cf.
2.359, 3.171.
355 citation
summons.
356 proscribed
exiled and deprived of her estate (Silius’s suicide had prevented the
confiscation of his estate).
358 treasure
treasury; OED, Treasure n. †3, says
it is ‘rare’ thus, and records no use after 1596, but cf. Cat., 5.3.211: ‘a reward out of the public treasure’, and Gypsies (Windsor), 368: ‘You command the king’s
treasure.’
360 Part, which] F1; The which Q
368 censures
judgements; for n.20, see above, .
368 ]
marginal note has no anchor in Q
20 Tacitus, Annales, 4.20.
369 bending . . .
better Translating
Tacitus, 4.20,
in melius
flexit, ‘he bent to the better’.
369 SD]
this edn;
Cordvs. Satrivs. Natta. Q;
Praeco, Cordvs, Satrivs, Natta. F1, following 373
370 n.21
Jonson’s citation is not keyed to any specific point in the text. Lines
407–60 below are themselves a sufficiently full translation of Cordus’s
speech as reported by
Tacitus (4.34–5).
Dio says that ‘Cremutius Cordus was
forced to take his own life because he had come into collision with
Sejanus. He was on the threshold of old age and had lived most
irreproachably, so much so, in fact, that no serious charge could be
brought against him, and he was therefore tried for his history of the
achievements of Augustus which he had written long before, and which
Augustus himself had read. He was accused of having praised Cassius and
Brutus, and of having assailed the people and the Senate; as regarded
Caesar and Augustus, while he had spoken no ill of them, he had not, on
the other hand, shown any unusual respect for them. This was the
complaint made against him, and this it was that caused his death as
well as the burning of his writings. Those found in the city at the time
were destroyed by the aediles. Later they were republished, for his
daughter Marcia as well as others had hidden some copies; and they
aroused much greater interest by very reason of Cordus’s unhappy
fate.’
21 Tacitus, Annales, 4.34. Dio,
Historia Romana, 57.24.2–4.
371–3 More . . .
honest Arruntius wishes Cordus good but does not address him
directly; he shares his concern and dismay with the other
Germanicans.
374 first praeco Cremutius
Cordus!]
this edn;
Prae. Cremutius Cordus. Q;
Cremvtivs Cord’. F1
374–7 Satrius . . .
flesh For these ‘clients’ of Sejanus, see notes to Names of
the Actors, 14, 15, and 1.22–3. W. D. Briggs (ed.
1911) notes the
imitation of Seneca, ‘To Marcia’, 22.5: ‘those fiercest of dogs, which
he kept tame only towards himself, ferocious towards all others, by
supplying them with human blood, now began to bark around that great man
[Cordus
], already caught in the
snare’.
374 Secundus] Q;
Secvnd’ F1
384 hast] F1;
last Q
385 with] F1;
wtih Q
385 viper’s
tooth The young of the viper were believed to eat their way
out of the mother, killing it in the process; see
Pliny,
Nat. Hist., 10.82. Cf.
Poet.,
5.3.284 (H&S).
387 degenerous
degenerate, here unworthy of his/her ancestry. Cf. New
Inn, 3.2.166.
389 forth
forth of, meaning ‘out of’.
390 Instance
in Cite an example as proof.
392 ‘Cassius . . . Romans.’]
Ayres; italics. in Q
394 SH]
Afe. F1;
Arr. Q, corr. by pen in
Townshend copy
394 private
personal interest (Ayres). Cf. Cat., 3.2.247: ‘Nor
must I be unmindful of my private’ (H&S).
395 spirit
mettle, hence often at this date sense of what is owed to one’s
rank.
397 parricide
Used of the killers of Caesar (Lewis and Short,
parricida Ⅱ.2.B) as
pater patriae. Afer may
also be hinting at the tradition that Caesar was the natural father of
Brutus (
Suetonius,
Julius, 50.2, 82.3).
399 invective
vituperative.
402 whole . . .
time Editors have tried to explain this as (1) referring to
Tiberius as ‘the greatest man of the present day’ (Barish); (2) ‘the
processes of (personified) Time’ (Ayres); or (3) ‘to all of history’
(Kidnie). The phrase appears to be applied specifically to ‘Caesar’, and
may be an attempt by Afer to flatter Tiberius as the most complete man
produced by the time.
404 pen.] F1;
pen? Q
406 name
reputation, status. Cf. Alch., 1.1.81; Challenge, 89–90: ‘Is Cupid of no name with you?’
407–60 The speech of which Jonson told Drummond that ‘In
his Sejanus he hath translated a whole oration of
Tacitus’ (Informations, 481). See above, .
407–10 Tacitus, 1.72, implies that the application of the
lex majestatis to words was an innovation of Augustus;
it had previously only applied to deeds which threatened the ‘majesty’
of the state.
407 fact deed
(translating Lat. factorum), especially an evil deed
(OED, 1c).
408 As . . .
argued That solely by my writings is my loyalty being
challenged.
408–10 those
words . . . comprehends ‘the law of treason pertains only to
language that is directly aimed against the reigning emperor or his
father’.
415–16 History
. . . extol Livy’s Ab urbe condita libri (‘From the founding of the city’) was a
history of Rome in 142 books, of which 109–16, the ‘civil war books’
dealing with Caesar and Pompey, are among the 107 that are lost.
417 him
Livy.
419 Scipio
Metellus Scipio, Pompey’s father-in-law, committed suicide after his
defeat by Caesar at Thapsus (47bc).
419 Afranius
Lucius Afranius, consul in 60bc, legatus for Pompey in Spain, where he surrendered to Caesar.
He was executed after Thapsus.
421 thieves and
parricides They are called
latrones et
parricidae by
Valerius Maximus (1.5.7, 1.6.13) and
Velleius Paterculus (2.72.1–2), both
writing during the reign of Tiberius.
422 notes
Briggs suggests Jonson has in mind the nota censoria,
‘a mark placed by the censor against the name of any one censured’. In
fact, though Ayres says it is not recorded in OED, the
meaning of ‘stigma, reproach’ was ‘in common use from c. 1570 to 1650’ (OED, Note n.2 8a), and is used thus in Cat., 4.2.257–8: ‘What domestic note / Of private
filthiness’.
423–4 Asinius . . .
memory Asinius Pollio, author of a history of the Civil Wars,
was father of Asinius Gallus, whom
Tacitus (1.12) describes as inheriting
his father’s boldness.
Horace,
Odes, 2.1, is addressed to Pollio
on writing his now lost history.
424 n.22
Septem . . . scripsit
‘He wrote seventeen books of his History.’
424 n.22
Suidan Σοώδα or Suda (Soàda, ‘Fortress’) title of a
tenth-century Greek lexicon (often thought of as the name of the unknown
author). It is a combined dictionary and encyclopaedia, and was
available in a number of sixteenth-century editions, including Latin
versions.
424 ]
marginal note has no anchor in Q
22 Septem decim libros Historiarum
scripsit. Vide Suidan, Suetonium, [Julius, 30].
424 Messalla
Messalla Corvinus, deputy to Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, after which
he went over to Octavian, becoming consul (31
bc) and a supporter of the principate. His lost history
probably covered the period from the death of Julius Caesar onwards
(
Suetonius,
Augustus, 74). He was father of the Cotta who
proposes the burning of Cordus’s history in this act (below, 465–6), and
a patron of Tibullus and Ovid.
426 Lived with
Perhaps Jonson’s translation of Tacitus’s perviguere,
literally ‘keep blooming’, i.e. ‘flourish’, a word not found
elsewhere.
426 Augustus,] Q;
Avgvstvs! F1
427–30 To . . .
judges Cicero’s
Cato (lost but referred to
in
Ad Atticum, 13.46.2) was published in 46
bc, and reflected disillusionment with a
dictatorship he had first accepted as temporary. Caesar’s
Anticato was a two-volume reply, apparently in the form of
speeches:
Suetonius,
Julius, 56.5; Plutarch,
Caesar, 54.
431 Antonius’
letters Only one of Mark Antony’s letters survives, analysed
by Cicero,
Orationes Philippicae (‘
Philippic
Orations’), 13.10.22; Suetonius uses them as a source, possibly
quoting from them (
Augustus, 7, 16, 63, 69).
431 Brutus’
pleadings Tacitus’s is the only known allusion to these
speeches.
434 Bibaculus
Furius Bibaculus, b. 99
bc, mocked as a bad
poet by Horace (
Satires, 1.10.36, 2.5.41); only fragments
survive in these two satires, and in Suetonius’s
De
Grammaticis (‘Grammar’), 9 and 11.
434 Catullus
He attacks Caesar several times, especially in 29, 54, 57, and 95.
436–7 Yet . . .
contemned them Suetonius says Caesar’s relations with
Catullus’s family remained good after the latter apologized (
Julius, 73).
437 contemned
disregarded; translating Lat. reliquo, –ere.
438 Promptly
Readily; translating Lat. facile.
439 for] F1; “For
Q
440–1 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
441 Briggs suggests an echo of Seneca,
De Ira (‘
On
Anger’), 3.5.8: ‘Revenge is confession of a hurt’ (
Ultio doloris confessio est). This may have suggested
‘confessed’, but Jonson needed to look no further than Tacitus for these
lines, which he emphasizes by rhyme.
442–5 The . . .
revenged The Greeks had a reputation for licentiousness
fostered by Aesculapian comedy in particular (cf. ‘Merry Greeks’, Tro., 4.4.56). But when they were insulted or offended
by words, they took revenge in words, not through prosecution.
442 slip pass
over, omit. Cf. Volp., 4.1.145–6: ‘I do slip / No
action of my life, thus, but I quote it.’
451 civil
cause Tacitus writes belli civilis causa;
Jonson’s version emphasizes that the war was fought for the freedoms of
the citizens.
452–5 Or . . .
writers A typically compressed sentiment: ‘Does the guilt of
the long-dead Brutus and Cassius remain alive when they are written
about now?’
453–4 images . . .
defaced Augustus saw (and left intact) an image of Brutus at
Milan (
Plutarch,
Dion and Brutus, 5), and images of both men are
mentioned elsewhere by
Tacitus (e.g. 3.76, 16.7). Coinage of Brutus and Cassius also
continued to circulate.
456 Posterity] F1; “Posterity Q
462, 464 SDs]
this edn; not in Q, F1
463 puts . . .
whisper
OED, Whisper
n. 1b cites
Massinger,
Parliament of Love, 5.1.245–6: ‘She has put / The
judges to their whisper’; H&S add Massinger’s use of the phrase in
Roman Actor, 1.395–6. Massinger often borrowed
from Jonson, but this was probably a common idiom for instigating a
whispered consultation among a group of judges and the like, though
OED does not record it as such.
463 n.23
Egressus . . . finivit
‘He then left the Senate, and ended his life by starvation.’
463 n.23
Generosam . . . mortem
‘On his noble death’.
23 Egressus dein senatu, vitam
abstinentia finivit. Tacitus, ibid. [4.35]. Generosam eius
mortem vide apud. Senecam, De Consolatione ad
Marciam, 22.[6–7].
465 For the fate of Cordus’s books, and the parallel
with the burning of books in England, see
1.84n.
465 burnt] F1;
burn’d Q
466 aediles
Probably trisyllabic (H&S). They were officers of various kinds, in
this case responsible for executing senatorial decrees.
469 burnt, today] F1 subst.; burnt. To day. Q
470 Lictors . . .
fasces In order to escort the consuls out. See
1.376n.
471 SH]
Arr. Q; not in F1
471–80 These lines expand on Tacitus, and may have been
recalled by Jonson’s friend John Hoskyns when James I had him held in
close confinement in the Tower following his ‘Sicilian Vespers’ speech
in the Addled Parliament of 1614: ‘no man ever suffered for mere wit:
but if he lived not to requite it himself, yet the wit of all posterity
took penance on his name that oppressed him’ (Hoskyns,
Life, ed. B. Osborn,
1937, 71). See also Patterson (
1984), 18 and
60–1, on Bacon’s use of this passage of Tacitus to advise Elizabeth on
how to handle the Marprelate tracts.
476 the
authority the power of the ‘wit’ to incite belief.
478 interdiction prohibition.
480 n.24
Manserunt . . . sexta
‘His books survived hidden and were published . . . This Cremutius had
written on the civil wars, and fragments on Augustus survive in the
elder Seneca’s sixth Suasoria.’ The note is taken
verbatim from Lipsius.
24 Manserunt eius libri occultati et
editi. Tacitus, ibid. [4.35.]
Scripserat hic Cremutius bella civilia,
et res Augusti exstantque Fragmenta in Suasoria
sexta
[6.19 M. Annaei] Senecae.
481 sore
afflicted, distressed.
487 a-bruising]
Bolton; a bruising Q, F1
487 a-bruising
grinding.
487 n.25 After
spending a whole day with Tiberius, Suetonius claims that Augustus was
overheard to say, ‘O poor people of Rome, who will be ground in such
slow jaws!’
25 Suetonius, Tiberius, 21.
487 SD.2]
G subst., starting a new scene: SCENE Ⅱ. / A Room in the Palace.;
Tiberivs. Seianvs. Q, F1
subst.
488 SH]
Tib. Q; not in F1
489 jealousy
suspicion.
491 engines
snares.
493 n.26 See
above, .
26 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.13, 2.35.
494 it
Gallus’s heart.
495 bring . . .
crown bring to perfection. Not in OED, but
cf. Crown n. 33.
496 good
vultures
OED cites this as a figurative use, referring to the
human ‘vultures’ Afer and Varro, but H&S point rightly to the Roman
view of the vulture as a bird of omen: ‘good vultures’ is a variant of
the Lat. bonae aves, literally ‘good birds’, but by
metonymy ‘good omens’. H&S cite Sej., 5.587, and
Augurs, 283–4.
501 stalk with
employ as a stalking horse in hunting, using him to divert
attention.
501 Dearest
head H&S cite the Greek
ϕιλτατον
καρα
‘dearest head’.
καρα is used periphrastically in Greek tragedy for a person:
cf. Aeschylus,
Agamemnon, 905,
ϕίλτατον κάρα. Jonson uses ‘impudent head’ in
Cat., 4.2.429, ‘most reverend head’,
Epigr. 14.1.
502 fortunate
design auspicious plan; looking back to the ‘good vultures’ of
496 above, and to Sejanus’s links with Fortuna.
503 I’ve]
this edn; I haue Q; I’have F1
503 grace
favour (translating Lat. benevolentia).
503 n.27 The
whole of 503–76 is based closely on
Tacitus, 39–40, and is suggestively
similar to Greneway’s version at several points. Tacitus says Sejanus’s
request was in a letter to Tiberius, it being the normal custom to
address him thus even when he was in Rome.
27 Tacitus, Annales, 4.39.
504 since
after that.
505 ] F1;
To . . . inur’d Q
510–11 ‘To watch and travel like a common soldier for
the safety of the Emperor’ (Greneway, 102).
510 travail] Q (trauell)
511 confessed
conceded.
513–16 ]
marginal note in F1: His daughter was
betroth’d to Claudius, his sonne.
514 n.28
Filia . . . desponsa
‘His daughter was betrothed to Claudius’s son.’ The future emperor
Claudius was Tiberius’s nephew; his son Drusus died only a few days
after his betrothal to Sejanus’s daughter. See Suetonius, Claudius, 27.
28 Filia eius Claudii filio desponsa.
515–17 I . . .
Rome Cf. Greneway, 103: ‘he had heard that when Augustus in
the bestowing of his daughter, had thought even of gentlemen of Rome’.
Jonson is justified in following Greneway’s use of ‘gentlemen of Rome’
for Tacitus’s de equitibus Romanis, since the equites represented a large group below senatorial
rank, analogous with the English gentry below the peerage; but eques was more usually rendered as ‘knight’, with
‘gentleman’ used to translate generosus or ingenuus. Cf. Argument, 1n. and 554 below. Cordus is
similarly a ‘gentleman of Rome’ at 1.75.
516–17 thought But
even ‘thought without prejudice’, considering such gentlemen
potentially worthy sons-in-law.
521 but use
make use of only in the most proper way.
521 kindred
relationship. Cf. 4.113.
526 and] F2; ’And
Q; ’and F1
526–7 and . . .
children Cf. Greneway, 103: ‘and that in regard of his
children’ (Tacitus’s liberorum causa would usually be
translated ‘for the sake of his children’).
529 master] F1;
Prince Q
530 piety] F1;
pitty Q, corr. by pen in
Townshend Q
530 piety
Ayres rightly notes this is in the Lat. sense of ‘grateful devotion’
(Lewis and Short, pietas Ⅰ.B), but wrongly says this
sense is not in OED: Piety, 3 ‘affectionate loyalty
and respect’ is very close.
532 Those ‘bounties’]
Ayres; Those, bounties Q; Those
bounties F1
532 ‘bounties’
See collation; as Ayres notes, the comma in Q probably indicates a pause
as Tiberius searches to quote the word Sejanus has just used (above,
505) rather than simply hesitating ‘as if trying to find a simpler
word’, as H&S suggest.
532 we, faintly, such] F1 state 2; we faintly, such, Q, F1 state
1
534 drifts
aims; again suggested by Greneway, 103: ‘Princes . . . whose special
drift was to direct their actions to fame’.
535 sort
Translating Lat. sors, destiny, direction (Ayres).
540 Continue . . .
family Continue to live as a widow in the imperial family.
541 mother . . .
grandam Her mother was Antonia, daughter of Mark Antony and
Octavia, who was to warn her brother-in-law Tiberius of Sejanus’s plot;
her grandmother was Livia Drusilla, the Augusta, after whom she was
named.
543 simply
deal proceed straightforwardly with the matter.
546 emulation
rivalry, translating aemulatio.
549 present
difference immediate quarrelling.
550 prove
endeavour (OED, †4a).
551 first the wife] F1 state 2; who was wife Q, F1 state 1
subst.
552 n.29
Augusti . . . Iulia ‘Grandson of Augustus and son of Marcus
Vipsanius Agrippa by Julia’. See
1.213 n.37. As the oldest son of
Marcus Agrippa, Tiberius’s cousin, and as Augustus’s designated heir
before his early death, Caius Caesar had a prior claim to the empire
that Livia, as his widow, might choose to exploit.
29 Augusti nepoti et M. Vipsanii
Agrippae filio ex Iulia.
552 my] F1; to
Q
554 private
gentleman Cf. 515–17n. above; for Sejanus’s origins see
Argument, 1, and Names of the Actors, 2n.
555 her
Livia’s, rather than Rome’s.
558 her brother,
father Germanicus, and the Drusus who fathered Germanicus,
Livia, and Claudius.
560 state (1)
high office; (2) pomp and splendour.
562 Stick not
Do not hesitate.
563 our
father’s Augustus’s.
563 scale
degree. Cf. Volp., Epistle, 85.
566 For Out
of.
566–7 Nor . . .
designments ‘but I will not be against thine nor Livia’s designments’ (Greneway, 103).
572–3 we . . .
That we do not know any.
574 mind to
favourable disposition towards: OED, Mind n.1 13d, citing Devil,
1.2.29.
574 aspire
aspire to.
575 publish
proclaim.
575 watched
occasion Translating
datoque tempore,
literally ‘and at the given time’. H&S cite
Massinger,
The
Bondman, 4.1.34: ‘upon all watch’d occasions’.
578 blinding
i.e. of the mental powers; the sense of mental ‘sight’ is restored, he
having been temporarily blinded in making his suit to Tiberius.
581 n.30
Tacitus says that immediately following Tiberius’s rebuff, Sejanus
turned to the task of persuading ‘Tiberius to pass his time in some
pleasant place far from Rome’. Dio simply records that in ad26 Tiberius left Rome and never
returned.
581 ]
marginal note has no anchor in Q
30 Tacitus, Annales, 4.41. Dio,
58.1.
582 SD]
G; not in Q, F1
584 Careful
Attentive, solicitous. Cf. Cat., 2.1.207: ‘careful
Galla’.
585 main
design The plot against Sabinus.
585 SD]
G;
Seianvs. Q, F1 following
585;
[Manet]
Sejanus. Briggs
586 SH]
Sei. Q; not in F1
586 those The
‘motives’ of 582.
586 shall. Dull] Q, F1 state 1; shall. dull F1 state 2
586–92 Dull . . .
me Briggs (ed.
1911) compares two passages from
Discoveries: ‘But princes that neglect their proper
office thus, their fortune is oftentimes to draw a Sejanus to be near
about them, who will at last affect to get above them, and put them in a
worthy fear of rooting both them out and their family. For no men hate
an evil prince more than they that helped to make him such’ (876–80);
and ‘A prince should exercise his cruelty not by himself but by his
ministers; so he may save himself and his dignity with his people, by
sacrificing those when he list, saith the great doctor of state,
Machiavel’ (829–31). The reference is to
Il Principe, 19 (see
1.70–2n.).
587 thy . . .
crimes? that your favouring of me has been criticized as
criminal?
588 were . . .
faults? were blamed on you for having favoured me?
590 that
change any decision by you to give me up.
592 fond
foolish.
593–4 brain . . .
forge Ayres cites H5, 5.Chorus, 23: ‘In the
quick forge and working-house of thought’. Cf. also Macilente’s ‘sweaty
forge’ (EMO, 5.3.100) and Discoveries, 1735: ‘bring all to the forge and file
again’.
595 my charms
the ‘motives’ to leave Rome I just gave you.
597 As As
if.
