Which was, according to his view of
the matter, sufficient to prove that if
so inclined this Island could keep out
of Confederation. But what surprised
him was to notice the change which
had come over the hon. the junior
member for Belfast. In the " Patriot"
of the 12th September, 1867, he found
him thus describing the situation of
Canada :—" They are at this hour indebted for canals, railways and other
political jobs, about ÂŁ40 per family. No later han last year they were begging and
borrowing money in England,
at a heavy rate of interest. to pay the
amount due on a portion of their public debt. With the help of New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia they have
a rickety nationality and must be prepared to pay its costly responsibilities."
If such was the state of the public finances of Canada in 1867, what
grounds had they for supposing it was
any better now? The indebtedness of
the Dominion was $162,000,000 of
which, if we entered into union with
her, we would have to pay our full
proportion—or the one-fortieth part.
Besides the public works of Canada are
annually increasing to an extent unknown in any new country, which is,
and will be adding greatly to her indebtedness. It is now, just one hundred years
since we received our Constitution, and when he looked around and saw both sides determined
to surrender it, he felt sorry. Our gallant
little ship has bravely rode through
many a storm, and he felt it was wrong
to give up now.
Alter a few further remarks the
amendment was put and lost.
Mr. Speaker resumed the Chair.
When the following Resolution was
agreed to,
House adjourned for one hour.
G.
Confederation.
Hon. Mr. POPE.—Mr. Speaker, I
rise to move that this House do now
resolve itself into a Committee of the
whole House to take into consideration
the despatches having reference to a
union with Canada, and do hope we
may approach the discussion of the
subject with a due regard to its importance. It is, sir, one of those great
and important questions which will
affect us and our children after us.
First, I will say a word respecting
myself in so far as I have had publicly to do with this matter. For years
I have been in favor of Confederation,
providing we could obtain terms just
to this Island. The Quebec Scheme
I did not regard as such, and saw that
if we then admitted the principle, we
would have had to send Delegates
home to assist in preparing a Bill, and
that if we did so, our Island would be
outwitted in the arrangements which
would be agreed to. With these certain facts before us, I thought our best
course was, to use those means best
adapted to keep us at that time out of
the Dominion. My connection with
what took place at the Alexandra
Hotel, in London, has often been referred to. I happened to visit that
Hotel in London when the Delegates
front the other Provinces were there
consoling on matters relating to the
Confederation of the other Provinces.
I was not more then twenty minutes
there altogether, and did not as much
as sit down. The Delegates asked
me how it was that the people of this
Island were so much opposed to a
union with the other Provinces? I
said they regarded the Terms offered
in the Quebec Scheme as unjust and
illiberal. Take for instance, I said,
Nova Scotia, the people of that Province have their crown lands, coal
mines, gold mines, and other minerals
as a source of local revenue, and the
some is true also of the other Provinces ; whereas Prince Edward Island has nothing
but a curse entailed
upon her people in the shape of the
Leasehold Tenure. Give us enough
to wipe that out, and the people will
as readily consider the question as
those of the other Provinces. Well,
said they, what amount will do that?
I replied that Mr. Coles said it would
take a million of dollars, and without
going into calculations, said perhaps
that amount would do. Shortly afterwards, I received a note from them to
say they came to a unanimous resolution to offer $800,000. From that
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 59
time I considered that if Canada had
consented to it, I would have felt it to be
my duty to have then submitted the
question to the people at the polls for
their approval or rejection. Now
while I have been represented as a
Confederate, my political associates
have been strong Anti-Confederates,
and whilst they are accused of changing their views, it is due to them to
say, that necessity, not choice, causes
them now to look forward to a union
with the Dominion. It is proper to
enquire how this necessity came about.
The hon. member the Leader of the
Opposition said, when the Railway
Bill, was passed he thought our liberties were gone. Now I never looked
at it in that way. When the Railway
Bill was carried it was also said, that
it was introduced for the purpose of
forcing us into Confederation. The
hon. member for New London said so
last year. I can assure this hon.
House such was not the intention. I
for one, believed it would with proper
management be found to be a public
benefit and believe so still. I will
look for a moment at the career of the
late government, and see if their conduct was consistent with their professions, and
whether they sacrificed the
interests of the country or their own,
for the purpose of keeping themselves
in power. In passing the Railway
Bill I considered it a necessity. They
are the best and cheapest modes of
transport we can have, and when we
take into account that according to our
population, we produce more than
they do in any similar portion of territory in British North America, why
should we not have those facilities of
which other people avail themselves ?