597 hemlock
Poison hemlock (conium maculatum) was normally only
used externally in a poultice or paste, its toxic properties being well
known (cf. ‘The stupefying hemlock’ of Sad Shep.,
2.8.45). The first effects of taking it internally (in Jonson’s time as
a ‘juice’, not ‘snuffed up’) are stimulating; only later does the fatal
drowsiness Sejanus refers to develop.
598 poppy . . .
mandrakes The juice of both is narcotic, and they were taken
mixed together, as here. Cf.
Marlowe,
Jew of
Malta, 5.1.82: ‘I drank of poppy and cold mandrake juice’: (
Complete Works, ed. Gill, 1987–98); H&S cite
Oth., 3.3.331–2: ‘Not poppy nor mandragora / Nor all
the drowsy syrups of the world’.
599 security
complacency.
Ayres
cites
Mac., 3.5.32–3, ‘security / Is mortals’ chiefest
enemy’.
600 stupid
stupefied.
610 Larded
Enriched (as with fat); a figurative use of OED, Lard
v. †2. H&S cite EMI (F), 3.5.133, but there the more common figurative meaning
of garnishing speech is used.
610 did
would.
611 weighty and]
Wh; weighty, ’and Q, F1 subst.
614 dear
important. Cf.
Lear, 3.1.10–11: ‘upon the warrant of my note /
Commend a dear thing to you’.
615 Such dispatches would be carried by speculatores, dispatch riders of the praetorian guard under
Sejanus’s command.
619 wanting
lacking.
620 n.31 Lines
600–20 are again closely based on Tacitus. As Ayres (14–15) points out,
Jonson takes over a mistake in Greneway’s translation in lines 619–20.
Tacitus writes et minui sibi invidiam adempta salutantum
turba, ‘and less envy would accrue to him through the removal
of the multitudes paying their respects’, where the multitudes were
coming to Sejanus. Greneway translates this typically terse passage ‘and
that the envy born to himself should be diminished, access to the Prince being lesser’ (my italics). For the crowds
attending Sejanus, see Dio quoted at 5.428 n.60.
31 Tacitus, ibid. [4.41.]
622 observe
treat with honour (OED, †4b).
622 SD.1]
G; not in Q, F1
622 SD.2]
G subst., starting a new scene: SCENE Ⅲ /
Another Room in the same.;
Tiberivs. Servvs. Q;
Tiberivs, Servus. F1; not in
Q
623 SH]
Tib. Q; not in F1
625–60 The rhymed couplets, as before (2.172–209,
238–77), underscore the Senecan sententiousness of this soliloquizing;
also at 714–49 below.
629 SD.1
Calling]
this edn; not in Q, F1
629 SD.2
Enter
servus]
G subst. (Enter an Officer); not in
Q, F1
632 less still
less.
633 doubt hath
law doubt has its own laws or rationale.
634 necessary
use indispensable need; often used thus as quasi-legal term,
though not in
OED. Cf. Fletcher,
Wife for
a Month, 4.2.22–3: ‘I know thou art as holy as an old Cope, /
Yet upon necessary use’ (
Dramatic Works in the Beaumont and Fletcher
Canon, ed. Bowers, 6.417).
636 fell
fierce, implacable.
637 Those] F1;
“They Q
637–46 Briggs notes the paraphrase of
Discorsi, 3.6.
Having cited Sejanus as one ‘moved to conspire by too many benefits’,
Machiavelli concludes that ‘a prince who wants to guard himself against
conspiracies should be more afraid of those on whom he has conferred too
many favours, than those to whom he had caused too much harm, since the
latter lack the wherewithal, whereas the former abound in it; and the
wish is the same, because the desire for power is as great or greater
than that for vengeance. They ought not, therefore, to bestow so much
authority on their friends, but that a certain distance should exist
between them and the principate, leaving something in the space between
for them to desire. Otherwise it will be a rare thing if it does not
happen to them as to the princes described above.’ Cf. Boughner (
1968), 92. H&S
point to the passage in
Discoveries, 867–80, quoted
above, 586–92n. See also Introduction.
637–8 Those . . .
favours ‘The enemies most to be feared are those whom we make
powerful through favours.’
638–46 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
639 Those who are injured by princes have their own
ambitions, to be sure.
642 Heat’ with] F1 subst.; Heat with Q
642 Heat’
Heated. OED cites this as a common form of past tense
at this date, though Jonson’s apostrophe points to an elision of the
final ‘-ed’.
645 flat
level. Cf. 1.538.
646 rounds
rungs.
647 thought – Is] F1; thought. Is Q
647 n.32
De . . . isto ‘On this
Macro’. Dio gives the information that Tiberius, having ‘secretly
appointed’ Macro commander of the praetorian guard, instructed him in
everything that was needed to be done against Sejanus.
Tacitus, whose
account of the fall of Sejanus is lost, describes Macro in 6.48 as worse
than Sejanus. Cf. Names of the Actors, 5n.
32 De Macrone isto,
vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.9 et Tacitum, Annales, 6.45, 47,
48.
648 us. – He] F1;
vs. Hee Q
648 SD]
G subst.; not in Q, F1
650 Need] F1;
”Neede Q
651 What] F1;
“What Q
651 I’ve]
this edn; I’haue Q; I haue F1
651–4 I’ve . . .
live From
Pliny,
Nat. Hist., 27.2: ‘this too
[the poisonous aconite or monk’s hood
] has been turned to the aid of human health, it having been
found by experience that, administered in warm wine, it counteracts the
stings of scorpions . . .
[so
] two
poisons die together in a man, that he may survive.’
653 proof
trial. Tiberius has only ‘heard’ of the proposition that one poison
kills another, a variant of the Lat. proverb malum malo
medicari, ‘treat evil with evil’.
655–6 He . . .
like Sejanus has too active a spirit to be dealt with other
than by an encounter with one of his own kind. This is Tiberius’s
explanation for relying now on Macro, whom he does not trust, to cut
Sejanus down to size.
659–60 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
659–60 Briggs (
1916c), 330, notes an analogue in
Aristophanes,
Frogs, 1431–2: ‘’Twere best to rear no
lion in the state: / But having reared, ’tis best to humour him’ (Loeb
edn., trans. B. B. Rogers). But the one-sided ‘partnership with a lion’
(
Leonina societas) is proverbial: see e.g. Aesop’s
fable of the Lion and the Ass.
660 SD]
Bolton subst.;
Tiberivs. Macro. Q, F1 subst.
661 SH
tiberius] Tib. Q; not in F1
662 SD]
G subst.; not in Q, F1
663 our] Q, F1 state
2; your F1 state 1
668 our
courtings courting of us; as H&S say, an ‘objective
genitive’. For the common plural cf. Hym., 236:
‘Courtings, Kissings, Coyings, Oaths’.
669 are in
purpose intend. Cf. Volp., 3.2.43–4, ‘your
father is in purpose / To disinherit you’.
670 n.33 40]
H&S; 4 Q
670 n.33, 673
n.34
Suetonius says
Tiberius, ‘Having travelled across Campania, and dedicated the
Capitolium at Capua and the temple to Augustus at Nola, which he
affected was the reason for his departure, went on to Capri.’ Dio adds
nothing to this.
Tacitus says he went ‘to Campania under pretence of
dedicating a temple to Jove at Capua and to Augustus at Nola, but in
fact determined to live far from the city.’ Jonson’s undated letter to
Sir Robert Cotton inquiring about the ‘distance betwixt Bauli . . . and
Villa Augusta’ (see Letter 2) may have been connected to his research
for this scene. There is no evidence for Simpson’s assumption that it
was ‘written in his latest years after the attack of the palsy’ (
H&S, 1.215). Cf.
Bland (
1998a),
163–70.
33 Suetonius, Tiberius, 40. Dio,
Historia Romana, 58.1.
673 ]
marginal note has no anchor in Q
34 Suetonius, Tiberius, 40.
Tacitus, Annales, 4.57.
675 produced
OED, Produce v. †2c, defines as ‘To
extend in duration; to prolong’, citing this as earliest example.
677 our
shortest even my very shortest.
680 a field a
large number (Ayres); this figurative use not in OED
(but cf. 12 and 15). Jonson uses it similarly in Cat.,
4.2.69.
686 election
deliberate choice.
689–92 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
689–92 ‘Sejanus is the worm, or moth [cf. 1.427 n.63], growing out of and feeding
upon the “greatness” of Tiberius, transferring the latter’s “substance”
(power) to himself’ (Ayres).
690 fit matter] F1 state 2; much humor Q, F1 state 1
691 after
afterwards.
693–700 Tiberius speaks of Macro in the third person, but
not in soliloquy, showing Macro a flattering portrait of himself.
699 point
conclusion: OED, Point n.1 30, cites MND,
1.2.7–8: ‘First, . . . say what the play treats on; then read the names
of the actors; and so grow to a point.’
704 ]
marginal note has no anchor in Q
704 n.35
Suetonius says:
‘While Sejanus was attempting a revolution, although he
[Tiberius
] could see his
[Sejanus’s
] birthday celebrated publicly,
and his golden statues honoured all around, yet he overthrew him only
with difficulty, and then more through cunning and deceit than through
his princely authority.’
Dio writes: ‘Now Sejanus was growing greater and more
formidable all the time, so that the senators and the rest looked up to
him as if he were actually emperor and held Tiberius in slight
esteem . . . Sejanus had completely won over the entire praetorian guard
and had gained the favour of the senators . . . he had furthermore made
all the associates of Tiberius so completely his friends that they
immediately reported to him absolutely everything the Emperor either
said or did, whereas no one informed Tiberius of what Sejanus did. Hence
Tiberius proceeded to attack him in another way; he appointed him consul
and termed him Sharer of his Cares, often repeated the phrase ‘My
Sejanus’, and published the same by using it in letters . . . Men were
accordingly deceived by this behaviour, taking it to be sincere, and so
set up bronze statues everywhere to both alike . . . Finally it was
voted that they should be made consuls together every five years and
that a body of citizens should go out to meet both alike whenever they
entered Rome. And in the end they sacrificed to the images of Sejanus as
they did to those of Tiberius.’
35 Consule Suetonius Tiberius, 65. Et Dion, Historia
Romana, 58.4.1–4.
711 in charge
as your responsibility.
713 SD]
G;
Macro Q, F1, following 713;
[Manet]
Macro. Briggs
714 n.36
De . . . consule ‘On
Macro, and his character, consult’. These chapters describe Macro’s part
in the last years of Tiberius’s reign, including the suicide of
Arruntius (6.48) and the allegation that Macro ordered Tiberius’s murder
(6.50).
714 SH]
Mac. Q; not in F1
36 De Macrone, et
ingenio eius, consule Tacitum, Annales,
6.45–50.
715 It] F1; “It
Q
716 Of] F1; “Of
Q
717 Cf. 2.170–3n., and Lucan, De Bello
Civili, 1.175–6: ‘and the measure of right was might’ (mensuraque juris vis erat).
719–20 his . . .
searched Cf. Proverbs, 25.3: ‘and the king’s heart can no man
search out’ (Geneva).
721 in hand
under one’s authority (OED, Hand 29d).
722 his (1)
its; (2) his, the owner’s.
723 price] F1;
prise Q
723 can hit An
ellipsis: ‘who can hit’.
725 loose let
loose, shoot.
727 with . . .
twinned born as a twin with me. Cf.
Oth., 2.3.204–6:
‘He that is approved in this offence, / Though he had twinned with me,
both at a birth, / Shall lose me.’
727 twinned] Q, F1 (twin’d)
729 Practise
away Do away by means of skulduggery.
730 In compass
Into the scope (of my plot).
730 though but
one even though I have only one male heir and hence no other
hope of succession.
731 untrained
engine trap unset (Ayres).
735–43 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
736–9 Cf.
Machiavelli,
Il
Principe, 15: ‘a man who wishes to profess goodness in every
respect comes to grief among so many who are not good. Therefore it is
essential that a prince who wants to maintain his power must learn how
not to be good, and to make use of this, or not use it, according to
need . . .
[The prince
] will find
that something which seems a virtue would, if followed, be his ruin, and
another which seems a vice would, if followed, bring security and well
being.’ Ayres notes the similarity to
Lucan,
De Bello
Civili, 8.489–91 (see
2.178–87 and note).
740–3 Men’s . . .
lustre All these pairings either invert or distort
conventional attributes and hierarchies.
741 observance
deferential service (cf. 622n. above).
742 Opportunity is what sets them off and makes them
look good; conscience is the contrasting opposite, a stain on their
virtue (but to be ignored).
742 foil
attractive setting (as opposed to ‘stain’).
743 lustre
glory, splendour, in contrast to
Sallust,
Catilina,
1: ‘The glory of wealth and beauty is fleeting and fragile, but virtue
shines brightly for ever.’
744–8 Caesar’s . . .
rise Macro visualizes Tiberius as the power that can turn
Fortune’s wheel, on which men rise and fall suddenly. Proverbial:
Tilley, R136.
746 n.37
Chapters 9–10 of
Dio 58 describe Sejanus’s downfall; Macro’s role is largely
confined to 9.
37 Vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.9–10 etc.
748 It] F1; “It
Q
748 uncouth
uncommon, strange.
749 To] F1; “To
Q
749 SD.1]
G; not in Q, F1
749 SD.2]
this edn; Mv. Chorvs. Q; Chorus of musicians F1
Actus Quartus ] Q; Act IIII. F1; ACT Ⅳ. SCENE Ⅰ. / An Apartment in
Agrippina’s House. G
0 SD]
G subst.;
Gallvs. Agrippina. Nero. / Drvsvs. Caligvla. Q,
F1
subst.
1 SH]
Gal. Q; not in F1
Actus Quartus 1–76, 93–232 The location is Agrippina’s house. Macro’s short
soliloquy (77–92), which is clearly not located there, may have been
needed because of doubling by one or more actors, or because of the move
at 93 to the gallery (see . below).
1–2 patience . . .
vengeance Imitated by
Webster,
White Devil
(
c. 1609), 3.2.269–70: ‘
francisco. You must have patience.
vittoria. I must first have vengeance’ (H&S).
1 n.1
Agrippina . . .
accensa ‘Agrippina,
always bad-tempered, and now inflamed by the danger to her
relative’.
1 Agrippina semper atrox, tum et
periculo propinquae accensa. Tacitus, Annales, 4.52.
3 Fortune] Q (Fortune); fortune F1
4–6 Echoing Lucan, De Bello Civili,
2.14–15: ‘let it come suddenly, whatever you are preparing; let the mind
of man be blind to the future’ (Briggs).
7 Riddell (
1975), 208, notes a source in
Seneca,
Medea, 163: ‘Who can hope for nothing, let him despair
of nothing.’ Briggs suggests
Aristotle,
Rhetoric,
2.5: ‘They have no fear, for they have lost all hope.’ Both reverse the
sentiment of the next two lines of Lucan, which continue ‘though he
fears, let him hope’.
7 that I
who.
10 Still
Constantly.
12 At least the] Q, F1; At the least H&S, Bolton, Barish
12–13 colour . . .
danger A complex pun: ‘colour’ is (1) that used by a painter
and (2) ‘specious reason, pretext’ (OED, 12a);
‘ground’ is (1) the base coat laid on by a painter before particular
colours are applied and (2) the more substantial (though still here
specious) reason (OED, 5c).
18 Not] F1; “Not
Q
18 Not . . .
is ‘Even doing these things would not make me safe.’
21 n.2
Pulchra . . .
damnantur ‘Pulchra and
Furnius were condemned.’
2 Pulchra et Furnius damnantur. Tacitus, ibid.
24 n.3
Afer . . .
ingenio ‘Afer became a
leading advocate, having demonstrated his ability.’
3 Afer primoribus Oratorum additus,
divulgato ingenio, etc. ibid.
28–9 Caesar’s . . .
will Adapting Seneca, De clementia (‘On
Mercy’), 1.8.7: ‘The will to anger should be weaker than its cause’
(Briggs).
31 observance
duty.
32 unhappy in] F1 subst.; vnhappy’in Q
33–4 We . . .
at Not, as Ayres suggests, ‘we are being attacked through
them’, but the simpler meaning that ‘It is we (Agrippina, Nero, and
Drusus) who are the targets’, not friends like Gallus (cf. line 35).
Gallus’s role here is suggested by Tacitus, who notes that Agrippina
‘was the aunt of his children’ (through her half-sister Vipsania, now
married to Gallus, formerly to Tiberius). As such, Gallus proposed, to
Tiberius’s anger, that the Emperor ‘would allow his fears [about Agrippina and Nero] to be disclosed
to the Senate so they might be removed’.
34 fall apart
separate.
36 action . . .
offence ‘action like the offence they charge us with’
(Ayres).
37 To mock their conspiracies to make us seem guilty
by actually becoming so.
38 preventing
anticipating.
39 The danger’s
like The danger’s the same for us, whether we try to evade our
enemies or do what they accuse us of.
40 No] F1; “No
Q
41–2 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
41 contests
exerts itself.
41 more more
greatly.
42 Whose mere existence was all their crime
before.
42 SD]
G subst.; not in Q, F1
45–6 A . . .
bad A chance that at one time looked as if it would turn out
badly.
47 n.4 Lines
47–60 are closely based on
Tacitus’s account: ‘They were dining
at a house called Spelunca in a natural cavern between the Amyclean sea
and the mountains of Fundi. A sudden fall of stones at its mouth buried
some of the waiters. This led to panic amongst them all, and the flight
of those who were guests at the meal. Sejanus hung over Caesar with his
knees, face, and hands, opposing himself to the falling stones, and was
found in that posture by the soldiers who came to their help. He grew
greater by this, and however pernicious his advice, he was heard with
trust, as one not concerned for himself.’
4 Tacitus, Annales, 4.59.
48 n.5
Praetorium . . .
appellat ‘Suetonius
calls it a country seat.’ Lipsius’s note. As he says, Lat. Praetorium was used for ‘the more elegant houses’; Tacitus
simply calls it a villa.
5 Praetorium Suetonius appellat.
Tiberius, 39.
49 Fundane
Hills Mountains above Fundi (modern Fondi, Lazio) on the west
coast of Italy, now the Monti Ausoni.
50 Cf.
Greneway, 110: ‘in a natural grot or
cave’ (Tacitus,
nativo in specu).
57 That . . .
him Cf.
Greneway, 110: ‘which came to succour them’ (Tacitus,
qui subsidio venerant, ‘who came to their help’).
60 n.6
Praebuitque . . .
fideret ‘And supplied him reason for placing still greater
trust in the friendship and loyalty of Sejanus’. H&S correct
unnecessarily to materiam.
6 Praebuitque ipsi materiem, cur
amicitiae constantiaeque Sejani magis
fideret. Tacitus, ibid. [4.59].
63–7 As Ayres notes, these lines are adapted from
Tacitus, 4.59, the
passage immediately following that cited in n.4: ‘And
[Sejanus
] began to take the part of a judge
towards the progeny of Germanicus, suborning those who sustained the
role of accusers, mainly attacking Nero, next in succession, and,
notwithstanding his youthful modesty, frequently forgetful of what the
times demanded.’
65 offence
displeasure, resentment.
66 meet
encounter, cope with (OED, 3c, earliest citation
1745).
67–70 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
67 tyrant] F2;
Tyranne Q; tyran F1
68–70 Imitating Seneca, De
providentia (‘On Providence’), 2.2 and 4.16: ‘All adversities
he converts to exercises’ and ‘Why do you wonder that good men are
shaken that they may grow strong? No tree is strong or solid unless
assaulted by frequent winds; by its very shaking it tightens its grip
and drives its roots in more firmly’ (Briggs).
70 Who
Which.
71 uncle’s
Drusus’s.
72 hope hope
for.
72 change of
stroke variation of attack. Cf. Cynthia (F),
5.4.223–4: ‘show all the cunning of stroke your devotion can possibly
devise’.
73 sleight]
G; Slight Q, F1
74 act . . .
suffer Echoed comically in Alch., 2.3.164–5:
‘Some do believe hermaphrodiety, / That both do act and suffer.’
76 What] F1;
“What Q
76 Ayres suggests an echo of Seneca, De
constantia sapientia (‘On the Firmness of the Wise Man’), 19.3:
‘all things fall more lightly when they are expected’, but the idea is a
commonplace of the Stoic tradition.
76 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅱ. / The Street.;
Macro. Q, F1
77 SH]
Mac. Q; not in F1
80 In such a way that another change of place will
set all to rights again?
80 next
remove the next stage of his journey.
81 engaged
committed; the usual meaning in Jonson, e.g. Cat.,
4.4.93: ‘you durst engage both life and honour’.
81–2 what . . .
more Whereas before I, Macro, was working for the ‘public’ end
of helping Tiberius undermine Sejanus, my involvement in that plot, and
Sejanus’s apparent recovery of favour, means that I must now protect my
‘private’ self by removing Sejanus (see 87–9 below).
82 must] Q state
2, F1; most Q state 1
82 more more
than ever before.
83–5 The weal . . .
employment The welfare of Caesar lent propriety to the
employment, but the new danger to my own safety makes it essential that
I succeed.
85 and] F1; ”And
Q
86 Unto] F1;
“Vnto Q
86 dearest in
the most heartfelt manner (Ayres).
91 He] F1; ”He
Q
91 He . . .
know A person knows his own best advantage.
92 That] F1;
“That Q
92 makes it
home presses home the ‘vantage’ (91). Used of an attack in
fencing or, in Case, 2.7.81, of a ‘bout of cudgels’:
‘Make home your blow; spare not me, make it home.’
92 SD.2]
this edn;
Latiaris. Rvfvs. Opsivs. Q, F1
subst.; SCENE Ⅲ. / An upper Room of
Agrippina’s House. G
92 SD.2
Enter . . . opsius See .
below.
93 SH]
Lat. Q; not in F1
93–232 Based on
Tacitus, 4.68–70; see Greneway’s
version, 113–14.
93 great] F1;
Lord Q
94 n.7
Sabinum . . .
quaerebatur ‘They attacked Sabinus, greedy for the consulship,
to which there was no way except through Sejanus; nor could Sejanus’s
goodwill be acquired except through crime.’ Dio adds that Latiaris owed
Sejanus a favour.
7 Sabinum adgrediuntur cupidine
Consulatus, ad quem non nisi per Sejanum aditus:
neque Sejani voluntas, nisi scelere
quaerebatur. Tacitus, 4.68–70. Dio, Historia
Romana, 58.1.1.
95 roof and
ceiling Knoll (
1964), 195–7, suggests Jonson is using
‘ceiling’ to signify a tapestry or curtain (
OED, †3),
with the two men hiding in the ‘discovery’ space in the centre of the
tiring-house screen, and peering through the curtain which covered it.
But ‘ceiling’ in this sense seems to have been slightly old-fashioned by
1603, and on the other two occasions Jonson uses ‘ceiling’ (‘seeling’)
it is clearly in the modern sense (
OED, 5a): cf.
Epicene, 4.1.47–8: ‘A wench to please a man comes not
down dropping from the ceiling, as he lies on his back droning a tobacco
pipe’;
Alch., 5.5.39–41: ‘The empty walls, worse than
I left ’em, . . . The ceiling filled with poesies of the candle’. Nor
would Latiaris direct the spies to the vertical curtain as a space
‘between the roof and ceiling’.This ‘despicable’ place as Tacitus calls
it would not be well suggested by hiding there. H&S speculate
whether the spies climb a rope ladder to the ‘hut’, but it is more
likely that the action from 93–114 takes place in the gallery above the
tiring house, and that at 114 the spies remain visible to the audience
‘behind the balcony rails’ (Armstrong,
1960, 53; cf. Berry,
1983, 170–1),
ready to call out from there to Latiaris at 217 (Latiaris having
descended to the main stage at 98). Cf. 1.260 SD.2n.
96 bring . . .
danger bring Sabinus to the point of uttering words that can
be used against him.
104 observer
devoted follower.
105 n.8
Eoque . . . iniquis ‘And
he won the praise of good men, and the hatred of the wicked.’
8 Eoque apud bonos laudatus, et gravis
iniquis. Tacitus, ibid.
109 free free
of speech.
110 allied Cf.
Greneway, 113: ‘Latiaris, who was somewhat allied to Sabinus’. Tacitus
says Latiaris
modico usu Sabinum contingebat, ‘he had
a slight connection with Sabinus’. See Names of the Actors,
3n.
112 grateful
welcome, acceptable.
114 holes
hiding holes; with a strong suggestion of the burrow of an animal.
114 n.9
Haut . . . admovent ‘
[Between the roof and the ceiling
] –
a hiding place in no way less despicable than the plot itself –
[the senators
] hid themselves, and
put their ears to the chinks and cracks’ (
Tacitus, 4.69).
9 Haut minus turpi latebra quam
detestanda fraude, sese abstrudunt; foraminibus et rimis aurem
admovent.
114 SD.2]
G subst.;
Latiaris. Sabinvs. Q, F1
subst.
115 SH]
Lat. Q; not in F1
117 friends of
season ‘fair weather friends’ (Ayres).
117 you do do
you. Latiaris is flattering Sabinus for not following
Fortune.
118 their your
supporters’.
123–4 issue . . .
To offspring made the objects of.
127 They
Germanicus’s kindred.
127 They . . .
we Sabinus’s short-lived restraint is an invention of
Jonson’s; in
Tacitus he bursts into tears mixed with complaints (
effudit lacrimas, iunxit questus) at this point
(4.68).
129 high
morally lofty.
132 n. 10
Ne . . . patefaceret
‘Not even night was safe, with Nero’s wife supplying news of his waking
hours, his sleep, his sighs, to her mother Livia, and she to
Sejanus.’
10 Ne Nox quidem secura cum uxor
(Neronis) vigilias, somnos, suspiria matri Liviae, atque illa Sejano patefaceret.
Tacitus, Annales, 4.60.
132–7 When . . .
offence Tacitus and Jonson both refer several times to the use
of ‘writings’ in this way; see Introduction.
133 instruments persons being made use of. The informers,
manipulators of the evidence, are themselves seen as manipulated by
Tiberius and Sejanus, the ‘they’ and ‘their’ of 135 below.
135 wreak
revenge.
139 reft
stolen, taken by force from. Cf. Venus and Adonis,
1174, ‘reft from her by death’.
139–41 And . . .
eyes The irony of Sabinus describing something which is
actually happening to him closely parallels that inherent in Silius’s
interest in what is ‘in the forge’ at 2.495. Both episodes underline the
political ineffectiveness of the Germanicans.
142–55 Briggs notes a posssible source in
Machiavelli,
Il Principe, 5: ‘He who becomes ruler of a city
accustomed to live in liberty, and does not destroy it, can expect to be
destroyed by it; because it always has as an excuse for rebellion the
name of liberty and its ancient laws, which neither the passing of time
nor benefits will cause it to forget.’
145 lose] F1;
loose Q
154 ready] F1 state
2; facile Q, F1 state 1
155 vows
prayers, earnest desires (OED, 4. Cf. Lat. votum).
156 This ass’s
fortitude The stubborn persistence of this Sejanus.
157 Active valour is needed to redeem.
158 or none or
else nothing will serve.
158 rock . . .
steel
OED, Flint n. 2a, quotes the phrase
‘flint and steel: an apparatus consisting of a
piece of each of these substances used for procuring fire by the
ignition of tinder, touchwood, etc.’ Jonson’s variation figures Tiberius
and Sejanus as ‘the rock’ from which the hard steel of rebels’ swords
will strike sparks to rekindle the fires of liberty.
163–6 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
163–6 For the doctrine of non-resistance in both Roman
and Jacobean times, see Introduction.
167–70 Referring to the dictatorship, added to the
republican constitution early on to give one man supreme authority for
six months or less in a military, or later civil, crisis. The later
dictators, Sulla and Julius Caesar, took power through force, and in
Caesar’s case became dictator for life. Augustus acquired similar
powers, but rejected the title of dictator, as did
Tiberius.
170 Conquest had long been seen as delivering
sovereign power to the conqueror. See Grotius,
De jure
belli ac pacis (1625), trans. Kelsey (
1925), 3.6: ‘On the Right of Acquiring
Things Taken in War’; 3.8, ‘On the Right to Rule Over the
Conquered’.
171–7 Why . . .
empire Latiaris’s crying out against bondage under tyranny
resembles that of
Cassius in
JC, 1.2.90–161,
though Latiaris is of course speaking falsely to lay a trap.
172 Sejanus!] F1 state
2 subst.; Seianus? Q, F1 state 1 subst.
174 n.11
Facies . . .
interstincta ‘An ulcerous face, frequently patched about with
plasters’.
11 Facies ulcerosa, ac plerumque
medicaminibus interstincta. Tacitus, Annales,
[4].57.
175 n.12
Whalley first noticed Jonson’s error in placing Tiberius at Rhodes while
he was also (47–60 above) at Capri, tracing it rightly to
Tacitus, who
examining motives for Tiberius’s self-exile in Capri says ‘and in the
[earlier
] seclusion of
Rhodes . . . he
had become accustomed to keep his
pleasures secret’ (
et Rhodi secreto . . . recondere
voluptates insuerat). Greneway translated the pluperfect
insuerat as an imperfect, the same tense as he had
just used to describe Tiberius’s shame at his appearance as one reason
for hiding in Capri: ‘his face spect with plaisters and ointments,
[Tiberius
]
was therefore ashamed to show himself in public. And
at Rhodes he
was wont to shun company, live secretly,
and hide his lascivious dissolute life’ (109–10, my italics). It is
highly likely, as Ayres (15) argues, that Jonson was using Greneway’s
version at this point, and, confused, careless, or vague on the
geography of the Mediterranean, picked out ‘at Rhodes’ without noticing
that he was conflating the exile of 6
bc with
that of
ad26.
12 Tacitus, ibid.
175–6 he . . .
princes Cf. Seneca, ‘To Marcia’, 22.4: ‘[Cremutius Cordus] had not been able to endure
in silence that Sejanus was not only put on our necks, but climbed
there’ (Briggs).
177 Familiarly to
empire With undue, insulting freedom to the authority of the
empire. Cf. Cynthia (Q), 4.3.59–60: ‘’Sblood, I never
saw him till this morning, and he salutes me as familiarly as if we had
known together since the first year of the siege of Troy.’
182 removed
i.e. in time. Cf. TN, 5.1.78–9: ‘And
grew a twenty-years’ removèd thing / While one would wink’.
184 mystery
(1) profession; a ‘master’ in a mystery would be one qualified to teach
apprentices, or be the head of a guild; (2) a secret of statecraft of
the kind described in the following lines (OED,
Mystery1 5c).
185 ere . . .
fear before Tiberius went to Capri, Sejanus made him
fearful.
189 laid
arranged (OED, Lay v.1 38†b).
189 n.13
‘Sejanus . . . sent those who, under the pretence of friendship, warned
that poison was prepared for her.’
13 Tacitus, Annales, 4.54.
190 them
Tiberius and Agrippina.
192 Since
Since then.
193 heave him
up encourage his ambition.
193 n.14
Partly quoted in 63–7n. above. The passage continues: ‘while he [Nero] was urged by his freedmen and
clients, in hasty pursuit of power, to show a spirit of confidence and
resolution: this [they said] was the
wish of the Roman people, the desire of the army, and Sejanus, who now
insulted over the patience of an old man and the slothfulness of a young
one, would not dare to oppose’.
14 Tacitus, libro eodem, [4.]59–60.
195 him
Nero.
196 both the
people and the army.
199 he
Sejanus.
200 yond]
this edn; yond’ F1; yon’d Q
202 tying
encouraging him to associate with.
202 at hand
ready to be implemented.
204 he
Sejanus.
206 his
Sejanus’s.
207 clasps] Q state 2
( clasp’s); clings Q state
1
207 n.15
‘Sejanus . . . had also won over Nero’s brother, Drusus, by offering him
the prospect of the principate once he ousted his older and now weakened
brother. Beyond greed for power and the hatred customary to brothers,
Drusus’s fierce temper was inflamed by envy, because his mother
Agrippina was more inclined to Nero. Sejanus, however, did not favour
Drusus to the extent that he did not also prepare the seeds of his
future ruin, knowing the rashness which made him so peculiarly liable to
treachery.’
15 Tacitus, ibid.
208 what . . .
wears whose devotion Drusus Junior has won.
213 Sets in motion the process by which Sejanus is
able to condemn the brothers.
214 Poses as a friend to one and all alike.
217 Bogged Cf.
Und. 15.30, ‘bogged in vices’ (H&S).
220 catched As
H&S note, Jonson allowed either ‘caught’ or ‘catched’ in Grammar, 1.20.25.
221 head (1)
category; (2) white-haired.
222 reverend
(1) old, venerable; (2) awe-inspiring (Lat. reverendus, H&S).
222–3 you . . .
snared
Tacitus here
(4.71) leaves his usual system of annals to anticipate ‘the ends which
befell Latinius and Opsius and the rest who perpetrated this atrocity,
not only after Caius
[Caligula
]
became emperor, but some while Tiberius still ruled’. Latiaris’s death
is described in 6.4.
225 n.16 ‘But
Caesar, in his letter on the Kalends of January, after the customary
prayers for the New Year, turned to Sabinus, accusing him of corrupting
some of his freedmen and attacking him, and demanded vengeance in a way
by no means obscure. It was decreed without delay, and the condemned man
was dragged away, shouting as forcefully as he could with his cloak over
his head and the noose round his throat, that thus the year was
inaugurated, these were the victims to be sacrificed to Sejanus.’
16 Tacitus, Annales, 4.70.
232 The] F1; “The
Q
228 year . . .
begun Executions did not normally take place on the sacred
Kalends of January, as
Suetonius,
Tiberius, 61, implies: ‘No day
was lacking an execution, not even those that were holy and sacred. Some
were punished even as the New Year began.’
230 ‘Alluding to the form by which a criminal was
condemned to death: “I, lictor, colliga manus, caput obnutio, &c.”
[“Go, lictor, bind his hands, cover his head”]’ (Gifford). An old formula, according to Cicero, Oratio pro Rabirio Perduellonis Reo (‘Oration in
Defence of Rabirius’), 4.13 (Lewis and Short, Obnubo,
I). Ayres suggests Jonson was aware of the irony in Cicero’s statement
that the ‘light of liberty’ had made the formula obsolete.
232 What villainy calls a fault is not shameful.
232 shameful] Q, F1; shamefull; F2
232 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅳ. / The Street before Agrippina’s House;
Macro. Caligvla. Q, F1
subst.
233 SH]
Mac. Q; not in F1
233–523 Gifford’s precise location of these scenes
immediately outside Agrippina’s house depends on the unlikely assumption
that the building itself was physically represented onstage, something
Chambers also proposes (ES, 3.122).
General proximity is suggested by Macro’s reference to meeting Sabinus
‘here . . . hurried to fetters’ (4.237), but this is likely to refer to
him and Caligula passing the departing Sabinus as they come on to the
stage. As in most cases in this play, the setting is no more localized
than ‘Rome’.
234 his clear
drifts Sejanus’s unmistakable plots, designs.
235 n.17
[After the Augusta’s death, Tiberius and Sejanus] ‘broke out as if freed from the reins, and a letter
was sent against Agrippina and Nero . . . it was not an armed rising nor
the planning of an insurrection, but a lust for young men and depravity
that he imputed to his grandson. Against his daughter-in-law he did not
dare even to invent this, but censured her arrogant language and haughty
spirit.’
17 Tacitus, 5.3.
236 committed
committed to prison.
236 n.18
Asinium . . . Dio ‘Dio records that Asinius Gallus was on the
same day a guest of Tiberius, and was condemned by his devices.’ The
wording is from Lipsius’s note to Annales, 6.23, not
from Dio, though Jonson has looked up the page reference in Stephanus’s
edition, which Lipsius does not give.
18 Asinium Gallum eodem die et
convivam Tiberii fuisse, et eo subornante
damnatum, narrat Dio, 58.3.3.
238–40 Continuing to follow
Tacitus, 5.3: hearing the attack on
Nero and Agrippina, ‘the Senate sat in great alarm and silence till a
few who had nothing to hope for from honourable conduct (and public
adversities are turned to their favour by such individuals) demanded
that the matter be debated’.
241–3 your state . . .
object your property and position are sure to fall under the
power of his hatred, as now they are its target.
244 for
Capreae to Capri.
245 uncle
Since Tiberius had adopted his nephew Germanicus, Tacitus refers to
Germanicus’s sons as the Emperor’s nepotes (used for
both ‘grandson’ and ‘nephew’, and generally for ‘descendant’). Tiberius
was Caligula’s great-uncle by blood. There is no historical basis for
Macro advising Caligula to fly to Capri. Suetonius says he was
‘summoned’ (accitus) there by Tiberius (Caligula, 10).
248 n.19
Tacitus says that
agents of Sejanus ‘advised
[Agrippina and Nero
] to flee for refuge to the German army, or, when the
Forum was at its busiest, to embrace the effigy of the deified Augustus
and to call on the people and the Senate for help’. See 4.68 (not ‘the
same book’, i.e. 5.3, as Jonson’s note has it: see ).
Suetonius,
Tiberius, 53, says: ‘At last he
[Tiberius
] falsely accused her of
desiring to take refuge, now at the statue of Augustus, now with the
army.’
19 Vide Tacitum, libro eodem
[4.68]. Suetonium, Tiberius, 53.
249 chose . . .
aids chosen to place your trust.
251 Sejanus’] Q (Sejanu’s), F1 (subst.)
254 his
peculiar Sejanus’s particular.
255 let . . .
safety allowed to continue, lest the common safety be
imperilled.
256 upon the
second in support. H&S note the similar use at 2.381. Cf.
also WT, 2.3.27: ‘Nay rather, good my
Lords, be second to me.’
257 So] F1; And
Q
258 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅴ. / Another Part of the Street.;
Arrvntivs. Q, F1
259 SH]
Arr. Q; not in F1
259–66 Still . . .
throne Briggs notes a similar passage in Cat., 3.2.1–8, and the derivation of both from Seneca, Hippolytus, 671–4. Ayres adds references to similar
lamentations to the gods in Kyd, Spanish Tragedy,
3.7.10–18, Middleton, Revenger’s Tragedy,
4.2.158–9.
259 Still . . .
suffer Do you still tolerate this.
262 pitchy
blazes dark, smoky fires. Cf. Chapman, Biron’s
Conspiracy (ed. Margeson, 1988), 5.1.148: ‘In spite of all the
pitchy fires she cast’.
264 antic] Q, F1 (antique)
264 antic face
face set in a grotesquely distorted grin. Cf. Rom.,
1.5.55–6: ‘covered with an antic face, / To fleer and scorn at our
solemnity’.
265 dread] F2;
drâd Q; drad F1
267 Echoing Persius,
Satires,
2.28–9: ‘will Jupiter offer you his stupid beard to pull?’ (Whalley). An
especially grave insult. Cf.
Lear, 3.7.36: ‘pluck me by the
beard’.
268 black-lidded
eye Apparently recalling Spenser,
Mother
Hubberd’s Tale, 1228: ‘
[Jove
] views with his black-lidded eye’ (Briggs). It is a variant
of the ‘black eyebrows’ of Homer’s Jove in the
Iliad
(
Chapman’s Homer, 1.512).
269 look him
dead slay him with a glance.
269 Well, snore]
Barish; Well. Snore Q; Well! Snore
F1
270 last . . .
race Cf. Poet., 5.2.82: ‘she [Fame] was last sister of that giant race’.
Sejanus is the last of the rebel giants, who are said by Ovid (Met., 1.151–5) to have tried to attack the kingdom of
the gods by piling mountain upon mountain until Jove crushed them.
272–3 In contrast to Jove and the Olympians who are
doing nothing to stop Sejanus.
273 expostulating remonstrating. Cf. Theobalds,
75: ‘obey and not
expostulate’.
274–6 Said as Arruntius sees Lepidus; imitating
Juvenal,
Satires, 4.96–7: ‘But to be both old and noble has
long been equivalent to a prodigy.’
276 SD]
G;
Lepidvs. Arrvntivs. Q, F1
subst. (following
279)
276 n.20
Tacitus, 1.13,
records Augustus on Lepidus as ‘capable but disdainful’; 3.35, his
declining of the post of proconsul in Africa in favour of Sejanus’s
uncle; 3.50, his almost solitary defence of a ‘foolish’ Roman knight;
and 4.20 his successful motion to moderate the confiscation of Sosia’s
estate, where Tacitus describes him as a ‘grave and wise’ man. See also
Names of the Actors, 9n.
20 De Lepido isto,
vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.13, 3.35, 3.50, et 4.20.
278 Without our
boast Even if it shouldn’t be us who say it.
278 almost]
G; a’most Q, F1
280 SH]
Lep. Q; not in F1
283 Gemonies
See below, .
285 n.21 Dio
says ‘Sabinus was put in prison that very day, and later perished
without trial, his body being flung down the Stairway and cast into the
river. This affair was tragic enough in itself in the eyes of all; but
it was rendered still more tragic by the behaviour of a dog belonging to
Sabinus that went with him to prison, remained beside him at his death,
and finally leaped into the river with his body.’ For Tacitus (who makes
no mention of the dog), see above, .
21 Dio, Historia Romana, 58.1.3.
Et Tacitus, Annales, 4.70.
290 good
patriot The first known use of the phrase. Cf. the ‘good
patriots’ of Cat., 4.2.221 (cf. also 4.6.17). The
translators of the AV, perhaps remembering the latter play (acted and
printed 1611, the same year as the AV) ask in their preface ‘Was
Catiline therefore an honest man, or a good Patriot?’ (cited in OED).
294 n.22 ‘I
gather this Lepidus was, for his time, a grave and wise man: for many
times he improved upon the vicious, cringing motions of others. Nor,
however, was he wanting in discretion, since he stood high with Tiberius
equally in influence and favour.’ Jonson does not mention the intimacy
with Tiberius, but reflects Lepidus’s ‘discretion’ in his rejected
advice to Arruntius to show ‘Zeal, / And duty’ to ‘our prince’ (below,
371–2).
22 Tacitus, Consule Annales,
4.20.
295–6 Echoing
Juvenal,
Satires,
4.89–90: ‘He never, therefore, stretched his arms against the torrent.’
As Gifford implies, the subsequent lines, down to 311 below, are also
generally indebted to
Satires, 4.86–93.
298 wolf’s]
Barish; Wolues Q, F1 subst.
298 wolf’s
jaws Cf. Poet., Apol. Dialogue, 226: ‘Safe
from the wolf’s black jaw and the dull ass’s hoof’. The same line is
used in Und. 23.30.
307 May I] F1;
May’I Q
300–2 May . . .
wishes? Echoing two passages of Persius: ‘Can I not mutter?
Not in private? Not in a ditch? Nowhere?’ (Satires,
1.119; Briggs), and ‘a good part of our leading men pray with a silent
censer; very few are ready to banish murmurings and low whispers from
the temples and offer up intelligible prayers’ (2.5–7; H&S). The
latter passage itself imitates Horace, Epistles,
16.59–62.