and I am still convinced when we shall
have the road in operation we will
wonder how we did so long without
one. But the late government when
they came into power, though professedly opposed to the Railway in any
shape or form, yet their first act was
to go in for the construction of the
branch lines. Now if the country had
as much of a debt as it could bear in
the main line, and they were sincere
in their professions, why should they
have gone in for the immediate construction of fifty miles more? Thus
adding ÂŁ250,000 more to the debt of
the Colony. For my part, I have
always felt the late government had
no just reason for doing so. During
the session of 1871 the question was
introduced because we felt it was only
a question of time. I was then lead
to propose it, because of the prosperous
state of the country for the two previous years, and felt if economy and
ordinary prudence were observed, we
could do so. On the 19th of June
when the measure was before the
House, I considered the government
had no excuse for going on with the
branch lines. I said so then. The
spring was late, and every circumstance combined to admonish us to
prudence, as plainly as they foreshadowed a disastrous season. I opposed
them in every way I could. I felt the
necessity of this, I knew the country
required we should do so. Yet in the
face of all reasonable retnonstrance,
they introduced and carried the branch
Bill and strange to say, without making any provision for raising the interest which
the cost of their construction
would entail upon the country. If
the hon. member for New London
thought 2 1/2 per cent, insufficient for
the mainline, what are we to think of
him for passing his Bill without, making any provision for interest at all.
I told them at the time that it would
be attended with bad results, and that
it might be the means of injuring the
credit of the colony. Notwithstanding all remonstrance, the Bill was
passed, $250,000 was added to the
debt of the colony without making any
provision for paying the interest.
Was it possible for the government to
take a more effectual way to destroy
the public credit of the colony? But
they were in power, and to retain
60
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 1873
their positions were prepared to sacrifice the country. We know—further, that the
late government obtained thier position by making all kinds of statements, statements
which they knew they were not justified in using. Yet they circulated them throughout
thecountry, and made the people believe that I and my associates were guilty of the
charges of corruption, thus urged against us, so that it was very generally believed
that we had com mitted a fraud upon the country. That we had feathered our own nests
and had our Bank accounts set right all of a sudden. Well they went for the building
of the branches, and advertised for tenders. The contracts had to be let on the 30th
of December, yet no Contractor saw the road. We were accused of contracting a surface
road, but the branches are more of a surface road than the trunk line. They accused
us of overlooking the tender of O'Brien and others, and thereby favoring Scarieber
& Burpee at the expense of the country, yet they virtually made a private bargain
with Schrieber & Burpee, and gave them nearly $1,000 a mile more for the branches
than the government of which I was a member gave for building the main line. The advertisement
stated that payment for building the branches would be made in Debentures which were
to be taken at par. Mr. Schrieber sent in a tender at $14,800 a mile for cash. Now
a cash tender was no tender at all, yet they allowed Mr. Schrieber to alter this one,
while they did not give the same opportunity to others. Some of whom sent in much
lower tenders. I find no fault with the men they gave the contract to, for by their
own action in the matter they have shown that the men we let the main line to were
reliable, and that all their own previous assertions respecting them were not true.
They overlooked their hero Mr. O'Brien altogether, and as for Mr. McNeill took no
account of him or his
tender. When the contact came to
be signed, the Contractors very properly reminded them of what I told them, when the
Bill was passing through the House, that as no provision had been made for paying
the interest on the Debentures for the branches, it would be impossible to float them
in the market. Well, what were they to do ? The time had expired. The contract had
to be let. They found themselves wholly in the power of the Contractors whose offer
they had accepted. One of the stipulations of the contract for the main line was,
that ten per cent of all moneys as they became due and were to be paid to the Contractor
should be retained as a guarantee on the part of their securities, that the conditions
of the contract would faithfully fulfilled. Hence ten dollars out of every one hundred
was retained and held back as security. The Contractors finding the government in
this dilemma, offered to sign the contract provided they would pay over to them the
ten per cent. thus retained. This they did. Now I contend we have no security on the
main line at all, but the character of the men who have the contract. I am not afraid
of these men, or that they will fail to fulfil the conditions of their contracts,
yet it was an unbusiness and awkward position for any government to place themselves
in. Had they done no more, this in itself was sufficient to condemn them. But in every
act since, and in ways which none but themselves would have thought of, they resorted
to those means best suited to destroy the public credit of the colony. They saw that
trade was falling off, that our shipments would fall below the average of former years,
yet they launched out more freely than ever in new expenditures. I wish next to show
that they did more to bring about Confederation in one shirt year, than we could have
done in twenty. Had they desired to avoid that result, economy
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 61
should have been their rule. The contrary was their policy. Recklessness characterised
what they did. I believe besides the amount voted for one of Thompson's Road Streamers,
that contracts have been let for the express purpose of keeping themselves in power.