300 Jove Jove
as the god of a justice and order that is apparently absent is invoked
with increasing despair by the Germanicans, and set against Sejanus (and
through him, against capricious Fortuna, the enemy of order). Arruntius
invokes Jove at 1.435–6, swears by him at 3.64, and laments his apparent
indifference throughout Act 4. Silius introduces the recurrent
opposition of Sejanus and Jove at 1.202; Sejanus’s hubris reaches its
height when he too sets himself explicitly against Jove or all the
Olympian gods at 2.160, 5.21–4, 69–84, 201–5, and 263–4. As often in
Jonson, there are echoes of Marlowe’s overreaching heroes.
302 So So long
as.
304–5 May . . .
dream? Cf. 1.67–70n.
305 racked put
on the torture rack.
307–11 Say . . .
ear Echoing
Juvenal,
Satires, 4.86–8: ‘But what can be
more dangerous than the ear of a tyrant, on which hangs the fate of a
friend who just wants to talk of the rain or summer heat or stormy
weather?’
308 holds up
keeps from or stops raining (OED, Hold v. 44i).
309 n.23
Scalae . . . trahebantur
‘The Gemonian steps were on the
Aventine, near the temple of Juno Regina, which had been dedicated by
Camillus after the capture of Veii: Rhodiginus wants them called this
from the groaning
[gemitus] and weeping. Bodies were thrown on to these steps to
humiliate them, sometimes they were dragged there on a hook by the
Executioner.’ See Rhodiginus,
Lectionum antiquarum
(
1516), 257:
Dicti Gemonii gradus, quod locus esset gemitus, et
Calamitatum.
23 Scalae Gemoniae fuerunt in Aventino,
prope Templum Junonis reginae a Camillo captis
Veiis, dicatum: A gemitu et planctu dictas
vult Rhodiginus in quas contumeliae causa cadavera
proiecta, aliquando a Carnifice unco trahebantur. Vide Tacitum,
Suetonium, Dionem, Senecam, Juvenalem.
311 violent
ear Translating
Juvenal’s
violentius aure (
Satires, 4.86),
where the suggestion is of a dangerous unpredictability of response, a
meaning not in
OED, though nearest to Violent
adj. 8c and 4c.
312–14 No . . .
cruelty Imitating Suetonius, Tiberius, 61,
translated at 1.64 n.15; cf. above, 228n.
314 From . . .
cruelty From one kind of cruelty or another.
315 pleaseth
feeds the appetite of cruel tyranny.
315–20 Madmen’s . . .
one Imitating Seneca, ‘Of Benefits’, 3.26; see
1.28 n.9.
316 idleness
meaningless talk (OED, Idle adj.
2†b).
316 nothing
(1) vapidity; (2) wantonness.
318–20 event . . .
expected Translating Seneca’s exspectabantur
eventus, ‘outcome awaited in doubt’.
320 To be
expected Ever in doubt.
322 SD]
Ayres;
Laco. Nero. Lepidvs. Arrvntivs. Q, F1 subst.
323 n.24 Dio
says Laco was the commander of the night watch who received Macro’s (and
Tiberius’s) instructions when Macro entered Rome at night. There is no
historical basis for his arrest of Nero.
24 De Laconi vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.9.3–6.
323 SH]
Lac. Q; not in F1
326 lose] F2;
loose Q, F1
330 He’s] F2;
H’is Q, F1
330 n.25, 333
n.26 Suetonius says Tiberius ‘brought the most bitter
accusations against them in letters piling on the abuse, and when they
had been proclaimed enemies of the people, he killed them by starvation,
Nero on the isle of Pontia, Drusus in a cellar in the Palace’. Cf. 2.244
n.20, and ‘The Names of the Actors’, 3n. and 4n.
25 Suetonius, Tiberius, 54.
331 sense the
evidence of the senses.
332 fant’sy] Q (phant’sy), F1 (subst.)
332 fant’sy
imagination. Cf. EMI (F), 4.5.6–7: ‘I
have a nimble soul has waked all forces of my fant’sy by this time.’ EMI (Q), 3.6.6–7, reads ‘all my
imaginative forces’.
26 Suetonius, ibid.
335 n.27 ‘[Tiberius] exiled her to Pandataria
and, when she reproached him, he had her beaten by a centurion so that
one eye came out. Again, when she determined to starve herself to death,
he ordered her mouth to be prized open by force and food crammed
in.’
27 Suetonius, Tiberius, 53.
336–9 Bolts . . .
little Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 13.78–83: ‘He
swears by the rays of the Sun and the Tarpeian thunderbolts [of Jove] and the spear of Mars and the
arrows of the Cirrhaean prophet [Phoebus], by the arrows and quiver of the maiden huntress . . . he
adds the bow of Hercules and Minerva’s spear, all the weapons in the
armoury of heaven’ (Briggs).
336 Bolts . . .
Jove Vulcan the smith prepared the thunderbolts used by
Jove.
337 blue-eyed
maid Athena (Juvenal’s ‘Minerva’).
338 Alcides
Hercules, so called because step-grandson of Alcaeus.
342 tripartite
Punning on the legal associations of the English ‘indenture tripartite’
(cf. Alch., 5.4.131) to emphasize the illegality of
the actions.
343 n.28
Translating from Tacitus on the accusations against Caelius Cordus: ‘a
charge of treason was added, which was at that time the complement of
all accusations’ (omnium accusationum complementum
erat).
28 Tacitus, vide Annales,
3.38.
345–6 would . . .
cried would not tolerate even a much less serious accusation
than treason to be alleged, but cried out that.
346 n.29
Tacitus says that the Senate were uncertain how to respond to Tiberius’s
letter attacking Agrippina and Nero, especially since the populace
refused to believe the Emperor was responsible: ‘the people, carrying
effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the Senate House and in a way
that boded well for Caesar kept shouting that the letters were spurious
and that it was not by the Emperor’s wish that the ruin of his house was
being plotted’.
29 Tacitus, Annales, 5.4.
348 the
prince’s Tiberius, not Germanicus, is intended. Tacitus uses
principe at this point for Tiberius (5. 4,
translated as ‘Emperor’s’ in the preceding note). Tiberius had adopted
Germanicus (see Argument, 13n.), and had given Germanicus’s sons into
the care of his own son Drusus Senior (3.67–71); they had become
Tiberius’s heirs (see 350 below) after Drusus Senior’s death. Even
discounting these adoptions, Agrippina and her children were very much
members of Tiberius’s ‘house’.
352 Drowned . . .
bellies Their voices are controlled by their need for food;
suggested by Lat. proverb Jejunus venter non audit verba
libenter (‘A hungry belly will not hear words gladly’). Cf. Poet., Apol. Dialogue, 76–8: ‘Fellows of practised and
most laxative tongues, / Whose empty and eager bellies i’the year /
Compel their brains to many desperate shifts’.
353 poor dust
the people. The commonplace trope of mankind as dust is based on Gen.
3.19, ‘because thou art dust, and to dust shalt thou return’ (Geneva).
Sejanus’s scattering of this dust is ironically reversed at 5.810–14,
where his body parts are ‘scattered’ and ‘Each little dust covers a
little part.’
354 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
355 stand for
wait for.
356 horse-leeches Large leeches supposed to suck blood
insatiably, and thus commonly used of rapacious human parasites. Cf. Poet., 4.3.125: ‘We’ll all join and hang upon him like
so many horseleeches.’
357 SD]
G subst.; not in Q, F1
358 voice
reputation.
360 Greek
Sinon
Virgil tells how
Sinon persuaded the Trojans to bring the wooden horse into their city
(
Aeneid, 2.57ff.). Perhaps, as Ayres says, suggested
by Laco’s
nomen, Graecinius, but also by the
cognomen Laco: the Greek C. Julius Laco was ruler of
Sparta (and wider Laconia) during the reign of Tiberius.
363 n.30
Tiberius . . .
historia ‘According to
Dio Tiberius could see in the dark’ but not in daylight. Pliny records
that ‘They say of Tiberius Caesar, and of no others of mortal birth,
that if he was awakened at night for a short time he could see
everything as in clear daylight, but darkness would gradually envelop
him.’
30 Tiberius in tenebris videret.
testibus Dionis, Historia Romana, 57.2.4. Et
[C.] Plinii [Secundi]
Naturalis historia, 11.54.143.
365 errant
Used to intensify ‘subtle’ (OED, Errant adj. †7); thus ‘wonderfully subtle’.
366–409 See above, .
368 flesh] F1;
traine Q
368 flesh
incite (OED, Flesh v. 1). Cf.
3.376–7.
369 Grant . . .
wink Grant that I may see it, I will not close my eyes.
371 Lucius
Arruntius.
371 let
prevent.
372 he . . . prince] F1; He . . . Prince Q
373–6 He . . .
lusts Briggs notes the close imitation of Juvenal, Satires, 4.2–4: ‘a monster no virtue redeems from
vice, a sickly voluptuary, only strong in his lusts’. Jonson also marked
in his copy of Claudian the description of ‘the loathsome cliffs of
Capri . . . owned by a senile lecher’ in De quarto
consulatu Honorii (‘The Fourth Consulship of Honorius’),
314–15.
375 n.31
Tacitus speculates on whether Tiberius retired to Capri to hide ‘in the
seclusion of the place the cruelty and licentiousness which his deeds
betrayed. There were those who thought that in his old age he had become
ashamed of his physical appearance. Of course he was tall, very thin and
stooped, with a head completely bald, and an ulcerous face, frequently
patched about with plasters.’
31 Consule Tacitum, Annales, 4.57.
378 n.32
de . . . Caprensi ‘on
the Caprian retirement’. Suetonius,
Tiberius, 43–4,
describes Tiberius’s alleged sexual excesses on Capri.
Dio says ‘Sejanus
himself seemed to be emperor and Tiberius a kind of island potentate,
inasmuch as the latter spent his time on the island of Capreae.’ Juvenal
describes Sejanus as now ‘guardian of a prince seated on the narrow rock
of Capri with his Chaldean herd
[of astrologers
]’.
Chaldaei (Assyrians) had long
been synonymous with ‘astrologers’ in Rome.
32 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 43, de secessu Caprensi. Dionem,
58.5.1. Juvenalem, Satura, 10.[91–4].
379 comic face
(1) the mask worn by comic actors; (2) the ‘ulcerous face’ of
Tiberius.
380 n. 33 A
series of references covering lines 380–95. Tacitus describes Tiberius’s
practice of having astrologers with whom he was dissatisfied thrown off
the cliff near his Caprian villa. Dio records Tiberius’s own expertise
in astrology, and his banning or execution of all astrologers in Rome
other than his personal astrologer, Thrasyllus.
Suetonius,
Tiberius, 62,
records the numerous tortures and executions practised by Tiberius on
Capri. In
Tiberius, 52, he writes of Tiberius himself
devising various forms of torture, rather than favouring others who did,
while in
Tiberius, 44, he continues the description of
Tiberius’s ‘criminal obscenity’ with children.
33 Tacitus, Annales, 6.21. Dio,
Historia Romana, 57.15.7–8. Suetonius, Tiberius, 62. Suetonius, ibid.
Suetonius, Tiberius, 44.
381 unkind
unnatural.
382 grave
weighty, serious.
382 bane
woe.
387 ends . . .
degrees limits . . . stages on the way (Ayres).
394 What’s their
good What is good in them.
395 n.34
Tacitus describes Tiberius returning to Capri: ‘he went back again to
the rocks and solitude of the sea, in shame at the vices and lusts which
inflamed him beyond control, so that in the way of a king he polluted
the children of free-born citizens with his vices. Nor was it merely
beauty and an attractive body which were incentives to his desires, but
a childish modesty in some, noble ancestry in others. Now were the
hitherto unknown words sellarii and spintriae coined for the first time, from the foulness of the
place and the stamina of the catamite. Slaves were given authority to
seek out and procure, with gifts for the willing, and threats to the
reluctant, and if relatives or parents held them back, they used
violence and abduction, and their own desires, as if with
prisoners.’
34 Tacitus, Annales, 6.1.
Suetonius, Tiberius, 43.
396 friends
relatives.
399 spintries,
sellaries Greneway’s versions of the words, as Ayres notes. A
sellaria was originally a seat or settle, or a
room furnished with such seats; spintria was
originally ‘the contractile muscle of the anus’ (Lewis and Short, sphintria), hence here a catamite. Suetonius, Tiberius, 43, says that Tiberius devised a room (sellaria) for his ‘secret lusts’ in which he watched
the sexual activities of groups of girls and young men ‘whom he used to
call spintrias’.
400 new-commented new-invented, from Lat.
commentus, used by Suetonius,
Tiberius, 43:
Venerios locos commentus est (literally ‘he invented
Venereal places’). As Ayres notes, the latest
OED
example is 1596.
401 As well as the suggestion for this line in
Tacitus, Briggs cites Juvenal, Satires, 13.29–30: ‘for
whose abominations nature cannot find a name’.
403 n.35 For
the passage from Dio, see
3.704 n.35.
35 Lege Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.4.1–4.
404 stale
catamite See 1.213–16.
405–6 upon . . .
raised See
175–6n. above.
406 side sit
beside, rival (OED, Side v.1 2d, citing this as the earliest example).
407 And be sacrificed to in Rome as though he were a
god.
408–9 Echoing Persius, Satires,
2.24–5: ‘Do you suppose those things are overlooked because when [Jupiter] thunders, an oak is sooner
riven by the sacred fire than you and your house?’ (Briggs).
409 SD]
this edn;
Laco. Pomponivs. Minvtivs. &c. Q;
Laco, Pomponivs, Minvtivs, Terenti
vs. F1; To them. F1 in margin; not in Q
409 SD.1 n.36
De
. . . Minutio Tacitus describes
Quintus Pomponius as being of a ‘restless character’ (6.18; cf. Names of
the Actors, 10n.); for Minutius see Names of the Actors,
13n.
36 De Pomponio, et Minutio. vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.[18, 7].
410 SH]
Lac. Q; not in F1
410–19 nn.37–9
Three notes refer to the same passage of Dio: Tiberius ‘kept sending
despatches of all kinds regarding himself both to Sejanus and to the
Senate, now saying that he was in a bad state of health and almost at
the point of death, and now that he was exceedingly well and would
arrive in Rome directly. At one moment he would heartily praise Sejanus,
and again would as heartily denounce him; and, while honouring some of
Sejanus’s friends out of regard for him, he would be disgracing others.
Thus Sejanus, filled in turn with extreme elation and extreme fear, was
in constant suspense . . . So also with the people at large: they kept
hearing alternately the most contradictory reports which came at brief
intervals, and so were unable either to regard Sejanus any longer with
admiration or, on the other hand, to hold him in contempt.’
37 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.6.3–5.
411 his
Tiberius’s.
414 SH]
Min. Q
state 2, F1 state 2;
Mar. Q
state 1,
F1
state 1
38 Dio, ibid.
419 This man A
certain man.
39 Dio, ibid.
423 forkèd
duplicitous, ambiguous. Cf. Volp., 1.3.58, ‘Give
forkèd counsel’.
426 heliotrope
the sunflower.
Pliny,
Nat. Hist., 22.29, ‘it turns itself
around with the sun even on a cloudy day, so great is its love for that
planet’ (H&S).
OED cites this as its first
figurative use (1b), though it also cites Jonson’s use of it as a
symbolic chaplet for
Vigilance in
King’s
Ent., 135–7.
427 He . . .
knave To me he is a rascal and villain.
429 n.40
Tacitus reports that the Senate decreed ‘an altar of Mercy and one of
Friendship, with statues of the Caesar and Sejanus on each side of
them’.
40 Lege Tacitum, Annales, 4.74.
430 leaves
pages.
431 n.41
Adulationis . . .
iurabant ‘Everyone, full of adulation, swore by his
Fortune.’
41 Adulationis pleni omnes eius
Fortunam iurabant. Dio, Historia Romana,
58.6.2.
432 n.42 For
Dio, see above, ; Suetonius says
Tiberius, ‘so that he might distance
himself from
[Sejanus
] under
pretence of honouring him, chose him as his colleague in a fifth
consulship’.
42 Dio, 58.4.4. Suetonius, Tiberius, 65.
435 That . . . Arruntius] F1 state 2; not in Q, F1 state 1
437 that last
i.e. sacrifices to Sejanus.
437 n.43 Dio
says that ‘Moreover, because sacrifices were being offered to Sejanus,
he [Tiberius] forbade such offerings
to be made to any human being.’
43 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.8.4.
438 Pollux] F1 state 2
(caps); Castor Q;
Castor F1 state 1
438 Pollux . . .
Hercules Jonson’s stop-press correction (see collation) was
prompted by the discovery that, according to Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae (‘The Attic Nights’), 11.6, men did not swear
by Castor (see also Textual Essay, Electronic Edition). Pollux and his
brother Castor were Greek heroes, in some versions sons of Zeus (hence
called the Dioscuri). In Rome they were patrons of the
equites, which may be why Pomponius swears by
Pollux and the patrician Arruntius by Hercules. The Dioscuri were worshipped in a temple in the Forum.
438 Hercules] F1 state
2 (caps); Pollux Q;
Pollvx F1 state 1
439 n.44, 444
n.45
Dio reports that
Macro ‘communicated his instructions
[from Tiberius
] to Memmius Regulus, then consul (his colleague sided
with Sejanus)’.
44 De Regulo Consule Dionem,
58.9.3.
442 Succeed . . .
consulship Regulus and Trio (444) were consules
suffecti, substituting for Tiberius and Sejanus; cf.
5.514n.
45 Dio, ibid.
445 SD.1]
G; not in Q, F1
445 SD.2
They . . . Terentius] F1 in margin, state 2; not in Q, F1 state
1
445 SD.2–3
Lepidus . . . audibly]
this edn; not in Q, F1
447 footing
(1) steps in a dance or play (cf. Volp., 3.7.164); (2)
secure position (OED, Footing vbln.
6); (3) tracks (cf. Sad Shep., 3.Argument, 37).
447 cross-points Originally a dance step (
OED,
Cross-point
n. †1), but by 1600 used figuratively as
here to mean devious plots, double dealing; not in
OED, but cf.
Marston, Insatiate Countess, 2.1: ‘are your
cross-points discovered?’ (
Plays, ed. Wood,
1934–9, 3.30).
447 n.46
Suetonius says that ‘When Sejanus was stirring up revolution, although
[Tiberius] saw his birthday
publicly celebrated and his golden statues everywhere paid homage to,
yet in the end he overthrew him more by cunning and deceit than by his
imperial authority.’
46 Suetonius, Tiberius, 65.
449 Mingling] F1 state
2; Mixing Q, F1 state 1
450 n.47 See
above, .
47 Dio, 58.6.3–5.
453 Empty of
practice Lacking in cunning intent.
455 n.48 See
3.704 n.35.
48 Dio, 58.4.2.
456 at his
devotion at his command. OED, Devotion n. †6, gives several examples of the phrases ‘at’ or
‘to’ someone’s devotion.
457 That So
that.
458 dependences states of dependence (cf. OED,
3).
460 himself . . .
own Tiberius has lost much of his patronage and influence.
461 parting
unto sharing with.
462 his
Tiberius’s.
465 His
Tiberius’s.
465 doubling
line In hunting, when the quarry doubles back on its line to
deceive hounds (rather than referring to horsemanship as Ayres suggests,
and the subsequent lines seem to imply).
466 him
Sejanus.
466 even
evenly, cautiously.
466 so so
much.
466 fear
frighten.
468 n.49 See
.
49 Dio, 58.6.4.
469–72 Through the nature of the tasks Tiberius gives to
Sejanus he is making the latter hated by the fickle mob, whose help
Tiberius hopes to call on ultimately to destroy Sejanus.
470 staggering
rout wavering, fickle mob. Ayres cites Marston, The Malcontent, ‘staggering multitude’ 3.3.6 (Plays, ed. Wood, 1.180); cf. 5.862n.
470 in fine in
the end.
471 sure
reliable.
473 Lynceus
One of the Argonauts, with proverbially lynxlike sight. Cf. Bart. Fair, 2.1.3: ‘Fain would I meet the Lynceus now, that
eagle’s eye.’
474 no . . .
but no reason why not.
474 tyrant] Tyranne Q, F1 subst.
475–7 should . . .
law Tiberius could have taken a more direct method of ridding
himself of Sejanus, by pretending to be a conscientious ruler, and
coming home to preside over a trial which would end in Sejanus’s
execution or suicide.
477 but] F1; “but
Q
477 his fear
Tiberius’s.
477–8 fear . . .
masked Suetonius (
Tiberius, 65) in
fact stresses that Tiberius’s fear was visible to all.
478 Would] F1;
“Would Q
478 ne’er] Q (neere)
481–2 The fiends . . .
’em The gods are fiends if they do nothing while such as
Pomponius call them wise and just. Cf. 300n. above.
483 His . . .
him See next note.
484 Dio says Tiberius ‘termed him Sharer of his
Cares, often repeated the phrase “My Sejanus”, and published the same by
using it in letters’ (see
3.704 n.35).
485 it is] F2; it
’tis Q, F1
486 n.50 See
above, .
50 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.8.4.
489 Is it no
other? Is that the way it really is?
490 surety
assurance.
491–2 How . . .
have Cf.
Seneca, Hercules Furens, 313–14: ‘What the
wretched wish for too much, that they will easily believe’ (Briggs).