Their N. K. said to them, if you do not give me money to build a bridge at Victoria
at a cost of $4,900, I will not support you. The same demand came from Clilton to
the tune of $19,000. Rustico and other places made similar demands, which of course
could not be refused, and in addition to those a new Steam Ferry Boat. All these works
are very well in themselves, but when the government foun themselves drifting into
difficulties through the channel of mismanagement, prudence should have been resorted
to. They should have halted and considered what they were doing. Instead of this they
acted as if they hed become regardless of conseuqences and seemed as if they were
determined to land the Island into a union with Canada. Well, perhaps it may end for
the better, yet it is no reason for justifying them in the extraordinary course they
pursed. We know also that the Leader of the late Government said publicly that if
on enquiry it should be found that the serious charges made against me and my friends,
should, on examination, be found to be untrue, he would be the first man publicly
to acknowledge it. Well, they brought their inspecting Engineers, telegraphed to a
meber of the government to meet them, with instructions to guard them from all outside
influence ; and I have no doubt but the Hon. Mr. Muirdhead. and my hon. friend, the
member for New London, faithfully observed the directions of their political commander-in-
chief. Well, this protected by their body guard, the Engineers travelled through the
country and extamined the road, returned to New York and sent back their report. Instead
of accept
ing this report, as honorable men
should have done, they wrote back to
the Engineers to know why the line
was 140 miles long instead of 120.
But the Engineers plainly told them
that their enquiries were irrevalent
and inconsistent. I will tell the hon.
members on the opposite side of this
hon. House, why the road was longer
than 120 miles. No hon. member
knows better than the hon. member
for New London, that taking the line
to Kensington, at his reqnest, added a
good deal to its length, and the same
was the case in bringing it to other
points, in order that the country at
large might he more generally accommodated. The Engineers told them
plainly that the line could not be
shortened more than five miles, and
not then for the rate per mile allowed
by the Act. Then again, the amount
paid for land damages was far in excess of what was fair, and the modes
resorted to for disposing of Debentures
for the payment of land damage Debentures was in itself sufficient to
damage the public credit of any colony.
I do not hesitate to say, that in many
cases, the amount paid for land damages was one hundred per cent. more
than it should have been. Then in
the manner they hawked about the
land damage Debentures, they injured
the credit of the colony and the interests of the Contractors at the same
time. The Contractors made an arrangement with the Banks for disposing of their Debentures.
This was
simply a legitimate Bank transaction.
Now, surely it was due to these men
to maintain the credit of the colony.
Instead of doing this, they sent their
Colonial Secretary to the Dominion to
sell Debentures. The Halifax papers
got hold of the affair and used the information to the prejudice of our public credit.
Their agent then came to
St. John, where by giving his own
note and leaving $28,000 worth of
Debentures in security beside, he succeeded in obtaining a four months'
62
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 1873
loan for $55,000, at a high rate of interest. Why, such conduct was simply disgraceful
and unworthy of any
men conducting the public affairs of a
colony. Why, I feel ashamed to think
our little Island should have not only
had her credit damaged, but her name
disgraced by such shameful conduct,
They say when they came into power,
they found an empty Treasury. The
statement is not correct. There were
but $15,000 afloat in Warrants when
we went out of office, now we find
that $116,000 are out. We left in
the Treasury and Banks about $1,400
in cash more than we found there
when coming into power again. This
money they should have retained for
the purpose of paying land damage
claims. Instead of doing that, they
paid it out for other purposes. Why,
they could not in all they did, have
taken any more effectual way for ruining the public credit of this colony.
Let such a state of affairs become
known at home, and our paper would
depreciate alarmingly in the stock exchange in London. Although I am a
Confederate, yet many of my political
friends are not. But the difficulty
now is to build up our public credit.
There is nothing so hard to restore as
the public credit of a colony when it
becomes depreciated in the money
market of the world, and hence the
first duty of a government is to take
care not to do anything which might
bring about such a result. The Contractors have found that no one will
touch the Debentures for the branches,
simply because no provision is made
for raising the interest accruing upon
them. No one can shut his eyes to
the fact, that influences have been
brought to bear against our paper.
Baring Brothers will not take one of
our Bonds, therefore it is, that union
with Canada will place our public
securities on a par with those of the
Dominion, and our public position will
be better. Feeling as we all do that
all side issues should give way in
order that the public credit may be
maintained, and if Confederation will
do this. I believe that in view of all
the difficulties entailed upon the country, this side of the House feels constrained
to overcome their scruples
against Confederation, and for the
common good, seek to obtain better
terms with a view to unite our destinies
with those of the people of the other
Provinces in the Dominion. Seeing
the position in which the late government involved the country, and the
efforts that were put forth in some
quarters to have men pledged against
Confederation, I felt that it was a conspiracy against the welfare of the
colony, and addressed a short letter to
the press wherein I stated that such
were my convictions. Well, they
went to Ottawa, dissolved the House,
and have put the question, they say,
before the people. But in so far as
submitting the question to the people
and the terms received goes, it is sim
ply a farce. Why not have called the
Legislature together in January, laid
the state of the colony before the
House and taken the advice of Parliament before presuming to adopt a
course so contrary to their avowed
principles. Instead of doing that, there
is not much doubt but that the intention was to legislate the Island into
Confederation if it could have been
done without an appeal to the people
at the polls. Contrary to their real
wish, they did dissolve the House, but
what means had the people, as a whole,
of knowing before election what the
terms were ? They had none. Neither
did they know what the financial position of the colony was. All such information
was kept from them. But
while this was the case here, it appears parties in St. John where not
kept in ignorance of what was being
done. The Delegates on their way to
Ottawa crossed the Straits on Saturday, the 17th of February, and on the
Monday following, the St. John Telegraph came out with an article which
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 63
stated that the race for Confederation
had set in, and that it would be, Pope
and a grant to the Catholics, or Laird
and the Protestants. This information through the Telegraph, came back
to the Island, and was used to arouse
the religious prejudices of the peeple
from one end of the colony to the
other, to which, in Rona and Rassa,
were added, the complimentary speech
of Col. Gray delivered at St. Dunstan's
College a few years ago. Sir, were it
not by the use of such despicable
means as these, the Hon. Leader. of the
Opposition—the junior member for
Belfast—would not have asset here
to-day. This cry took the people by
surprise. They believed if Confederation was carried on the terms secured
by the delegates, that the School Question would be settled forever, and acting upon
that conviction and, the prejudices it gave rise to, some of the
strongest Anti-Confederate districts in
the Island voted for Confederation.
But I maintain if the matter was intended to have been fairly laid before
the people, the House should have
been called, and the question first fairly discussed in the Legislature. This
was not done, but the Dash-away-
policy of the hon. member for New
London was substituted in its stead.
I have no wish to abuse hon. members
opposite, but I, nevertheless, cannot
refrain from saying that the course
they pursued was neither fair nor just
to the country. Seeing now, however,
that matters have come to the crisis
they have ; and knowing that the action of the late party has done so much
to hasten on Confederation, I think it
well becomes both sides to look the
question fairly in the face. In doing
so we will, I believe, all see the propriety of paying some deference to the
wishes of the Imperial Government.
It is undeniable also, that in the Dominion we will enjoy advantages which
we do not now possess, which will
more than compensate for those we
shall, to some extent, be called upon
to surrender. But, sir, the Delegates
have signed the terms brought down
and before doing so, I do not doubt,
but that they did the best they could
to obtain the most favorable in their
power ; yet, notwithstanding, justice to
the country demands me to say, that
there were many matters which are
not mentioned in then, that should
have been. I believe we are entitled
to receive from the Dominican sum
sufficient to enable us to supply the
calls which will be made upon our
local revenue, without having to resort
to local taxation, which unquestionably we will have very soon to come,
to, if we go into Confederation under
the terms brought down by Messrs
Haythorne and Laird. I have already
publicly stated that I did not regard
them as as those of 1869, and
think I can clearly show that. But
oh 1 say they, the Railway is taken off
your hands. Our Railway will soon
be in operation and earning money
while many public works of the Dominion will for years he demanding a
large outlay from which no return on
come in for a long time. There is for
instance the Pacific Railroad, which
will cost over thirty million dollars.
On this and other works they will
have to pay large amounts of money
before any return will come in, and
for all these new in course of construction or hereafter to be built, this Island
will be taxed her full proportion. I
will compare the terms of 1689 and
1873 :—
| Under the Better Terms of 1869
Prince Edward Island would receive
Assumed debt $25.00 a
head, 1871, |
$2,342,450 |
| Debt Prince Edward Island 1871, |
535.576 |
|
ÂŁ1,806,874 |
| Interest on the above amount
at 5 per cent, |
$90,343 |
| 80 cents a head |
75 216 |
| Legislative expenses, |
25,000 |
| $800,000 at 5 per cent, |
40,000 |
| Amount of local revenue |
$230,559 |
64
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 1873
Terms of 1873.
| Interest on balance of debt,
$385,832 at 5 per
cent. |
$19,291 |
|
| Int. on $100.000 &
$800,000, |
$45,000 |
|
| 80 cents a head, |
75,216 |
|
| Legislative, |
30,000 |
|
|
|
$169,507 |
| Showing a balance against
Terms of 1873, of |
|
$61,052 |
True they take our Railway, but that
consideration aside, I consider it my
duty to look at the matter fairly, and
in doing so, do not hesitate to say.
that this amount would be insufficient,
Again, by the way matters have been
managed of late it is beyond our power
to put the credit of the colony on a
good footing. If our public securities
were offered in the Stock exchange,
and the credit of the colony through
the sale of our Debentures and Warrants brought down, we would soon
find ourselves in a position that would
not be very creditable to us. I do
not charge the late government with
doing any act for the purpose of injuring our position. They no doubt
did the best they knew how; but at
the same time, it cannot be denied, but
that they did a great deal to destroy
the public credit. Nor do I hesitate
frankly to affirm, that I see but one
way to restore this, and that is through
Confederation which on fair terms will,
in every way, place us in a better position than we occupy at present. I
wish now to show you, sir, the position
have would be in if these terms were
accepted. For my part as one, I
would not for any consideration go to
the Dominion Government and ask
for terms which I regarded as unfair.