494 n.51
Dio says that ‘in
a letter to the Senate about the death of Nero, he
[Tiberius
] referred to Sejanus by that name
simply, without the addition of the customary titles’.
51 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.8.4.
495 ‘If I take
note (494) of what Laco says, I will become a notable fool myself.’
Lepidus has been trying to get Arruntius to stay and listen (493) to
persuade him that the interpretation of Tiberius’s strategy which he has
just outlined (446–72) is correct. Arruntius remains angrily
contemptuous of such subleties, as he still is at 504–5 below.
497 he
Tiberius.
498 SH
minutius]
Briggs;
Mar. Q, F1
502 n.52 Dio
58.8.1–3 deals with Sejanus’s failure to rebel when Tiberius indicated
that he intended to make Caligula his successor. As Ayres notes, Dio
does not mention any concern over Caligula’s flight to Capri.
52 Dio, 58.8.
503 air
publication, ‘airing’. OED, Air n.1 11, cites TN, 3.4.111, ‘Pursue him now, lest the device take air.’
503 troubled] F1;
mated Q
505 SD]
G; not in Q, F1
506 muse he’d
wonder why Sejanus would.
506 he’d]
this edn; h’would Q, F1
507 him
Caligula.
507 n.53
‘finding [the people] earnest
supporters of Gaius [Caligula], he
[Sejanus] became dejected, and
regretted that he had not begun a rebellion during his [Sejanus’s] consulship’.
53 Dio, ibid. [58.8.2].
510 n.54
Pagoniano
Tacitus describes
Sextius Paconius ‘the former praetor’ as ‘a daring, wicked man, a pryer
into all men’s secrets, and chosen by Sejanus to help in his plot
against Gaius Caesar’. The form
Pagonianus is used in
Annales, 6.3 in Lipsius’s edition, and questioned by
him in a note.
510 him
Caligula.
54 De Pagoniano vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.3. alibi Paconiano.
511 correspondence communication. OED, †5a,
cites this as the earliest example. Marston mocks this sense as affected
in The Malcontent, 1.4 and 2.3 (probably early 1604;
Plays, ed. Wood, 1.153, 165). Cf. Epicene, 3.3.65.
512 as in such
a way that.
513 front
confront, challenge.
514 gratulate
welcome.
514 SH
laco] F2;
Mac. Q, F1;
Min.
corr. by pen in Dyce A80
515 So in] F1;
So’in Q
516 has] F1; ha’s
Q
516 n.55 ‘[Macro] had incited his wife Ennia
to seduce the young man [Caligula]
by pretending love, and to bind him by an engagement of marriage.’
55 Tacitus, consule Annales,
6.45.
517–19 He . . .
sleeps Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 1.56–7:
‘skilled at looking at the ceiling, and skilled at snoring with a
wakeful nose over his wine’. Macro is willing to turn a blind eye to
Caligula’s affair with his wife.
523 SD.2]
this edn; Mv. Chorvs. Q;
Chorus of musicians F1
ACTUS QUINTUS ] Q; Act Ⅴ. F1;
ACT Ⅴ. SCENE Ⅰ. / An Apartment in Sejanus’s House. G
0 SD]
G subst.;
Seianvs. Q, F1
1 SH]
Sei. Q; not in F1
Actus Quintus 1–93 Though Gifford sets this scene in Sejanus’s
house, there is no specific reference, as there usually is in Jonson, to
a location early in the scene; lines 85–9 suggest that Sejanus is on his
way to his house (‘I care not . . . if I go offer’)
rather than inside it.
1 faint
fear. Cf. Case, 1.6.10: ‘Why I should fear or faint
thus in my hopes’.
3 Cf.
Statius, Silvae,
4.2.12–13: ‘we have passed through barren years: this is the day from
which I count my time, the threshold of my life’ (Briggs,
1916c, 331).
3 now,] now; Q, F1
5 But . . . wishes
‘Only this last step and I will lay hold on my ambitions.’ Cf.
1H4, 5.1.57: ‘To gripe the general sway into your
hand’.
5 gripe] Q, F1;
grip Bolton
5 Great, and
high As Ayres notes, these adjectives were often used for
Rome. Cf.
JC, 2.2.87,
Ant., 4.14.72 (‘great Rome’),
Virgil, Aeneid, 1.7,
altae moenia Romae, ‘the walls of high Rome’.
Jonson underlines the hubris by repeating the adjectives ironically in
the penultimate line of the play: see below, and note.
5 n.1
De
. . . Sejani ‘On Sejanus’s
arrogance’.
Dio
speaks of Sejanus’s ‘excessive haughtiness’;
Tacitus says: ‘It was clear enough
that his arrogance was increased by this loathsome servility, openly
displayed.’ Because Tacitus’s Bk 5 is largely missing, Jonson relies in
this act mainly on Dio and Juvenal for his treatment of Sejanus’s
fall.
1 De fastu Seiani lege Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.5.1. Et Tacitum, Annales, 4.74.
7–9 ’tis . . .
heav’n Cf. 2.98n., and
Cym., 3.3.83–4:
‘their thoughts do hit / The roofs of palaces’. As well as
Thyestes, Jonson may be recalling Statius on Domitian’s palace
in lines which follow those just imitated in 5.3: ‘he fills the
household (
penates) and weighs it down with his mighty
genius’ (
Silvae, 4.2.25–6). Barton compares Mosca’s
self-delight in
Volp., 3.1–7, emphasizing the
‘ridiculous’ in Sejanus’s hubris (Barton,
1984, 97).
8 my advancèd]
this edn; my’aduanced Q, F1
8 advancèd
raised high, as at 4.429.
10–11 All . . .
impudent Cf. Seneca, ‘Of Benefits’, 2.27.4: ‘ambition does not
allow anyone to rest satisfied with that share of honours which once was
his impudent prayer’ (Briggs).
11 ’Tis] F1;
”Tis Q
12 Not] F1; “Not
Q
12 discerns
distinguishes.
15 stay
hindrance.
16 stiff
resolute. Sejanus longs for a formidable antagonist in Caligula, whose
vigorous opposition might sharpen Sejanus’s striving ambition.
17–21 Echoing Lucan, De Bello Civili,
3.362–6: ‘As a wind loses its strength, diffused through empty space,
unless it meets with the strong timber of a dense wood, and as a great
fire dwindles when nothing withstands it, so it is harmful to me to have
no enemies, and I account my arms a burden, unless those I could conquer
fight against me’ (Briggs).
17 lose] F1;
loose Q
20 be our]
Kidnie; be’our Q, F1 subst.
21 want
opposites lack enemies.
21–3 unless . . .
conquest See 4.300n. for Sejanus’s hubristic desire to set his
‘fortune’ against the gods. ‘Fortune’ is capitalized in Q.
23 their
conquest i.e. my fortune’s conquest of the gods.
24 strife,] Q, F1 state 1; strife: F1 state 2
24 SD]
Bolton subst.;
Terentivs. Seianvs. Q, F1 subst.
25 SH
terentius] Ter. Q; not in F1
30 n.2, 35
n.3
Dio says ‘from one
of his statues there at first burst forth smoke, and then, when the head
was removed so that the trouble might be investigated, a huge serpent
leapt up’.
2 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.7.1.
31 You . . . see] Q subst., F1 state 1 subst.; (you . . . see)
F1 state 2
34 SD]
Briggs subst.;
Satrivs. Natta. Q, F1 state 1; To
them. F1 state 2, in margin
35 SH]
Sat. Q; not in F1
3 Dio, ibid.
38–9 A tongue . . .
flattery Cf. 1.7n., 4.423n.
48 lord!] F1 state
2; Lord? Q, F1 state 1
49 make’t a
prodigy turn it into an omen.
54 n.4, 56
n.5
Dio says that ‘on
a New Year’s day, when all were assembling at Sejanus’s house, the couch
that stood in the reception room utterly collapsed under the weight of
the throng seated upon it; and, as he was leaving the house, a weasel
[γαλῆ
] darted through the midst
of the crowd’. For the suggestion that Jonson’s treatment of this
passage demonstrates his relative weakness in Greek at this date, see
Introduction.
4 Dio, 58.5.5.
5 Dio, 58.5.5.
59 n.6
Dio says that as
Sejanus was ‘descending to the Forum, the servants who were acting as
his bodyguard turned aside along the road leading to the prison, being
unable by reason of the crowd to keep up with him, and while they were
descending the steps down which condemned criminals were cast, they
slipped and fell’.
6 Dio, ibid. [58.5.6–7].
59 declining] F1; diuerting Q
59 declining
turning aside from; as Ayres suggests, altered from Q (see collation) to
pun on their ‘declining’ down the Gemonian steps (61).
62 n.7
‘Later, as he was taking the auspices, not one bird of good omen
appeared, but many crows
[κὁρακ∊ς
]
flew round him and cawed, then all flew off together to the jail and
perched there.’ Jonson is probably again using Xylander’s Lat. version,
translating
corvi as ‘ravens’.
Dio adds that
‘Neither Sejanus nor anyone else took these omens to heart.’
7 Dio, ibid.
63 prosperous
auspicious.
63 ravens
Birds of ill omen. Cf.
Marlowe, Jew of Malta, 2.1.1–2: ‘Thus like
the sad presaging raven that tolls / The sick man’s passport in her
hollow beak’ (
Complete Works, ed. Gill,
1987–98).
64 Flagged
Flew unsteadily (OED, Flag v.1 †3).
66 Beating the
air (1) Striking the air with sound (OED, 7,
citing 2H4, 1.3.91–2: ‘with what loud applause / Didst
thou beat heaven with blessing Bolingbroke’); (2) Fighting to no purpose
or against no opposition (OED, 1c, from 1 Corinthians,
9.26).
66 obstreperous clamorous (Lat. obstreperus).
68 attempt
try to win over (OED, 5), but with a suggestion of
‘try his fortune with’ (OED, 2).
69–70 What . . .
men Cf. 2.162 n.10. Sejanus’s hubristic defiance of the
oracles recalls that of Julius Caesar in
JC,
2.2.10ff.
74 beef’s]
Wh (beeve’s); Beiues Q; beeues F1
74 beef’s fat
fat of an ox burnt as sacrifice.
80 lade . . .
back Riddell (
1975), 208, suggests a reference to
Juvenal, Satires,
13.48–9: ‘The stars were content with a few gods, and pressed less
heavily on poor Atlas.’
81 A manuscript note in the copy of Q in St. John’s
College, Cambridge, probably by the future Bishop of Peterborough,
Francis Dee (d. 1638), in 1605 a fellow of St John’s, compares this to
the more stoical address to Fortune in the closing lines of Juvenal, Satires, 10: ‘it is we, Fortune, who make you a
goddess, and place you in the heavens’ (365–6).
83 n.8 The
information, including the two references, is derived from Brisson, De formulis, 26. Grani Turis:
‘Grains of incense’. Plautus, Poenulus 451 (2.1.3),
quive ullum turis granum sacrificaverit: ‘whoever
should sacrifice a single grain of incense’. Jonson wrongly cites 1.1,
the ‘2’ in Brisson being easily misread as ‘1’. Brisson quotes Fasti, 4.410, Detis et in veteres Turea
grana focos, ‘And you may offer grains of incense on ancient
hearths.’
8 Grani Turis. Plautus, Poenulus, 2.1. Et Ovidius, Fasti, 4.[149–50].
83 whose . . .
buy Echoing Persius,
Satires, 2.29–30; ‘You
would buy the ears of the gods’ (Riddell,
1975, 208).
85 grateful
pleasing (OED, 1).
85 n.9
Dio describes ‘a
statue of Fortune, which had belonged, they say, to Tullius, one of the
former kings of Rome, but was at this time kept by Sejanus at his house
and was a source of great pride to him: he himself saw this statue turn
its back to him while he was sacrificing’. See below, 186n. Servus
Tullius was supposed to have introduced the cult of Fortuna to Rome
(Plutarch,
Quaestiones Romanae, 74).
9 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.7.2.
86 Sometimes
Sometime, once.
89 scrupulous] F1; scrupu’lous Q
89 scrupulous
anxious.
89 fant’sies] Q, F1 (phant’sies)
90 n.10
Stuckium . . . Gentilium, fol.]
this edn; Stuch. lib. de Sacrif. Gent.
pag. Q
90 n.10
De . . . Fortunae ‘On
the rites of Fortuna’.
90 n.10
Lilium . . . Syntagma Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, Italian humanist
(1479–1552).
De deis gentium (‘History of the Gods’;
1548) was one of
the earliest Renaissance treatises on classical religion, divided into
seventeen
syntagmata. ‘Virile Fortune was worshipped
in the month of April with incense, and with honey, poppy, and milk’
(759).
Chapman was much
influenced by Giraldi: see e.g.
Poems, 43.
90 n.10
Stuckium . . .
Gentilium Johann Wilhelm
Stuck (d. 1607). His description of the rites of Fortuna (1598, fol. 48)
is derived from Giraldi.
10 De Sacris Fortunae, vide Lilium
Gregorium Gyraldum, De Deis Gentium, Syntagma 17. Et Stuckium, Sacrorum, Sacrificiorumque
Gentilium, fol. 48.
91 masculine
odours ‘male incense’, a superior type. See OED, Male adj. 6†, and Masculine adj. 2†b, citing King’s Ent., 519,
‘masculine gums’ (see Jonson’s long note there).
91 night
vestments Ayres assumes the reference is ironical, the
priest’s vestments reminding him of a nightgown; but 4.523 and 96–8
below make clear that this scene is taking place at night.
92 instant
pressing, urgent.
93 SD.1]
G; not in Q, F1
93 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅱ. / Another Room in the same.;
Cotta Pomponivs. Q, F1
subst.
94 SH
cotta]
Cot. Q; not in F1
97 n.11 Dio
says: ‘Macro entered Rome by night as if on some different errand, and
communicated his instructions [from Tiberius] to Memmius Regulus, then consul (his colleague sided
with Sejanus), and to Graecinius Laco, commander of the night
watch.’
11 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.9.3.
98 opposite
opposing (see previous note).
99 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅲ. / A Room in Regulus’s House.
Macro. Regvlvs. Laco. Q, F1 subst.
100 SH]
Mac. Q; not in F1
100–70 Gifford’s location of the scene in Regulus’s
house is plausible, but open to similar objections to his placing of the
opening lines of Act 5 in Sejanus’s house: no specific location is
mentioned to guide the audience, and nothing takes place that demands an
interior setting.
100 frequent
Senate fully attended Senate (Lat. Senatus
frequens).
101 lay . . .
mulct impose a heavy fine (Lat. mulcta).
102 n.12 See
2.328 n.28. Here Jonson also cites Brisson’s first three references, to
Tacitus,
Livy, and Pompeius Festus (Brisson,
De formulis, 164).
Tacitus does not refer to a ‘frequent’ Senate, though later (6.12) he
mentions a poorly attended one (
infrequentem senatum).
Livy, 2.1:
‘Thereafter, so that the strength of the Senate might be increased by a
large number of that order, he filled up the list of Fathers by
selecting from the leading men of equestrian rank.’ Sextus Pompeius
Festus,
On the Meaning of Words, is a second-century
epitome of an Augustan period work by Valerius Flaccus. Brisson, 164,
quotes
Qui Patres, qui conscripti vocati sunt in
curiam, ‘Those who were Fathers and those conscripted were
summoned to the Senate.’
Lipsius’s Satyra
Menippaea (‘Menippaean Satire’) first published Antwerp,
1581, also uses the formula
Qui patres, qui
conscripti, adding ‘and those whose duty it is to attend the
Senate, I warn or order to be in full attendance . . . Those who do not
attend will pay a fine or give a pledge, their excuse will not be
accepted’ (1614, 1.634).
12 Edicto ut plurimum Senatores in
Curiam vocatos constat: ex Tacito, Annales,
1.[7]
et Livio, 2.1. [Sexto] Pompeio Festo, [de verborum
Significatione] 15. vide
Barnabaeum Brissonium, De formulis, 1, et Lipsium, Satyra Menippaea.
103 adscribe] F1;
ascribe Q
103 adscribe
sign. F1 changes to what Jonson probably considered a more Latinate
spelling, though classical Lat. used both forms (see collation).
104 n.13 Dio
says the Senate was to meet in the temple of Apollo, on the
Palatine.
13 Dio, ibid.
106 hour.] F1;
howre? Q
107 n. 14 See
above, .
14 Dio, ibid.
108 SD]
G; not in Q, F1
111–12 praetorian . . .
tribunes The praetoria cohors, now secretly
placed under Macro’s command (see 3.647 n.32), were an imperial guard of
nine cohorts, each commanded by a military tribune. Cohorts of 500–1,000
were sub-divided into centuriae of about 80 men,
commanded by centuriones. Under prefects like Sejanus
and Macro they wielded huge political power.
15 Dio, ibid.
114 come well
are welcome.
120 his] F1; your
Q
121 SD
returns]
marginal SD in F1; not in Q
123 Fulcinius
Trio Lucius Fulcinius Trio, Regulus’s colleague as consul, who
supported Sejanus. See above, , and ‘The Names of the
Actors’,
12n.
127 n.16
De . . . vigilum ‘On the
prefect of the night watch’. Rosinus, Romanorum
antiquitatum (1583) has a short chapter on the prefect in which
he makes the same reference to Dio, who says: ‘When many parts of the
city were . . . destroyed by fire, [Augustus] organized a company of freedmen, in seven divisions,
to render assistance on such occasions, and appointed a knight in
command over them.’
16 De praefecto vigilum vide
Rosinum, Antiquitatum Romanorum, 7.[34]
et Dionem, Historia Romana, 55.[26.4–5].
128 gone
again? The exploitation of Regulus’s hurried exits and
entrances to suggest officiousness and nervousness probably derives from
the more obviously comic comings and goings of Albius in Poet., 2.1.60–119.
129 Mercury] Q (Mercurie); mercury F1
130 Know]
Wh; Knew Q, F1
132 cannot
know not. Cf. Mag. Lady, 1.5.37: ‘She could the Bible
in the holy tongue.’
133 Three
centuries See above, .
135 away.]
G this edn; away, Q; away: F1
146 n.17
Dio says that
after Sejanus had entered the Senate, his praetorian guard were sent
back to their camp by Macro, who then ‘after stationing the night watch
about the temple in their place’ delivered Tiberius’s letter to the
Consuls.
17 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.9.5–6.
148 SD
returns]
marginal SD in F1 state 2; not in Q,
F1 state 1
154 n.18
Tacitus records that ‘Macro was said to have been ordered that if there
had been a call to arms by Sejanus, the youth [Drusus] should have been taken from prison
(for he was confined in the Palatine) and placed as leader of the
people.’ Suetonius gives almost exactly the same information.
18 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.23. Et Suetonium, Tiberius, 65.
155 reverend
mouth Ayres notes a learned witticism: ‘Latin os, the mouth, was used to express character, e.g. os durum, brazen face, or os molle,
a bashful fellow.’ The consuls had a priestly function, so os reverendum would have been suitable for Regulus.
159 projected . . . utmost
planned as a last resort.
160 SD]
Ayres; not in Q, F1
163 you of]
Wh; you’of Q, F1 subst.
165 your
colleague Fulcinius Trio (see above, .).
169 divide
separate from each other.
169 For] F1; “For
Q
169 night . . .
eyes Ayres suggests proverbial, but though common as a
metaphor for the stars, its use to suggest spying is relatively rare,
and it does not seem to be a proverb. It does, however, provide a
sinister echo of Tiberius’s ability to see in the dark (4.363 n.30). Cf.
Cowley, Love’s Riddle (1638), 3.1: ‘Hadst thou as many
eyes as the black night / They would be all too little.’
170 Whereof] F1;
“Whereof Q
170 SD.2–3]
Ayres;
Tvbicines. Tibicines. / Praecones / Flamen.
Ministri. / Seianvs. Terentivs. Satrivs.&c. Q, F1 subst., F1 omitting
Tvbicines. Tibicines.
170 SD.2
n.19 Stuckius . . . Gentilium, fol.]
this edn; Stuch. de Sac. pag. Q
170 SD.2 n.19
Hi . . . solebant ‘These
used to attend all sacrifices.’ Quoting Rosinus.
Stuckius adds that
‘flautists, trumpeters, and cornet players
[liticines] were attendants at the
rites, playing on flutes, trumpets and cornets during the sacrifice’
(
Sacrorum, sacrificiorunque gentilium, 1598, fol.
73).
19 Hi omnibus sacrificiis interesse
solebant. Rosinus, Antiquitatum Romanorum,
3.[239]. Stuckius, Sacrorum, Sacrificiorumque Gentilium, fol.72.
170 SD.2 n.20
Ex . . . dicerentur
‘From those who were called the Curial Priests’. Partly quoting
Giraldi, who
offers no more information:
Fuerunt praeterea qui Curiales
Flamines dicerentur (
De deis, 1548, 660).
170 SD.2 n.20
Panvinium Onofrio Panvinio (1529–68), antiquarian scholar and
church historian, records that they formed a college of 30 priests (
Reipublicae Romanae,
1588, 22, 27).
20 Ex iis, qui Flamines Curiales
dicerentur. vide Lilium Gregorium Gyraldum, [De Deis Gentium,]
Syntagma 17 et Onofrium Panvinium, Reipublicae Romanae commentariorum, 2.
171–399 Set in Sejanus’s house (cf. 5.84–93).
171 SH
first praeco]
Prae. Q; not in F1
171–2 Be . . . profane]
capitals in Q, except Fly . . . absent
far (italics); all italics, F1
171 Be . . .
hence Translating
Virgil, Aeneid,
6.258:
Procul, o procul este, profani (quoted Brisson,
2).