(Hear.) But I would ask that this
Island be placed in as good a position
as the other Provinces. To arrive at
a estimate I have taken down the expenditure for the past year and shall
compare it with the Terms which I
assume is a fair basis of calculation :—
Local- expenditure for 1872.
| Education, |
|
$64,220.26 |
| Road service, |
|
18,658.18 |
| Jails, |
|
1,036.98 |
| Supreme Court, |
10,035.08 |
|
| Less salaries Chief
Justice & two
Judges, |
5,193.00 |
|
|
|
4,842,08 |
| Legislative, |
|
21,988.67 |
| Lunatic Asylum, |
|
4,983.09 |
| Agriculture, |
|
3,283.14 |
| Board of Health, |
|
585,48 |
| Coroners Inquests, |
|
690.76 |
| Elections, |
|
3,318,73 |
| Paupers, |
|
2,846.28 |
| Indians, |
|
485.00 |
| Telegraph subsidy & Telegrams, |
|
2,750.65 |
| Colonial Building, |
|
624,13 |
| Public printing & stationery, |
|
8,548.79 |
| Salaries public
officers, |
$14,880.82 |
|
| Less, |
|
|
| Lieut. Governors
salary, |
6,813.50 |
|
| Private Sec'y
salary, |
325.00 |
|
| Manager Savings Bank, |
974.00 |
|
|
|
8,112.50 |
|
|
6,763.31 |
| Board of Works, |
|
96,405.88 |
| Public Lands, |
|
3,337.67 |
| Miscellaneous, |
|
6,908.06 |
|
|
$257,387.59 |
I will next consider what the Revenue,
estimated on data to be depended upon
as permanent, under Confederation,
will be :—
| The debt of the Island lst
January, 1872, was |
$535,576.00 |
| Excess of expenditure
over receipts 1872 &
1873, |
59,537.00 |
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 65
|
$595,113.00 |
| Estimated cost of Railway |
3,250,000.00 |
|
$3,815,113.00 |
| Debt on entering the
Dom. at $45 a
a head, |
$4,230,945.00 |
| Present debt
of colony, |
3,845,113.00 |
| Difference in
our favor
at present, |
$385,832.00 |
| 5 per cent on this difference, |
$19,291.60 |
| Amount allowed for land
$900,000, but which
when invested, wlll not
yield so much. I do not
think this amount should
he set at a higher figure
than $600,000 which at
5 per cent. will yield a
Revenue of |
30,000.00 |
| 80 cents per head subsidy, |
75,216 00 |
| Subsidy for local legislation, |
30,000.00 |
|
$154.507.60 |
Local Revenue.
| Land assessment as last
year, |
$13,547.37 |
| Amount due on
crown lands. |
$385,000.00 |
| From this I feel
disposed to deduct one-third. Â
There will be
may poor people, widows &
others who will
know, sir that
we lost largely on the Worrell Estate, therefore, to put
down-probable loss on this
one-third, |
111,065.00 |
|
$223,333.00 |
| Interest on this at 6 per cent
will yield |
13,400.00 |
| Fees from Col. Secretary. |
4,965.00 |
| Rent Warren Farm, |
90.00 |
|
32,002.31 |
|
$186,509.97 |
| Amount upended last you exclusive
of amount which would be assumed
by the Dominion, |
257,337.59 |
| Deficit, |
$70,887.62 |
Under Confederation we might reduce
our Legislative expenses, as in all probability we may then dispense with
the Legislative Council. In that item
we might save something, but not in
the expenditure required for the Board
of Works, as some hon. members seem
to suppose. I admit that some of our
public works such as lighthouses,
breakwaters, &c., the Dominion will,
should we enter, have to provide for,
and I contend as these will belong to
the Dominion and were built since
1869, they should pay as for them.
The payment for all such were assumed under the Quebec Scheme, and
it is our right to be placed in these
respects on the same footing. Again
by the terms of the North America
Act we are placed, with regard to
public works, in a worse position than
they are on the mainland. In all
time to come, on account of our isolated
position, we cannot demand from the
Dominion Government one cent for
any public Works to be undertaken by
us after we enter, no matter how much
they may be required. Since the
Quebec Terms were announced we
have built a number of such works,
which will after union belong to the
Dominion, and certainly, as I have
before stated, we should be paid for
them. To the Dominion the amount
would not be much, but to us it is of
importance, besides it is our due, nor
do I for a moment believe they will
object to pay us for them. I therefore do hope that when a delegation
goes up, that, it will be fortified by a
strong resolution from this Assembly,
so that it may not be said they went
up without the sanction and authority
of this House. The late government
called the House to meet on a certain
day, then dissolved it, and in this hasty
and indecent way took the country by
storm on the School Question, which
was unfair. Now, however, I do not
see how they can fairly oppose such a
proposal. They say they are Confederates, they will therefore see it to be
66
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 1875
their duty to give their support to the
government to enable us to obtain the
best possible terms which can be had.
When the Dominion Government
knows that the Legislature here is prepared to carry out the movement in
good faith they will cordially reciprocate, and I have no doubt we shall
finds disposition on the part of the
Canadian Ministry and Parliament to
do that justice to our claims which we
are entitled to. I hope, therefore, that
we shall have the cordial co-operation
of hon. members in Opposition, to
enable us to obtain terms which will
enable us to carry on the local government of the colony without having to
resortat an early day to direct taxation. Should it be otherwise, loud complaints
will come in from all parts of
the country. Our people will say we
have given up the power of general
taxation to the Dominion, we receive
but an additional eighty cents per
head on our increase of population at
the end of each decennial period, while
in the same time our Revenue will
increase to thrice what it is now.
Better terms than those offered we
have a right to look for. Better, I
feel persuaded, we are entitled to, and
if sought for, I am confident better we
shall obtain. When the House, therefore, goes into committee, I hope a
strong and unanimous resolution will
be agreed to, so that we may be able
to present our claims as those of the
whole House, and not as those of one
portion of it (Loud Applause.)
G
Mr. D. Laird.—I believe it is the
first time we have heard the Hon. Leader of the Government avow that he has been,
for some time, a Confederate ; this he does, no doubt, to suit his purpose. I am surprised
that the self-constituted Delegate, to the Alexandra Hotel in London, who was delighted
with the $800,000 offer, is not at all satisfied with the offer now before the country,
containing far better
terms in every respect. He was prepared, when he received the $800,000 offer, to recommend
the people of this
Island to accept it. But a change has
come over the spirit of his dream, and
he now tells us that this question has
been forced upon the people in an unwarrantable manner, although he, himself, was
prepared to force the question
before them on the Alexandra Hotel
offer. He has endeavoured to show
that Confederation is now a matter of
necessity, on. account of the be management of the late government. It is
an astounding announcement. The
leader of a government that passed the
Railway Bill, and thereby involved
the colony so deeply in debt, now
turns round and cooly declares that
Confederation is forced upon the country by some paltry expenditure on the
part of the late government. Out
upon such conduct, sir. Why did he
not plainly admit that the construction
of the Railway, and not the expenditure of a small sum by the Board of
Works in building a few small bridges,
had forced us to seek admission into
the Dominion? He has only been
making out a case for himself, and has
no solid ground to argue upon. He
endeavors to make out that the colony
was well able to bear its Railway debt,
without Confederation, if the financial
affairs of the country had been well
managed; but I never believed that
such was the case. He finds fault
with the passing of the Branch Bill.
which added $250,000 to the public
debt, although he, himself, promised
in the speech at the opening of the six
days' session, to introduce that Bill.
A great many charges have been made
against the late government in reference to the letting of the contract for
the branch lines; but I contend that
the sum for which that contract was
let was the only reliable offer they received. Although the branches cost
$1000 per mile more than the trunk.
the country has more than full value
for the extra cost. There are no
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 67
spruce sleepers on the branch lines'
no rabbit wire fence, no broomstick
fence-posts. l blamed the coalition
government for violating the law of.
the land by substituting a paltry wire
fence for the wooden one provided
by the Act. When one condition of
the contract was changed without the
consent of the securities, the whole
contract was violated, and if the contractors chose to avail themselves of it,
they could scatter the whole thing to
the four winds of heaven. If that
wire fence had been a good one, they
might have been excused, but it was
utterly worthless, and a waste of the
public money. I, myself, saw miles
of that fence, every wire of which, except the tap one, was broken to the
ground. It will be a disgrace and a
standing reproach to them as long as
they have a name in this colony.
There is suflicient value in the superior
fences, sleepers and bridges on the
branch lines to make up far more than
the $1000 extra cost, leaving out the
fact that iron was 50 per cent higher
when that contract was let, than at
the letting of the trunk line. The
branches were properly surveyed, the
line marked out, and the number of
square yards of earth-work, rock-work
and bridging, clearly laid down before
the contract was let. If there was any
one act of the coalition to be condemned, it was that of omitting to stake out
the line which the contractors were to
follow. There is a much smaller proportion of curves in the branches than
in the trunk line, owing to their being
surveyed previous to being let. The
late government were well aware that
very little work could be done on the
branch lines during winter, and that
the present session was ample time to
provide for all the expenses of those
lines. They acted honestly in the
whole matter, and the country did not
condemn them in anything they did
with reference to the branches. Those
hon. members who deserted our ranks,
were at the bottom of all the action
taken on the branch lines; yet, after
all; our constituents are not dissatisfied
with our actions on this matter. We
were returned to our seats in this
House, because we did the best that
could be done in the circumstances
under which we were placed. I am
sorry those hon. members for whom
the branch lines were undertaken have
showed so little thanks for all we did
for them, as to desert our ranks. Several hon. members on the government
side of the House, returned by the people to oppose Confederation, have given
their support to a leader of a party
bound to carry out Confederation, and