171 n.21
Moris . . . profanos ‘It
was the ancient custom for the heralds to go before and keep any unclean
persons away from the service.’ Paraphrasing Brisson, 2. Cf. Giraldi
(
1548),
716–17.
Rosinus
calls these heralds
Praeciae or
praeclamitatores (1583, 3.30).
Stuckius says their role was to impose
silence while the sacrifices were being celebrated (1598, fol. 73).
21 Moris antiqui erat, praecones
praecedere, et sacris arcere profanos. Consule Brissonium,
Rosinum, Stuckium, Lilium Gyraldum etc.
172 SD]
in margin F1 state 2;
Tvb. Tib. These sound, while the Flamen washeth Q, F1 state 1
172 SD n.22
Observatum . . .
penituisse ‘We find it noted in the ancient authors that he
who was to celebrate a holy rite came to it bathed and clean, and in
order to alleviate his sins, he used to say that he was guilty above all
men, and that he repented of his sin.’ Two passages from Giraldi are
conflated here (
1548, 715 and 716).
22 Observatum antiquis invenimus, ut
qui rem divinam facturus esset, lautus, ac mundus accederet, et ad
suas levandas culpas, se inprimis reum dicere solitum, et noxae
penituisse. Lilius Gyraldus, Syntagma 17.
174 pure hands . . . minds]
italics except and Q, F1
175 SHs]
G subst.;
Min. . . . Min. . . . Min. Q, F1
175 ]
italics except And Q, F1
175, 176 garlands] F1 subst.; Ghyrlonds Q
175 n. 23
Plauto] Q; Mart. H&S
175 n.23
In . . . constat ‘In the
services clean hands, clean garments, clean vessels etc. were demanded
of the ancients, as is clear from many places in Virgil, Plautus,
Tibullus, Ovid etc.’ Paraphrasing Brisson, 6, who quotes the same
authors.
23 In sacris puras manus, puras vestes,
pura vasa, etc. Antiqui desiderabant. ut ex Virgilio, Plauto,
Tibullo, Ovidio etc. pluribus locis constat.
177 vervin
vervain, here used for the sacred evergreens (olive, rosemary, myrtle,
or laurel) called in Lat. verbenae.
177 n.24
Alius . . . imponere
‘Another rite, to furnish the altars with garlands and place branches on
it’. Cf. Giraldi: ‘To make it truly sacred, it was customary to place
turf, or sacred branches (
verbenas) on the altar’
(
1548,
656).
24 Alius ritus, sertis aras coronare,
et verbenas imponere.
177 Favour . . . tongues]
capitals Q; italics F1
177 n.25
Huiusmodi . . . constat
‘In this way the order to be silent was given.’ Another unacknowledged
quotation from Brisson, 8, who deals with the phrase at length on 8–11,
quoting all Jonson’s classical sources and many more. Cf. 182 n.27
below.
177 n.25
Senecam . . .
Vita
Seneca, in the
passage quoted by Brisson, explains the expression
favete
linguis (literally ‘favour it
with your
tongues’) as ‘not taken, as very many imagine, from “favour”, but
ordering silence so that the service can be performed according to rite
without any voice of ill-omen interrupting’.
Linguis
is an ablative, as H&S noted. At this point Jonson seems uncertain,
translating it as a dative (since
faveo normally takes
the dative), but he corrects this at 5.182.
177 n.25
Servium . . .
ramis ‘Servius and
Donatus on this line of
Aeneid: “All be silent
[‘favour with your mouth’
] and
wreath your temples with boughs.”’
Servius,
In Vergilii
carmina commentariorum (
1878–83) interprets the formula as
‘either let all your words be good, or be silent’.
25 Huiusmodi vocibus silentium
imperatum fuisse constat. Vide Senecam in libro De
Beata Vita, [26.7], Servium
et Donatum ad eum versum Aeneid,
5.[71]
Ore favete omnes, et cingite tempora ramis.
178–81 ]
italics except
Fortvne Q, F1
178 n.26
His . . . utebantur
‘They employed these solemn formulae in the rites.’
26 His solemnibus praefationibus in
sacris utebantur.
179 Rectress
Ruler, governor. OED, †1, cites this as the earliest
use. Cf. 489 below.
182 Favour . . . tongues]
capitals Q; italics F1
182 n.27
Quibus . . . extat ‘By
which, in the precinct, the people or congregation were ordered by the
priest to be silent. That is, to utter good words. Another
interpretation of this formula of a similar kind is found in Brisson, Bk
1.’ Partially adapted from Brisson, 9.
182 n.27
Linguis
. . .
favorem Literally,
‘“Silence your tongues and minds” . . . “and the pious Romans maintained
a silence of both mind and voice.”’ In both cases, the injunction is to
clear minds and voices of all but pure thoughts and speech.
27 Quibus, in clausu, populus vel
coetus a praeconibus favere iubebatur. Id est bona verba fari. Talis
enim altera huius formulae interpretatio apud Brissonium librum 1 extat. Ovidius, Fasti, 1.[71]
Linguis animisque favete. Et Metamorphoses, 15.[681–2]
piumque Aeneadae praestant et mente et voce
favorem.
183 Be . . . vows]
italics Q, F1
183 SD.1
Tubicines . . . again]
Ayres;
Tvbicines Tibicines Q; not
in F1
183 SD.2–6] Q subst.; F1 subst.,
in margin against 184–210
183 SD.3 n. 28
Stuckium . . . Gentilium]
this edn; Stuchium de Sacrif. Q
183 SD.3 n.28
Vocabatur . . . Libatio
‘This rite was called Libation.’ Quoting Rosinus. Cf. Brisson, 33,
Stuckius (
1598),
fol. 133.
28 Vocabatur hic Ritus Libatio.
lege Rosinum, Antiquitatum Romanorum, 3.[33], Barnabaeum Brissonium, De formulis, 1, Stuckium, Sacrorum,
Sacrificiorumque Gentilium. Et Lilium Giraldum, Syntagma
17.
183 SD.3 n.29
In . . . carentia ‘The
same authorities bear witness that in the rites of Fortuna they offered
milk, not wine. Such sacrifice is called άοινα and νηφάλια, that is sober and abstinent.’
29 In sacris Fortunae lacte, non vino
libabant. iisdem Testibus. Talia sacrificia,
άοινα, et νηφάλια dicta. Hoc est sobria, et vino
carentia.
183 SD.4
kindleth his gums lights
his incense.
183 SD.5
censing . . . altar
perfuming the altar with incense.
183 SD.6 n.30
Hoc
. . . Marcellum ‘This was to
render up and make a favourable offering, that is, to propitiate [the goddess], and to bring the
prayer to pass, according to Nonius Marcellus.’ The reference is to the
Compendiosa doctrina, Nonius’s fourth-century
compendium of general information and grammar (3.220), but Jonson has
again taken the passage direct from Brisson (28).
183 SD.6 n.30
Litare . . . lege
‘Macrobius,
Saturnalia, 3.5.4, also explains
litare as to make a sacrifice to appease a deity. In
which sense read it in . . .’ A direct quote from Brisson, 28 (Macrobius
has
placasse for
placare). Jonson
also borrows Brisson’s supporting quotations from Plautus,
Poenulus, 2.1 (488–9), Suetonius,
Nero, 56,
and Seneca,
Hercules Furens, 4.1, and
Octavia, 4.1.
30 Hoc reddere erat, et litare, id est
propitiare, et votum impetrare: secundum Nonium Marcellum. Litare etiam Macrobius, Saturnalia,
3.5 [4]
explicat, sacrificio facto placare numen. In quo sensu lege
apud Plautum, Suetonium, Senecam etc.
183 SD.6
say all] Q;
proceed F1, in margin
184 SH]
Ayres; not in Q, F1 but implied by
preceding SD; Omnes G
184 ]
italics except Goddesse, Q; all
italics, F1
184 n. 31
offerendis] G;
offerrendis Q
184 n.31
Sollennis . . .
offerendis ‘The ritual formula in offering gifts to any god
whatever.’ Cf. Brisson, 33.
31 Sollennis formula, in donis cuivis
numini offerendis.
186–7 averts . . .
Avert Ayres notes Jonson’s use of different meanings, both
also available in Lat. averto, –ere: (1) to turn away
the face etc. (OED, 4); (2) to ward off (OED, 5). For Dio’s account (Jonson’s n.32) see above, 85 n.9.
As Ayres points out, the statue must have been played by an actor, since
lines 197–8 (‘with . . . cat’) describe it twisting its head and
shoulders away rather than pivoting round fully. Xylander’s Lat.
translation says the statue sese avertere, ‘turned
itself away’, which is a good translation of the Greek ἂποστρ∊φόμ∊νον rendered as ‘turn
its back’ in the Loeb edition.
32 Lege Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.7.2 de hoc
sacrificio.
189 tokens
signs, omens; used thus in the Bible, e.g. Psalm 135.9: ‘He hath sent
tokens and wonders into the midst of thee’ (Geneva).
190 scrupulous] F1; scrupu’lous Q
190 scrupulous
anxious, fearful, as in 89 above (OED, 1†b, †c), not
‘punctiliously careful’ as Ayres suggests (cf. Lat. scrupulosus, Lewis and Short, Ⅱ).
193 juggling . . .
religion cheating (or conjuring) craft, religion. Cf.
Randolph,
The Jealous Lovers (
1632), 5.6: ‘Religion is mere
juggling.’
194
SD]
Ayres subst.
195 woo] F1; woe
Q
197–8 with . . .
cat See above, 186n.
199 Avoid Get
rid of (OED, †4c).
201 spicèd
over-scrupulous, delicate (
OED, Spiced
ppl. a †2). H&S note the same phrase occurs in
Bart. Fair, 1.3.95–6,
Devil, 2.2.81,
and
New Inn, 2.5.36, and in
Chaucer, The Canterbury
Tales, Prol., 526.
201 SD.1, 2]
this edn; not in Q, F1
203 n.33
Tacitus tells how
the Senate ‘although they were being consulted over quite different
matters, voted an altar of Mercy and an altar of Friendship, with
statues of Caesar and Sejanus on each side’.
33 Tacitus, Annales, 4.74.
204 n.34
Dio says the
Romans, deceived by Tiberius’s apparent support for Sejanus, ‘set up
bronze statues everywhere to both alike . . . And in the end they
sacrificed to the images of Sejanus as they did to those of
Tiberius.’
34 Dio, 58.4.4
206 giglot ‘a
lewd, wanton woman’ (OED, †1a). As Whalley noted, used
similarly for Fortune in Cym., 3.1.31: ‘O giglot
fortune’. A variant of the proverbial characterization of Fortune as a
whore (see e.g. Und. 43.153).
210 SD]
G;
Pomponivs. minvtivs.&c. Q;
Pomponivs, Seianvs, minvtivs, &c. F1
211 SD
n.35 See 4.409 SD.1 n.36 and
Names of the Actors, 13n.
35 De Minutio, vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.[7].
211 SH]
Pom. Q; not in F1
211 His . . .
suffers ‘Note the delicate irony after the last scene’
(H&S).
212 I’ve]
this edn; I’have Q; I haue F1
217 n.36
Dio says that
‘when a new head was straightway placed upon the statue . . . a rope was
discovered coiled about the neck’.
36 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.7.2.
218 n.37
Seneca, Quaestiones naturales (‘Natural Questions’),
says, ‘We have also seen, and not just once, a flaming light in the
shape of a ball, which, however, fragmented in mid-course . . . we saw
it at that time when Sejanus was accused.’
37 Vide Senecam, Quaestiones Naturales, 1.1.[3].
220 unperfect
unfinished; perhaps suggested by Seneca’s in ipso cursu suo
dissipata est (see preceding note).
221 Th’amazing] Q subst. ( The’amazing); The amazing F1
222 more than
all more ominous than all that.
226 n.38 See
above for Sejanus’s praetorian bodyguard.
38 Dio, 58.9.5.
233 correspondence See 4.511n.
234 Attempt
him Try to win him over.
235 worthy
that are worthy of.
236 Let] F1; ”Let
Q
236 states
states of affairs.
237–8 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
238 Death, the surest of all things, shall render me
a certain account still (unlike uncertain Fortune).
241–52 I . . .
replanted In casting Sejanus as the axeman and his opponents
as trees and shrubs Jonson may be recalling 3H6,
5.2.11–15, in which Richard of Gloucester (also played by Burbage) is
similarly cast by Warwick. Jonson had been working on Crookback, for which 3H6 was an obvious
source, just before he began Sej. Cf. also Silius’s
prophecy at 2.500: ‘No tree, that stops his prospect, but must
fall.’
242 lofty
cedar Symbol of power because an evergreen of great height and
spread, and because of its biblical associations. Cf.
Cym., 5.5.535: ‘The
lofty cedar, royal Cymbeline’. Sejanus himself is a cedar who is made a
‘shrub’ in Strachey’s ‘Upon Sejanus’, 3.
243 n.39
Tacitus says:
‘Sejanus inflamed and aggravated
[Tiberius’s
] jealousy, with his knowledge of Tiberius’s character
laying down future hatreds, which he would store away and then bring
out, grown larger.’ Cf. 2.191 n.13.
39 Vide Tacitum, Annales, 1.69.
244 n.40–252
n.48 Each note refers to passages cited earlier, often more
than once, on each of these characters.
244 elm . . .
vine Vines were often trained on elms, and this figurative use
for mutual love between husband and wife was common. Jonson may be
remembering the similar use by Sir John Davies,
On the
Death of Lord Chancellor Ellesmere’s Second Wife (1599): ‘the
elm may stand when withered is the vine’ (
Works, ed.
Grosart,
1876,
1.304, line 7).
40 Annales, 4.1–3, 8. Et Dio, 57.22.1–2.
41 Tacitus, 4.18–19.
42 Et 4.68–70. Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.1.1b-3.
245 strong
oaks Symbols of unshakeable strength and hardness, hence loyal
supporters. Cf.
Cor., 5.2.101–2: ‘He’s the rock, the oak not to be
wind-shaken.’
246 shrubs
Used for insignificant persons (OED, †3). Cf. Und. 20, 21.
43 De Cremutio Cordo vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 57.24.2–4.
Tacitum, Annales, 4.34–5.
44 De Sosia. Tacitus, Annales, 4.20.
248 n.45
quaere see, seek in.
45 De Claudia Pulchra et Furnio. quaere Tacitum, 4.52.
46 De Gallo. Tacitus, 4.71 et Dio, 58.3.3–6.
248 grubbed up
uprooted.
47 De Agrippina, Nerone et Druso, lege Suetonium, Tiberius, 53–4.
48 De Caio consule Dionem, 58.8.1–3.
253 If . . .
will If it is your will.
254 period
Ayres notes the suggestion (Marotti, 1970, 201) that, this being a long
sentence, there is a pun on Lat. periodus, a complete
sentence.
255 already’ve]
this edn; already’haue Q; already
haue F1
258–9 when . . .
suffer when I was more embarrassed to assume command than was
the Senate to accept my dominance. (Sejanus was not embarrassed to
assume command; he sees the Senate as even less embarrassed to concede
power to him.)
261 temples
See 4.429 n.40.
265–6 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
265–6 who . . .
known you who have long envied and feared lest any mortal
should have any of the power that the fates reserve to themselves.
266 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅴ. / A Room in the same.;
Terentivs. Tribvnes. Q, F1 subst.
267 SH]
Ter. Q; not in F1
267 give
impart to, tell.
267 SD.2]
G subst.;
Minvtivs. Cotta. Latiaris. &c. Q, F1 subst.
268 SH]
Min. Q; not in F1
269 SD.2] F1 in margin; not in Q
269 SD.2
confer compare.
272 his
Tiberius’s. See above, 113, 128, 161–2, for his authorship of the
letters, and their distribution.
275 SD]
Natta. Laco. &c. Q, F1 subst.; F1 adds To them in margin
276 SH]
Nat. Q; not in F1
277 provost
See Names of the Actors, 14n. for Laco’s command of the night watch.
277 SD] Q subst.;
Seianvs. F1, adding To them in
margin
278 SH]
Sei. Q; not in F1
283 our Using
the royal plural, reserved for sovereigns and other undisputed
rulers.
286 Unquit
Undisbanded. The only example of this meaning recorded by OED, but cf. Quit v. 9, ‘to dismiss’.
286 the Consul
Fulcinius Trio (see .).
288 They The
consuls, whose duty it was to summon the Senate.
288 n.49 ‘For
the Senate was to sit in the temple of Apollo’.
49 Vide Dionem, 58.9.4.
289 warn
summon. Cf. EMI (Q), 5.3.161: ‘go warn
them hither presently before me’.
292 Lordship?]
G subst; Lordsh? Q; lordship! F1
293 It seems
so It seems Sejanus does not know of the edict.
296 n.50 See
above, . There is no explicit description by Dio of Macro as
Sejanus’s known enemy, and Jonson may have been intending his note to
refer again to Macro’s entry by night (cf. ‘This midnight’). It is
placed in Q at the beginning of an unusually crowded last line of sig.
L1v.
50 Dio, ibid. [9.2–4].
297 give
signify (OED, †36).
298 engine
plot, trap.
298 SD]
this edn;
Satrivs. &c Q;
Satrivs, Seianvs, &c. F1
299 SH]
Sat. Q; not in F1
302 regards you
much is of great concern to you.
302 n.51
Dio says that ‘At
dawn Macro ascended the Palatine . . . and encountering Sejanus, who had
not yet gone in, and perceiving that he was troubled because Tiberius
had sent him no message, he encouraged him, telling him aside and in
confidence that he was bringing him the tribunician power.’
51 Dio, ibid. [9.4].
310 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
310 SD In
keeping with his speech at 278–86 above, Sejanus reveals his new
insecurity by making ingratiating gestures to his friends as he
leaves.
313 instantly
immediately.
314 instant at
once, suddenly.
317 rapt
enraptured.
317 he . . .
million Cf. EMI (F),
3.1.106–7: ‘I had been slain if I had had a million of lives’ (Ayres).
The phrase is quasi-proverbial, often as ‘a thousand lives’; see e.g.
Heywood, A Challenge for Beauty (1636), 5.1: ‘thou
hast killed a man, whom to have saved, / Had I a thousand lives, I’ld
loose them all’ (Dramatic Works, ed. Shepherd,
1874).
319 And . . .
man! How strikingly new and ingratiating, that Sejanus would
actually speak to us individually by name!
322 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅵ. / Another Room in the same.;
Seianvs. Macro. Q, F1 subst.
323 SD.2
H&S and Barish suggest the use of the gallery for this scene, but
most action in Elizabethan public plays is best imagined on the main
stage in the absence of any compelling reason to the contrary. Cf. 1.260
SD.2n., 4.95n.
323 SH]
Sei. Q; not in F1
323 n.52 See
above, .
52 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.9.4–5.
325 n. 53
. Marcipor]
G; Marcipor Q
325 n.53
Meridies . . . Marcipor
‘The noon of night in Varro’s
Marcipor’. Nonius quotes
‘
nocte circiter meridie’ (‘about the noon of
night’) from Varro’s lost satire (6.450). Jonson used it again in
Gypsies (Burley), 193, (Windsor), 190. Exactly the
same phrase (‘About the Noon of night’) was used by his friend Hugh
Holland in
Pancharis (sig. D1) which was entered in
the Stationers’ Register on 1 Aug. 1603 (Arber, 3.100), but which
Holland says had been intended for Queen Elizabeth. Holland was a good
Latinist, taught like Jonson by Camden, but whether Jonson took the
phrase from Holland, or Holland from the stage version of
Sej., can probably never be resolved. The translation is
precise, suggesting it was derived from Nonius, and not from Lipsius’s
Menippaean Satire (cf. 5.102 n.12) where it is
modified as
noctis meridies erat (Lipsius,
1614, 1.633).
Ayres notes that Alexander Scott had used it
[in
lowland Scots
]
c. 1560, but Scott’s poems were not printed until
1821, and do not appear to have circulated in MS in England. Whalley and
Gifford noted the phrase’s subsequent use by many poets.
53 Meridies noctis Varronis Marcipor vide Nonium Marcellum, 6.
325 give leave
leave us. As Ayres notes, not in OED in this sense
(though similar to Leave n1 4),
but apparently a common idiom: see e.g. Shr., 3.1.56:
‘You may go walk, and give me leave awhile.’ Used in a different sense
by Sejanus at 636 below.
326 both the
consuls Regulus and Trio.
327 design
plan, project. Cf. Epigr. 110.19: ‘In every counsel,
stratagem, design’.
329 n.54 See
above, .
54 Dio, ibid. [58.9.4].
330 proportion
amount.
332 election
choice.
333 wants
fails.
335 happy, and] F1; happy,’and Q
336 high
Because of his anticipated tribunicial status (see above, ,
below, 363 n.57). Horace similarly calls Augustus ‘high Caesar’ (Caesarem altum) in Odes, 3.4.37, but
as Ayres notes Macro is punning on Sejanus’s execution, and unknowingly
providing an ironic echo of 5.5 and the play’s closing lines.
337 b’amused] Q, F1 (b’amus’d)
337 amused
puzzled. Cf. Alch., 1.3.43 (Whalley).
338 the isle
Capri.
339 With] F1 state
2; Which Q, F1 state 1
341 n.55 See
above, 97 n.11.
55 Dio, ibid. [9.3].
346 informèd . . .
thought given form in the minds of the populace. (Lat. informo, –are, to give shape).