endeavor to excuse themselves, and to
apologise for their actions, by asserting that they now find out that the
late government ruined the credit of
the country, and that it can never be
restored. Those hon. members have
endeavored to make a scape-goat of
the Opposition ; but I can assure them
that we have no intention of bearing
their sins ;we are willing to hear our
own, but no other. The late government have been accused of building a
boat for the Charlottetown Ferry, although the old boat was a miserablc
old rattle-trap, and the districts south
of the river badly neglected. It was
nothing at all to pass a Railway Bill,
but it was a terrible act to grant a
small sum of money to benefit a part
of the country through which the
Railway does not pass ; and therefore
the late government was a most extravagant one ! It is high time we
had Confederation, if so small a matter
as the building of a Ferry Boat ruins
the credit of the country. A few
bridges costing in the aggregate $20,000 were built in neighborhoods which
do not derive any advantage from the
Railway ; and I contend that the people of those localities were justly entitled to
them. The next matter
alleged to have materially assisted in
destroying the credit of the country,
was the land damages. If there si
one member of this House more er
68
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 1873
sponsible than another for the large
amount paid for land damages, it is the Hon. Leader of the Government, who provided
for them in his Railway Bill. As provision was made for the payment of the land damages,
the money must be paid on the production of the certificates given by the Railway
Commissioners ; in fact, farmers whose lands have been taken, could enforce the payment
of the sums awarded by the Commissioners. When the Appraisers give their award, they
are bound by law to direct payment to be made immediately. When the late government
came into power, the Railway Commissioners had to go to work immediately, as a large
quantity of land had been taken possession of all along the line of road. During the
first part of the session, there was no trouble in meeting the demands upon the Treasury,
as the Banks readily cashed the ten year Debentures, owing to the favorable state
of our trade at that time ; but this state of matters did not continue as the Banks,
in the course of time, either could not or would not accept the Debentures. The late
government acted very carefully and prudently in the whole matter, and paid every
demand made upon them. If there was no exchange to be obtained at home, it was their
duty to go abroad for it ; but it happened that in the other Provinces the money market
was almost as low as on this Island, and but a small quantity of Debentures could
be sold at par. The very thing with which they were charged, viz : that of deprecating
the value of our Debentures, was what they did most to avoid, and what Debentures
they did sell, were sold at par ; but the quantity was too limited to do them much
good. They, therefore, projected a loan of ÂŁ25,000, as they thought it better to pay
interest than to sell the Debentures below par. This loan helped our exchange, considerably,
during the past winter. The Hon.
Leader of the Government makes
more ado about that $25,000 than he did about the whole Railway debt. If the colony
cannot pay the former small amount how can it pay the latter? Before the third of
May comes, more duties will be paid into the Treasury, than will cover the amount
borrowed. In case it might not be convenient for this colony to pay that Bank, it
was asked to renew the note at the same rate of interest for another three months,
and promised to do so. If the late government had been sustained, there would have
been no need to redeem the Debentures deposited, as they would have accepted Confederation
upon the terms offered, and the Debentures would have been taken at par. It had been
stated that there was a much larger amount of money in the Treasury when the coalition
resigned the reins of power, than when the late government resigned. Taking into account
the six thousand pounds sterling forwarded to London to pay the interest on the Debentures
due in July, the statement is incorrect. Instead of showing bad management on the
part of the late government, it showed forethought to prepare a month or two beforehand,
to meet the interest on the Railway Debentures. It is to be wondered at, that when
the money market was exceedingly depressed, the late government could not sell sufficient
debentures to pay the land damages, when the Hon. Leader of the Government did not
do so when money was plenty? The late government are not answerable for the present
depression of the securities of the Colony ; the whole trouble arose from the passing
of the Railway Bill, which imposed a burden upon the colony greater than it could
bear. The night the Railway Bill was passed, the doom of this country, as an independent
colony, was sealed. I do not mean to say that we were no longer free- men, for there
is as much liberty, and
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 69
a great deal more in Canada, than
there is, under the iron away of the hon. members for Alberton and Summerside, in
this colony. It is the interest upon the Railway debt which draws from our Banks a
very large amount of exchange, which weighs, and will weigh heavily upon the people
of this Island. This is what disturbs our finances and injures our credit, and the
Hon. the Leader of the Government may as well confess it at once. But, sir, his honor,
with his great popularity, will soon be able to restore the credit of the colony,
for the credit of the able men who compose the present government has only to be known
in London, Paris, Berlin, &c.' and our credit will immediately rise far above par
! The hon. Leader of the Government, with all his boasted wealth and popularity knows
that it is not his name or those of the members of his government that can effect
the credit of the colony ; it is punctual payment of the interest on our debentures
that affects its credit. Do they ask in England whether Hon. Mr. Haythorne or Hon.