347 Part of
myself My other half, my soul mate. Cf.
Ant., 3.2.24, ‘You
take from me a great part of myself.’
347 Macro!] F1 state
2; Macro, Q;
Macro, F1 state 1
353 retentive
discreet, reticent (OED, a1 †6).
354 jealous
anxious, fearful.
355 n.56 See
above, , ‘he encouraged him’.
56 Dio, ibid. [9.4].
357 several
separate.
361 your lover
your devoted friend.
363 n.57 For
Dio, see above, , ‘telling him . . . that he was bringing him the
tribunicial power’. The
tribunicia potestas was the
constitutional device through which Augustus and his successors wielded
power: see
Tacitus, 3.56: ‘This term for the highest office was hit upon
by Augustus, who while not wanting to take the name of king or dictator,
yet desired a title which would indicate his power over all others.’ It
had been granted to Tiberius and Drusus (cf. 4.167–70n.).
363 n.57
de
. . . Sejani ‘on the overthrow of
Sejanus’. For the passage from Suetonius, see 3.704 n.35.
57 Dio, ibid. Vide Suetonium, de oppressione Seiani, Tiberius,
65.
366 Thou’st]
this edn; Thou’hast Q, F1
374 quitted
repaid.
375 forward
presumptuous.
375 tardy note
reluctant response.
376 afford him] F1; bestow Q
381 SD.2
Enter
satrius]
Ayres; not in Q, F1
388 within this
hour only a short time ago.
389–90 a
quarter-look . . . face a contemptuous glance, scarcely
turning the head in acknowledgement. Cf. Forest 12.30:
‘Turn . . . their quarter-face.’
390 By you By
you so-called gods.
391–6 Sejanus challenges the gods to do their worst.
‘Senecan in tone’ (H&S), echoing Thyestes, 855–77:
‘The Lion of Hercules . . . will again fall from the heavens . . . the
scales of Libra . . . will fall and with them drag down the sharp
Scorpion . . . have we, out of all humanity, been seen as deserving that
the universe, its axis collapsed, should overwhelm us?’ The Lion (Leo),
Scales (Libra) and Scorpion (Scorpio) are signs of the zodiac.
394 Shake . . .
hinge Suggested by Seneca’s everso cardine,
‘axis collapsed’; see OED, Hinge n.
3.
399 Who] F1; “Who
Q
399 Who He
who.
399 SD.2–3
Enter . . . others]
Ayres;
Pomponivs. Regvlvs. Trio. &c. Q, F1 subst., F1 adding ‘To the rest’ in
margin
400 SH
pomponius] Pom. Q; not in F1
399 n.58 See
above, .
58 Dio, ibid. [9.4]
413 bond
binding agreement.
414 Harpocrates Greek name for the Egyptian god of silence
(Briggs). Cf. Epicene, 2.2.3, and Bart.
Fair, 5.6.40 (H&S).
414 assure
guarantee, promise.
417 SD]
Seianvs &c. Q;
Seianvs F1, adding ‘To them’ in
margin
418 SH]
Sei. Q; not in F1
418–19 I . . . so
Sejanus means that the fates have a longer life in store for him than he
had feared, but as Ayres notes the proverb ‘to have more tow [flax] on one’s distaff than one can
spin’ (Tilley, T450) means that one has trouble in store.
419 n.59
Dio says that ‘At
first, before
[Tiberius’s letter
]
was read, they had been lauding Sejanus, thinking he was about to
receive the tribunician power, and had kept cheering him, anticipating
the honours for which they hoped and making it clear to him that they
would concur in bestowing them.’
59 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.10.3.
421 presage
omens. Cf. New Inn, 5.2.68–9: ‘the presage / Of a loud
jest’.
424 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
428 You’re]
this edn; You’are Q; You are F1
428 The mood is
changed These men perceive that Sejanus’s mildnesss of spirit,
which they marvelled at a short time ago (314–21), has left him as
quickly as it had come on.
428 n.60
Dio says ‘Sejanus
was so great a person by reason both of his excessive haughtiness and of
his vast power, that . . . he himself seemed to be emperor . . . There
was rivalry and jostling about the great man’s doors, the people fearing
not merely that they might not be seen by their patron, but also that
they might be among the last to appear before him; for every word and
every look, especially in the case of the most prominent men, was
carefully observed . . . those who enjoy an adventitious splendour seek
all such attentions very eagerly, feeling them to be necessary to render
their position complete, and if they fail to obtain them, are as vexed
as if they were being slandered and as angry as if they were being
insulted.’
60 Dio, Historia Romana
58.5.1.
429–30 Ay . . .
ends Echoing, as well as the presage / of Dio just cited,
Petronius,
Satyricon, 80: ‘The name of friendship endures as long
as it is useful’, and Tacitus,
Historiae, 3.86: ‘he
considered that friendships were held together by the scale of the
presents given, not by steadfastness of character’ (Ayres).
429 He] F1; “He
Q
430 Of] F1; “Of
Q
430 SD.2–3] F1 subst. (last six words in
margin);
Arrvntivs. Lepidvs. Q
431 SH]
Arr. Q; not in F1
431–79 These two scenes take place outside the temple of
Apollo where the Senate is to meet (see above, 105 n.13). The Senators
who pass by Arruntius and Lepidus (430 SD) would probably enter from one
door in the tiring-house screen and exit by the other, unlike those who
‘pass over the stage’ at 460 below.
431–6 Ay . . .
face These lines must have been delivered after the hurrying
Senators had passed Arruntius and Lepidus. Arruntius is not addressing
the Senators in such a way that they hear him; he is reflecting
sardonically, for Lepidus’s benefit, on their haste to flatter the
seeming-fortunate Sejanus.
432 n.61 ‘Ave’]
this edn; AVe
Q
432 n.61
‘Ave’
. . . Romanos ‘“Ave” [‘Hail’] was an
exclusively morning greeting among the Romans.’ Paraphrasing Brisson,
743.
61 ‘Ave’ matutina vox salutanti
propria, apud Romanos. Vide Brissonium, de Formulis, 8.
432 wide hall
Perhaps recalling Greene,
Selimus (1594): ‘When
cheerful day is gone from th’earths wide hall’ (
Complete
Works, ed. Grosart,
1881–6, 14.261, line 1737).
433 a lictor’s
pace fast, as Ayres suggests, because they cleared the way for
magistrates, and perhaps also because, as officers of the court, they
arrested those accused.
435–6 Imitating
Juvenal, Satires,
4.74–5: ‘
[those whom the emperor hated
] on whose faces sat the pallor of that wretched and great
friendship’.
442 Echoing Claudian, Against
Rufinus, 1.22–3: ‘They are raised on high so that they may fall
the more heavily’ (Briggs). The passage is underlined in pencil in
Jonson’s copy, not necessarily by him.
443 think . . .
that let those persons think it who.
444 ’say] Q, F1 (’ssay)
444 ’say
essay, try.
445 In] F1; “In
Q
447 lord] F1;
Lord Q (so 448, 449, 450,
451)
451 Lordship]
this edn;
Lord- ship Q, lord-ship F1
452 noise
Normally a band (OED, 5†b), but here ‘a noise of six’
(i.e. six trumpets).
453 Make legs
Bow or curtsy.
453–4 take . . .
shoulder tend to the grooming of Sejanus by brushing a hair
from his shoulders.
454 lord’s]
Lords Q; lords F1
454 eminent] F1;
excellent Q
454 eminent
Punning on Lat. emineo, –ere, to
stand out (Ayres).
454 n.62
Tacitus mentions a Sanquinius as one of the ‘accusers of L. Arruntius’
(6.7), and (probably the same man) a Sanquinius Maximus as a ‘former
consul’ (6.4).
62 De Sanquinio vide Tacitum, Annales, 6.[4, 7].
455 slow belly
Translating Juvenal, Satires, 4.107, abdomine tardus (Briggs), where the phrase probably means a
paunch so large it slows its owner down.
456 n.63 For
Haterius, see Names of the Actors, 8n.
63 Et de Haterio. ibid. [6.4].
457 will . . .
him who eagerly crowds forward ahead of Sanquinius.
(Arruntius’s satirical speech suggests how the actors portraying the
Senators are to behave as they pass in front of Arruntius and
Lepidus.)
458 n.64
Ex . . . Lecticarii
‘Those of large and tall stature were sent from Liburnia, and became
litter-bearers in Rome.’
458 n.64
turba . . . Liburno‘The crowd gives way as the rich
man is carried swiftly overhead in an enormous Liburnian litter.’
64 Ex Liburnia, magnae et procerae staturae mittebantur, qui erant Roma Lecticarii. Teste Iuvenalis, Satura,
3.240 turba cedente vehetur / Dives, et ingenti curret
super ora Liburno.
459 thy obsequious] F1; thy’obsequious Q
460 They’re]
this edn; They’are Q; They are
F1
460 The gout . . .
carriage Haterius, overweighty and gout-ridden.
460 SD] F1 subst. (last four words in
margin);
Lictors. Consvls. Seianvs.&c. Q
460 SD See
1.176 SDn. Here, the actors may have entered from different sides of the
yard, starting at 446, to meet (460) onstage, and climb down to the yard
again at 462. Concentration on the front of the stage would have made it
easier to introduce seating for the Senate scene (see below .).
461 SH
lictor] Lic. Q;
not in F1
462 SD.1, 2]
this edn; not in Q, F1
467 n.65, 471
n.66 See above, 428 n.60.
65 Dio, ibid. [58.5.2–4].
471 refrain
’em hold them [the ‘trifles’] back.
66 Dio, ibid.
473 springs
origins.
474 SD.2]
G subst., beginning a new scene: SCENE Ⅸ. / Another Part of the same.;
Macro. Laco. Q, F1
subst.
475 SH]
Mac. Q; not in F1
476 n.67
Dio says that
Macro ‘after stationing the night watch about the temple . . . went in,
delivered the letter to the consuls, and came out again before a word
was read. He then instructed Laco to keep guard there.’
67 Dio, 58.9.6.
479 SD.2
the senate]
large capitals Q, F1
479 SD.1
The Senate As in
3.1–470, seating must have been put onstage for the fourteen or more
Senators, perhaps during the previous two short scenes (463–79). There
are at least eighteen actors onstage, with several more added when Laco
brings in the guard (612), though the Praecones and Lictors may not be
seated. For the separation of Arruntius and Lepidus from the main group
around Sejanus, see 500 below.
479 SD.3–5]
Ayres subst.;
Praecones. Lictores. / Regvlvs. Seianvs. Trio. /
Haterivs. Sanqvinivs. Cotta. / Pomponivs. Latiaris. / Lepidvs.
Arrvntivs. Q; Haterivs, Trio, Sanqvinivs, / Cotta, Regvlvs, Seianvs,
/ Pomponivs, Latiaris, / Lepidvs, Arrvntivs, / Praecones, Lictores.
F1
480 SH
haterius] Hat. Q; not in F1
481 state
greatness (in being invested with tribunicial powers).
482 fellow
consul Regulus, hitherto known as an opponent of Sejanus (cf.
Names of the Actors, 12n.).
483 he’s]
this edn; hee’is Q; he is F1
484 n.68
acclamationes
Senatorum ‘the cheering of the
senators’. For Dio, see above, 420 n.59.
68 Vide acclamationes Senatorum,
Dio, 58.10.3.
486 SH
first senator] G subst.;
Sen. Q, F1
487–8 dignity . . .
worthy Playing on Lat. dignus, ‘worthy’
(Bolton).
488 SH
sanquinius]
San. Q state 2, F1; Sam. Q state 1
489 rector A
ruler of almost any kind (OED, †1a). From Xylander’s
Lat. version of Dio: Tiberium pro insulae rectore quodam
habuerit (cf. 179 above).
489 isle] I’sle Q, F1
490 n.69 See
4.378 n.32.
69 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.5.1.
491 look take
care.
492 n.70, 497
n.71 See above, 420 n.59.
70 Dio, 58.10.3.
493–504 Ayres points to the imagery of parasitic
tree-climbing plants which seem ‘to add to the glory of the tree’ they
eventually kill.
494 propagate his
honours make them grow in numbers.
OED cites
Rom., 1.1.177–9: ‘Griefs of mine own lie heavy in my
breast / Which thou wilt propagate to have it pressed / With more of
thine.’
494 will more
the more we will.
71 Dio, ibid.
502
SHs
first . . . second . . . third senator]
G subst.
502 do with do
the same as, join in with.
508 More More
blessed.
509 but most
but most of all he who.
510, 511 his
Sejanus’s.
510 subtle
crafty, cunning. Cf. Queens, 104: ‘her subtle
side’.
511 Flyblow
The first known use as a verb (
OED). Ayres notes
Chapman’s subsequent use in his ‘Invective . . . Against Mr. Ben:
Jonson’, 11 (
Poems, 374).
512 summons
Not in OED in this sense of the reading out of the
summons.
513 Caesar . . . silence] Q, F1 subst.
(all but and the in capitals)
514–19 Memmius . . . taken] Q prints all in small capitals in form of a Roman
inscription, except MEMMIVS REGVLVS, FVLCINIVS. TRIO, and APOLLO which are in large capitals;
each word in Q separated by a stop; F1 prints all in italics except
Memmivs Regvlvs, Fvlcinivs Trio, and
Apollo Palatine
514 n.72 See
preceding note. Brisson (164), Lipsius (
1614, 1.634) and others who record the
formula for calling a Senate often use upper-case fonts similar to that
employed in Q to imitate Roman carved inscriptions. See Textual Essay,
Electronic Edition.
72 Vide Brissonium: de Formulis 2. Et Lipsium, Satyra Menippaea.
514 kalends of
June Ayres notes that although this would have been the normal
date, Sejanus was condemned on 18 Oct. 31 (Dessau,
1962, 1.158). This
was already inferred in Jonson’s day from the fact that a holiday to
celebrate the event was instituted on the fifteenth kalends of Nov.,
i.e. 18 Oct. Neither consul was in office by the kalends of June: Trio
became
consul suffectus on 1 July 31, Regulus on 1
Oct.
515 temple The
Senate met in consecrated buildings; H&S note that later (below,
750) they meet in the temple of Concord, and in Cat.,
4.2.2 in the temple of Jupiter Stator.
515 n.73
Palatinus . . .
dictus ‘The Palatine, so
called from the Palatine Hill’.
515–19 with . . .
taken The whole passage is translated from Lipsius, Menippaean Satire, where Cicero summons a senate: [die crastini] senatum
in templo Apollinis cum prima luce habebo. Qui Patres, qui
conscripti, quibusque in Senatum veniendi ius est, moneo sive iubeo
frequentes adeste. De summa Rep. agi scitote. Qui nec aderit, multam
pignusve capiam, excusationem non capiam (1614, 1.634).
73 Palatinus, a monte Palatino,
dictus.
516 fathers . . .
registered fathers Translating the formula which distinguished
between Qui Patres, qui conscripti, ‘Those who were
Fathers and those conscripted (i.e. ‘registered’; see above, ).
516–19 have right . . .
taken Translating quibusque in Senatum veniendi
ius est, moneo sive iubeo frequentes adeste . . . Qui nec aderit,
multam pignusve capiam, excusationem non capiam (see above,
). Briggs notes the imitation of this formula, not necessarily
via Jonson, in Shackerley Marmion’s Cupid and Psyche
(1638), where it is applied to the ‘general council’ of the gods
(2.3.260–7).
517 frequently
in large numbers (OED, †2), awkwardly translating frequentes adeste (see preceding note).
518 commonwealth’s]
G;
common.vvealthes Q;
common-wealths F1
521–2 Fathers . . . commonwealth]
small capitals in Q; italics in
F1
522 n.74
Solemnis . . .
relationibus ‘The customary formula of the Consuls in
proposing motions’. See 3.29 n.4, and 5.102 n.12. Dio simply names the
consuls (see passage quoted at 4.439 n.44); no ‘formula’ is
mentioned.
74 Solemnis praefatio Consulum in
relationibus. Dio, 58.9.
524 inspire . . .
truth Since Apollo was god of truth and light.
75 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius, 65.
531 What . . . done]
small capitals in Q; italics in
F1
531 n. 76
Alia . . . solemnis
‘Another customary formula’. Brisson, 172.
76 Alia formula solemnis. vide
Brissonium, 2.
537–8 Rome . . .
his Briggs notes the source in Claudian, On
Stilicho’s Consulship, 3.39–40: ‘He alone in virtue left behind
the bounds of envy.’ Marked by Jonson in his copy.
539 n.77 See
above, 420 n.59, the fifth time Jonson has cited this passage.
77 Dio, 58.10.3.
540 fierce
ardent, arrant. OED, Fierce adj. 5a,
cites Poet., 5.3.109, ‘fierce credulity’. Cf. also Alch., 4.1.39, ‘fierce idolatry’.
541 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
541 ‘Tiberius . . . Senate]
Bolton; large capitals in Q subst.,
F1
541–631 For the sources of the letter, see Argument, 28n.
Jonson’s reconstruction is based on
Dio, 58.10, the only source to indicate
its content: ‘In the meantime the letter was read. It was a long one,
and contained no wholesale denunciation of Sejanus, but first some other
matter, then a slight censure of his conduct, then something else, and
after that some further objection to him; and at the close it said that
two senators who were among his intimate associates must be punished and
that he himself must be kept under guard. For Tiberius refrained from
giving orders outright to put him to death . . . Now the letter
disclosed no more than this; but one could observe both by sight and
hearing many and various effects produced by it.’ Jonson may also have
recalled
Tacitus’s description of a speech by Augustus on Tiberius
(1.10) in which he ‘threw out certain hints as to his manners, style and
habits, which, while seeming to excuse them, he offered as
reproaches.’
541 greeting]
centred on separate line in small capitals with initial
large capital Q, F1
542 If]
If Q, F1 which uses three-line
double pica capital
542–3 you . . .
so]
small capitals, each word separated by a stop in Q; italics F1
543 n.78
Solenne . . . Romanos
‘The customary beginning of letters among the Romans’. Brisson, 741,
quotes a number of such greetings.
78 Solenne exordium Epistolarum apud
Romanos. Consule Brissonium de Formulis,
8.
543–631 The care . . . exacts it.’]
Bolton subst.; Q, F1 print Tiberius’s
letter in italics subst.
550 secure
confident.
550 necessity
bond or tie, especially between ruler and subjects (OED, †13).
551 infamous
libels Translating legal Latin libelli
famosi, defamatory pamphlets or leaflets circulated or
posted.
553 sensibly
in a keenly felt way.
556 n.79
Suetonius
describes Tiberius as being ‘firm and patient in the face of insults and
slanders . . . frequently declaring that in a free state there should be
freedom of tongues and minds’ (
linguam mentemque
liberas).
79 Vide Suetonium, Tiberius,
28.
557 lapwing
Cf. Dent, L68: ‘The lapwing cries most when farthest from her nest.’ See
Poet., 4.7.49 (Gifford).
558 SH]
this edn (so also 563, 568, 571, 579, 588, 592, 598, 606,
614); not in Q, F1
561 obscure . . .
gentry See Argument, 1n. for Sejanus’s birth, and cf.
Chapman’s sonnet
‘Come forth, Sejanus’, 3 and note.
567 the blood
turns the temper changes (OED, Blood n. 5).
568 affy
trust.
573–4 no . . .
mercy Briggs notes the source in Seneca, ‘On Mercy’, 1.1.9:
‘nor is there anyone so well satisfied with his innocence that he does
not rejoice to see mercy standing in sight, awaiting human errors.’ Cf.
Discoveries, 860–2.
575 so quite
so completely. Cf. the same usage in Pleasure Rec.,
89, Vision, 169.
576 clemency . . .
cruelty Whalley noted the source in Seneca, ‘On Mercy’,
1.11.2: ‘Truly, I do not call wearied cruelty clemency.’
578 good fox
Referring to the proverb, ‘The fox may grow grey but never good’
(Tilley, F638; Ayres).
581 lets
obstacles.
583 popularity
‘the action or practice of courting, or trying to win, popular favour’
(OED, †3a).
585 n.80
De . . . Epistola ‘On
this letter’. For the sources cited, see above, .
80 De hac Epistola, vide Dionem,
Historia Romana, 58.10.1–5. Et
Juvenalem, Satura 10.
586 This’s strange] F1; ’This ’strange Q
587 vultures
As birds of omen (see 3.496n.), referring to Lepidus’s analysis of
Tiberius’s strategy at 4.446–72.
592 averred
proved true, tested.
593–4 What . . .
know The beginning of a later letter of Tiberius to the Senate
quoted by
Tacitus
(6.6) and Suetonius (
Tiberius, 67). Whalley’s criticism that
Jonson has used the passage out of context was scornfully demolished by
Gifford.
596 SD] F1 in margin; not in Q
600 jealousies
cares, anxieties.
600 provide
make provision for; not in OED in this direct trans.
sense, but as Ayres notes derived from Lat. provideo,
–ere, in sense given in Lewis and Short, B.2. Cf.
a similar use in Cat., 3.4.18: ‘I provide, not
fear.’
601 beware . . .
fears For this paraphrase of
Machiavelli,
Discorsi, 3.6, see 3.637–46n.
605 off, . . . wind!] Q state 2; off! . . . winde Q state
1
605 this even
in this.
608–11 SDs]
this edn
608 porpoise]
G; Porcpisce Q, F1
608–10 porpoise . . .
tempest The porpoise (Lat. porcus piscis)
was said to play before a storm (Dent, P483). Cf. EMI (Q), 5.3.199. Arruntius speaks
mockingly of Sanquinius and Haterius, probably in asides that the
persons onstage do not hear. ‘Your’ in 610 refers back to the
‘porpoise’, presumably Sanquinius, following the mocking query about
Haterius, though ‘Your’ could refer to both, and to other Senators,
since they are all restlessly rising from their seats. ‘Your’ is not
likely to be the casual generic usage mocked in Alch.,
4.4. 9–15: ‘Your Spanish jennet is the best horse . . .’
609 n.81 The
passage quoted at 5.420 n.59 and 541–631n. continues: ‘When . . . they
heard again and again just the reverse of what they had expected, they
were at first perplexed, and then thrown into deep dejection. Some of
those seated near him actually rose up and left him; for they now no
longer cared to share the same seat with the man whom previously they
had prized having as their friend.’
81 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.4–5.
612 SD.2] F1 in margin; not in Q
613 Here’s] Q state
2; There’s Q state 1, F1
613 read
forward read on. Cf. Temp., 3.2.74: ‘Now
forward with your tale’.
622 attempting it] F1;
attempt Q
625 importune
press, urge (OED, †2).
630 appr’ended]
this edn; apprênded Q, F1; apprended
F2
630 appr’ended
Q and F1’s apprênded is, as H&S suggest, copying Lat. apprendo, ‘a syncopated form of apprehendo:
so Volp., 5.1.6, the Quarto text’; the circumflex
indicates Jonson’s recognition that the ‘rare’ English form (OED, † Apprend) involves a similar ‘syncopation’.
631 n.82
According to
Dio,
Tiberius ‘pretended that he could not with safety even make the journey
to Rome, and therefore summoned one of the consuls to him’.
82 Dio, ibid.
632, 634 SDs]
this edn; not in Q, F1
633 reverend
Cf. 4.22 and note.
634–5 done . . .
property fulfilled your characteristic function; not in OED, but close to Property n.
†6.
635 SD]
G; not in Q, F1
636 Hang . . .
instrument There is a suggestion that they go to be hanged,
but the primary image is of a musical instrument that having been played
on is hung up because no longer needed.
636 Give leave
Give (me) leave to pass: a different usage from 325 above.
636 SDs]
this edn
638 friend] Q state
2; friends Q state 1, F1
638 friend
Dio says that
‘some
[denounced him
] to conceal
their friendship for him’ (58.10.9).
639 Hushed] Q, F1 (Hush’t)
639 hails]
Hayles Q
639 SD]
G;
Macro &c. Q;
Macro, Senate. F1
640 SH]
Mac. Q; not in F1
640 n.83 Dio
does not mention Macro here. Jonson may simply intend to refer to
Macro’s command of the praetorian guard (644, below) but his notes here
are not keyed to the text, and though this is placed near line 640,
Jonson may intend to refer to lines 649–50, based on Dio: ‘Meanwhile
Regulus summoned him to go forward, but he paid no heed, not out of
contempt – for he had already been humbled – but because he was
unaccustomed to having orders addressed to him. But when the consul,
raising his voice and also pointing at him, called the second and the
third time, “Sejanus, come here,” he merely asked him, “Me? you are
calling me?”’
83 Dio, ibid.
643 provost
Referring to Macro’s command of the praetorians (see 3.647 n.32).
646 constant
doom firm judgement.
650–2 thou . . .
you As Ayres notes, the contemptuous use of ‘thou’ and the
polite response mirrors the exchange between Coke and Ralegh at the
latter’s trial: ‘
attorney –All that he did was
by thy instigation, thou viper; for I “thou” thee, thou Traitor.
Ralegh – It becometh not a man of quality and
virtue to call me so . . .’ (Stephen,
1899, 1.23). Cf. 3.275–82n.
651 insolent
monster Cf. the same phrase, also in the Senate, in Cat., 5.3.192.
652 between you and
I Acceptable usage in early modern English. Cf. ‘All debts are
cleared between you and I’, MV, 3.2.321,
and Abbott (1886), §209.
655–8 Come . . .
nostrils ‘In a production, Macro should clearly do all these things to Sejanus’ (Ayres).
655 Typhoeus
One of the Titans who tried to overthrow the gods. Sejanus has already
been compared to the giants (see 4.270 and note); the analogies are
especially appropriate since Sejanus is a ‘monster’ (5.651, 669).
660 viper For
Coke’s use of this word in Ralegh’s trial, see above, . It was
a common epithet, however, both because of Aesop’s fable (1.10) of the
snake reared in a person’s bosom (Dent, V68), and the viper’s supposed
habit of eating its way out of its parent.
661–2 If . . .
torture If I could somehow lose all my humanity, it would be
good in that I could then torture Sejanus as he deserves.
663–4 Wherefore . . .
silent Cf. Tiberius’s speech to the Senate at 3.35–7.
667 Phlegra]
Wh; P’hlegra Q, F1
667 Phlegra
The site of the battle in which Jove defeated the Titans (see
4.270n.).
672
SH
first senator]
this edn;
Sen. Q, F1
672–4 Based on the passage of Juvenal cited at 680 n.84
below.
672 bays
garlands.
673 garlands] F1;
Gyrlonds Q
680 n.84
Juvenal, Satires, 10.58–66 (cf.
1.217n.): ‘the statues come down and
follow the rope, the axe cuts to pieces the very wheels of his chariot,
and the legs of the unoffending nags are broken; now the fires are
blazing and from what was once the second face in the whole world emerge
pitchers, basins, frying pans, chamber pots. Put laurel-wreaths on your
doors, lead a big chalked ox to the Capitol.’
84 Lege Juvenalem, Satura, 10.
686 SD.1, 2]
this edn;
Lepidus. Arrvntivs. Q, F1 subst.
687 popular
air H&S cite
Horace, Odes, 3.2.17,
popularis aurae. As Ayres notes, it was a common Latin phrase,
used for the fitful breeze of popular favour (Lewis and Short,
aura, Ⅱ.B).
689–90 Based on Dio, 58.6.1: ‘not even if some god had
plainly foretold that so great a change would take place in a short
time, would anyone have believed it’.
694 superstitious
Moors Briggs suggests a source in Herodotus, but Jonson is
more likely to have known a Lat. source such as Servius, commentary on
Aeneid, 1.642: ‘for all in these parts [Libya] worship the sun’.
702 n.85
Dio describes
Sejanus’s treatment thus: ‘Thereupon one might have witnessed such a
surpassing proof of human frailty as to prevent one’s ever again being
puffed up with conceit. For the man whom at dawn they had escorted to
the Senate-hall as a superior being, they were now dragging to prison as
if no better than the worst; on him whom they had previously thought
worthy of many crowns, they now laid bonds; him whom they were wont to
protect as a master, they now guarded like a runaway slave, uncovering
his head when he would fain cover it; him whom they had adorned with the
purple-bordered toga, they struck in the face; and him whom they were
wont to adore and worship with sacrifices as a god, they were now
leading to execution. The populace also assailed him, shouting many
reproaches at him for the lives he had taken and many jeers for the
hopes he had cherished’ (11.1–3).
85 Dio, 58.6.1, 11.1–3.
704 circumscribe surround.
706 waited
escorted, accompanied.
709 a fugitive
a runaway slave (H&S).
712 would trust] Q, F1; could trust Ayres
713 her
Chance’s, Fortune’s.
715–17 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
718 SH
senators] F1;
not in Q
718 SD.1] Q, F1
719 SD.2]
G subst.;
Macro. Laco. Senate. Q;
Macro, Regvlvs, Senators. F1
719 SH]
Mac. Q; not in F1
719 Sejanus
(Apostophized here in his absence.)
719 n. 86
Jonson cites the whole of
Dio’s description of the fall of
Sejanus and its aftermath. The immediately relevant passage is at
58.12.7: the senators ‘began shortly afterward to fawn upon Macro and
Laco’.
86 Vide Dionem, Historia Romana, 58.11–15.
723 still bare
always deferential, as indicated by a reverential doffing of hats.
725 twelve
score 240 paces, used as a standard distance in archery (e.g.
2H4, 3.2.37 ‘Dead! A would haue clapped i’ th’
clout at twelve score’) and thus more generally as a recognizable
distance, as in 1H4, 2.4.457–8: ‘his death will be a
march of twelve score’.
726–8 And . . .
advanced From Claudian, Against Rufinus,
2.447–9: ‘who built pyramids to himself, who built monuments that would
honour his shade and which are not going to give way to temples’
(Briggs). The lines are not marked in Jonson’s copy. Pyramids were
frequently conceived of at this date as obelisks or spires; cf. the ‘two
magnificent pyramids’ of King’s Ent., 586–7.
731 SD.1, 2]
this edn;
Arruntivs. Lepidvs. Terentivs. Q, F1 subst.
732 SH
arruntius] Arr. Q; not in F1
732–5 I . . .
fall’n As H&S note, this echoes
Tacitus, who quotes Arruntius’s gloomy
view of the future when Caligula would be ‘under Macro’s guidance, who
had been chosen to crush Sejanus because worse than him, and had
afflicted the republic with more crimes’ (6.48).
734 prodigy
monster (OED, 2†b).
735 SD]
G; not in Q, F1
736 mankind
human feeling. OED, †2b cites this as the only
example. Briggs suggests an echo of Cicero, De
amicitia (‘On Friendship’) 48: ex eius animo
exstirpatam humanitatem.
738 states
persons of high rank, such as Sejanus (OED, State n. †24), rather than, as Ayres suggests, ‘sorts of
people’.
739 soft
compassionate. Cf. Chlor., 62: ‘yond’ soft ear’ (of
the King).
744 murmur
Briggs notes the origins in Juvenal on Sejanus, ‘the secret muttering of
the mob’ (secreta . . . murmura vulgi, Satires,
10.89).
746 devour the
way Perhaps recalling
OED’s first recorded
use in
2H4, 1.1.47, ‘He seemed in running to devour
the way’, or translating
Catullus, 35.7:
viam vorabit (Briggs).
748 Echoing Seneca,
Hercules Furens,
838–9: ‘As great a crowd as flocks through the city, eager for the games
in a new theatre’ (Briggs).
748 Pompey’s
Cirque See 1.518 n.72 for one of Sejanus’s statues in Pompey’s
theatre.
750 sensive grown] F1 state 2; sensitiue Q, F1 state 1
750 sensive
capable of sensation. OED, †2, cites EMI (F), 2.3.65–7, as the only
example.
751 them the
statues.
753 ‘This]
Barish; this Q, F1
753 n.87 See
above, 680 n.84. Lines 750–2 also echo
Dio: ‘They hurled down, beat down, and
dragged down all his images, as though they were thereby treating the
man himself with contumely’ (58.11.3).
87 Vide Juvenalem, Satura. 10.[61–4].
754 garlands] F1 state
1; Gyrlonds Q; gyrlands F1 state
2
758 founder’s
pit pit holding the mould of the metal-caster.
758 pit.’]
Bolton; pit. Q, F1
760 n.88
Dio says that ‘a
little later, in fact that very day, the Senate assembled in the temple
of Concord not far from the jail, when they saw the attitude of the
populace and that none of the praetorians was about, and condemned him
to death’.
88 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.11.4.
761–2 ‘Let . . . Away!’]
Barish; Let . . . Away: Q, F1 subst.
761–2 tread . . .
bank See
2.416n. After being dragged down the
scalae
Gemoniae, the bodies of executed criminals were left beside the
river for three days.
764 ‘He . . . knaves!’]
Barish; He . . . Knaues Q, F1 subst.
767 hook the
uncus of the executioner. See 4.309 n.23.
769 they’re] Q, F1 (they’are)
772 he’d] h’would Q, F1
774 when he
dies ask when he dies.
778–80 ‘There . . . Oh!’]
Ayres subst.; There . . . O, Q, F1
779 Capreae] F1 (Capreæ); Caprææ Q
782 n.89 Not
keyed to the text, but placed alongside this line, this note covers
lines 761–86; Jonson changes the order in which Juvenal continues his
treatment of Sejanus as an example of the vanity of human wishes with
the secreta murmura vulgi noted at 744 above: ‘Sejanus
is dragged with the hook as a spectacle that all may rejoice: “What
lips, what a face he had!” “Believe me, I never liked this man.” “But
what offence was he guilty of? Who was the informer? By what witnesses,
by what evidence was the case judged?” “There was nothing like that; a
long and verbose letter came from Capri.” “Very well, I ask no more.”
But what of the mob of Remus? It follows fortune, as always and turns on
the condemned. If Nortia [the Etruscan version of
Fortuna] had favoured the Etruscan [Sejanus], the same crowd would, had the old
emperor been quietly struck down, have acclaimed Sejanus as the Augustus
in the very same hour . . .‘“Let us run headlong and, while he lies on
the bank, trample on the enemy of Caesar.” “But let our slaves see that
none denounce us, and drag their fearful master into court with his neck
bound.”’
89 Iuvenalis, Satura, 10.[67–77].
783 prosperously
oppressed An awkward translation of Juvenal’s oppressa . . . secura (see previous note).
788 n.90 See
above, 760 n. 88.
90 Dio, ibid. [11.4].
791 forward
precipitate.
793 n.91
Quo . . .
divisit ‘On the very day
that the Senate had escorted him [with honour], the people tore him in pieces.’
91 Seneca, de Tranquillitate
Animi, 11.[11]. Quo die illum
Senatus deduxerat, populus in frusta divisit,
etc.
794 Dekker echoes this line in
The Whore
of Babylon (1607), 1.2.163–4: ‘Princes in tying such bands, /
Should use a thousand heads, ten thousand hands’ (
Dramatic
Works, 4. 114). It may originate for Jonson in the
mille manus juvenum of
Aeneid,
10.167.
795 several
different, separate.
796–814 Based on
Claudian, Against
Rufinus, 2.410–53. Parts of this passage, though by no
means all, are underlined in Jonson’s copy.
800 mounting
jumping to attack. Whalley, H&S, and Barish suggest the text is
corrupt here, since Sejanus’s head has already been cut off and nobody
would need to ‘mount’ towards it, especially while others were busy
gouging out the eyes and brain. Whalley suggests ‘minting’ (‘aiming’),
but this posits an unlikely compositor’s error going unnoticed in Q and
F; moreover ‘minting’ is not used elsewhere by Jonson in this sense, and
as Ayres notes,
OED citations are mainly Scottish.
Berry’s suggestion (
1983, 171–2) that some of the mob are ‘placing a foot on the
skull’ as on a stair is also unconvincing, and does not explain
‘mounting
at’. Jonson, imitating Claudian here, was
probably influenced by his image of the mob throwing stones at Rufinus’s
head carried aloft on a spear. Sejanus’s head, carried on a spear, is
jumped at and pulled down, then the face, eyes, and brain attacked.
803 have who
have.
812 as as
if.
814 SD]
G;
Nvntivs, &c. Q;
Arrvntivs, Nvntivs, Lepidvs, / Terentivs. F1
815 SD H&S
note the ‘revival’ of the Senecan device of a messenger (
nuntius) to summarize events, rather than putting the
narrative in the mouth of a named character. In fact Jonson had used it
only once before, in
Case, 3.4, and was not to do so
again.
Chapman employed
a Nuntius in his Roman tragedy,
Caesar and Pompey,
written just after
Sej. in early to mid-1604 (2.2
passim).
815 SH
arruntius]
Arr. Q; not in F1
817 behind
left to be told; OED cites the closing lines of MM, 5.1.531–2: ‘we’ll show / What’s yet
behind that’s meet you all should know’.
818 since] F1;
though Q
819 highly offend] F1; highly ’offend Q
823 n.92
Seneca continues the passage cited at 5.793 n.91: ‘he who had had heaped
on him whatever gods and men had gathered together, nothing of him was
left for the executioner to drag’.
92 Vid. Senecam, de
Tranquillitate Animi, 11.[11].
829 n.93
Tacitus says that
‘It was resolved next that the surviving children of Sejanus should be
punished, though the anger of the people was waning, and the greater
part had been mollified by the earlier punishments. They were therefore
carried to a dungeon, the boy understanding what was about to happen,
the girl so much unaware that she asked repeatedly what her offence was
and where she was being dragged, saying she would not do it any more,
and she could be cautioned with a childish beating. It is recorded by
authors of that date that, as it was held to be unheard of for the death
penalty to be inflicted on a virgin, she was raped by the executioner
with the halter beside her; after that they were strangled, and their
young bodies thrown on the Gemonian steps.’
Dio confirms the cynical rape: ‘His
children also were put to death by decree, the girl (whom he had
betrothed to the son of Claudius) having been first outraged by the
public executioner on the principle that it was unlawful for a virgin to
be put to death in the prison.’
93 Tacitus, Annales, 5.9. Et Dio, 58.11.5.
832 n.94
Lex . . . aetati ‘For
the intention of the law was that it
[strangling
] should be unknown and forbidden not so much because
of her virginity as her age’. A direct quotation from Lipsius’s long
note on
Annales, 5.9. This note explains, as Ayres
says, the ‘wittily and strangely cruel’ of the following line.
Suetonius,
however, describes the practice as routine under Tiberius: ‘Young girls
(since ancient custom made it impious to strangle virgins) were first
violated by the executioner, then strangled’ (
Tiberius, 51).
94 Lex enim non tam virginitati ignotum
cautumque voluit quam aetati. Consule Lipsium, Commentarius [ad]
Tacitum.
837–8 Oh . . .
world H&S suggest an echo of
Seneca,
Thyestes,
1094–5: ‘May night last eternally, and a long darkness cover measureless
crimes.’
841 expulsèd
repudiated as a wife, hence ‘divorced’, as Barish notes; from Lat. expello, –ere (Lewis and Short,
I).
841 n.95, 859
n.97
Dio says: ‘His
wife Apicata was not condemned, to be sure, but on learning that her
children were dead, and after seeing their bodies on the
[Gemonian
] stairway, she withdrew and
composed a statement about the death of Drusus, directed against
Livilla, his wife, who had been the cause of a quarrel between herself
and her husband, resulting in their separation; then, after sending this
document to Tiberius, she committed suicide. It was in this way that
Tiberius came to read her statement; and when he had obtained proof of
the information given, he put to death Livilla and all the others
therein mentioned. I have indeed heard that he spared Livilla out of
regard for her mother Antonia, and that Antonia herself of her own
accord killed her daughter by starving her.’
95 Dio, ibid. [11.6].
842 degrees
steps. Cf. Chlor., 174–5: ‘the goddess
and her nymphs descend the degrees into the room, and dance the
entry of the grand masque’.
842 n.96
Scalae . . . Corpora
‘The Gemonian steps on which the bodies of the condemned were
thrown’.
96 Scalae Gemoniae in
quas erant proiecta damnatorum Corpora.
844 hair] Q state
2, F1 subst.; heare Q state
1
847 got] gate Q, F1
849–51 force . . .
again H&S point to echoes of two passages of
Seneca,
Thyestes: ‘Even if Titan himself turned his chariot to
take the opposite way’ (784–5) and ‘lest all things begin to fall shaken
in fatal ruin, and again unformed chaos overwhelms gods and men’
(830–2).
853 partial
unjust; not impartial.
97 Dio, Historia Romana,
58.11.6.
861 opened
revealed.
861–2 monster . . .
multitude A common pairing, used ironically in
Cor.,
2.3.8–9: ‘for the multitude to be ingrateful were to make a monster of
the multitude’. Cf. Dent, M1308.
862 reel Ayres
suggests they are drunk, but the mob have already been characterized as
‘staggering’ (4.470) and are commonly represented as ‘giddy’ (e.g. 2H6, 2.4.21, ‘See how the giddy multitude do point’)
because they are easily swayed. Their reeling is figurative, a
consequence of that metaphorical giddiness.
862 now,]
G; now? Q, F1
862–4 now . . .
done Cf.
Seneca, Troades, 1119: ‘the mob of Greeks
wept for the crime it had committed’ (Riddell,
1975, 208).
865 flexible
tractable.
870–1 How . . .
’em Ayres notes the echo of Horace, Satires,
2.8.61–3: ‘Alas, Fortune . . . as always, you delight to sport with
human affairs.’
872 Cf.
Tacitus, Historiae,
4.47: ‘uncertain Fortune, confounding the highest with the lowest’.
873–5 Dost . . .
punishments Translating Claudian,
Against Rufinus,
2.421–3:
criminibusne tuis credis, Fortuna, mederi /
et male donatum certas aequare favorem
suppliciis?’ (Briggs).
875–9 Forbear . . .
wise Based more loosely on
Against Rufinus,
2.440–1: ‘Forbear to put your trust in things exalted / And learn that
the gods are unreliable and the heavens slippery’ (Briggs).
877–9 When . . .
wise Cf. Juvenal, Satires, 10.105–7: Sejanus
‘was building up the many floors of an exalted tower, from which the
higher would be the fall, and the crash of headlong ruin terrible’
(Briggs).
878 pash
smash.
882 ]
gnomic pointing in Q
884–5 From Seneca, Thyestes, 613–14:
‘He whom the incoming day saw exalted / The departing day saw thrown
down’ (Briggs). Cf. also Dio, cited above at 702 n.85.
885 the ’even, doth]
this edn; the ’Euen doth Q state 2;
the’ Euendoth Q state 1; the’euen doth F1
886 SD
FINIS] Q (italics);
THE END F1
886–90 This . . .
Servants See Introduction.
886–96 This Tragedy . . . Revels] F1
subst.; not in Q. First names of
actors abbreviated in F1
891–5 For the actors, see Sejanus His
Fall: Stage History, Electronic Edition.