J. C. Pope is leader of our government, before purchasing our Island bebentures? No.
They ask " what is your population ? What is your annual Revenue? What demands come
in before the payment of the interest on those debentures?" They look at all these
things, and then at our ability to pay our interest punctually, without asking a single
question as to what party or government is in power at the present time. I doubt whether
the present hon. Colonial Secretary or even the hon. Leader of the Government himself,
would have succeeded in disposing of one single debenture more than Mr. Albert Hensley
did. The excuses of the Government supporters for turning round in favor of Confederation,
are paltry and ridiculous ; and they are not able to put the saddle on our horse at
all, sir. The delegation to Ottawa, to procure terms for union with Can
ada, is denounced by the hon. Leader
of the Government as a conspiracy against the liberties of this colony. I wonder whether
his honor has a conscience at all or not, and what name he gives to his delegation
to the Alexandra Hotel in London ; he had, as every one knows, no authority from any
government to go there. When he returned from England, he used all his influence to
force the $800,000 offer upon his government, but he did not succeed. This little
conspiracy was, no doubt, to his mind, all right and perfectly just ; but the delegation
to Ottawa was a secret plot to undermine the liberties of the country, and was inexcusable.
The present terms are all wrong, because they were not brought down by himself. If
one or two little two-penny half-penny lighthouses an drill sheds are to be the only
excuse for his seeking better terms, he has not the shadow of an argument for another
delegation to Ottawa. The very claims which he now proposes to make on the government
of the Dominion were presented by the late Delegates, and refused, and doubtless he
will find they will be refused for him also. He tells us we should not be placed in
a worse position, financially, than any of the other colonies, and that our acceptance
of the present terms would place us in that position. This is, certainly, a most extraordinary
statement. Why, sir, by accepting the terms now offered, this Island would be placed
in a vastly superior position to any of the other colonies that have entered the confederacy.
The other provinces received only $25 per head of their population, as their assumed
debt, while we would receive $45 per head. We were allowed this extra sum because
we, as an island, are cut off and receive no benefit from the public works of the
Dominion. Taking the present policy of the Canadian Government as a basis, we calculated
the proposed expenditure of the Dominion for the next
70
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.Â
1873
ten or fifteen years, added this to their
present debt and divided the total.
amount by their present population. Â
This gave forty-five dollars per head,
the amount allowed us. At the end
of ten or fifteen years,their population
will be vastly increased, so that their
debt will never actually reach $45 per
head. The sum granted us was, therefore, a very liberal one. Instead of
increasing, as was expected, the taxation of the Dominion has actually decreased to
such an extent that the
duties at present, amount to only about
9 1/2per cent, although they .were at one
time 13 1/2 per cent. The following is
from Mr. Tilley's budget speech :—.
" We now come to another statement, and I desire. to make it here,
though I shall refer to it again at a
later period. I would call attention to
the rate of duties collected during the
first years of the union. The percentage in 1867, on goods entered for con.sumption
was twelve and twenty-five
hundredths,. which was increased in
the next.year to twelve and thirty-one
hundredths. In the third year when
Parliament imposed additional duties,
it was increased to thirteen and twenty-
eight hundredths, and in the next year
it was raised to thirteen and sixty-two
hundredths. In the following  year,
however, it went down to twelve and
eleven hundredths; and for the first
half of the current year on $72,841,668, of goods entered for consumption,
the revenue was $6,903,010, or nine
and forty-seven hudredths per cent.
This has arisen from the reduction of
taxation which took. place in 1871,
and from the still further reduction of
taxation occasioned last year by the
withdrawal of the duties on tea and
coffee. These are some of the facts
which speak of the progress and prosperity of the country."
Canada has at present an annual surplus of Revenue over expenditure
sufficient to pay the interest on a public debt of $30,000,000 in addition to
her present debt. The debt per head
of the Dominion after the completion
of'the Pacific Railway and all the
other great public works now proposed, will not, according to Mr.
'I'illey's statement, be greater than it
is at present; and judging from the
experience. of the past five years, his
statement is borne out by the facts of
the case. I quote from Mr. Tilley's
Speech :—
" I will now state the whole increase
in the public debt since 1867. In
1867 the net debt was $75,728,641,
and in 1872 it was $82,187,072, making a net increase of the debt $6,458,431. Now,
sir, what have we had in
return for this increase. We find that
the increase of the debt of the Dominion is just the same as the increase in
population during the period mentioned, and no more; that the net debt in
1872, as compared with the population
shown by the census returns, is just
the same in proportion to the population as it was in 1867. And what
have we done in that period? We
have expended half the money necessary for the construction of the Inter-
colonial Railway, and half of that
great work has been completed.. We
have purchased the North West Territory, for which we paid three hundred
thousand pounds sterling, and we have
paid another three hundred thousand
pounds sterling for opening up the
country and establishing a government;
(cheers), we have expended a million
and a half of dollars for public works
chargeable against capital—works that
it was understood by this House should
be chargeable against capital ; we have
expended $480,000 for the survey of
the Pacific Railway, which, however,
will be paid back by the Company out
of its subsidy, and we have assumed
the debt of the Province of British
Columbia, amounting to $1,666,200;
and this is represented by a population
equal in proportion to the populations
with which the other provinces came
into the Dominion. But after doing
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 71
all this, after we have half constructed
the Intercolonial Railway, spent three
hundred thousand pounds sterling for
the purchase of the North West,
another three hundred thousand pounds
for the establishment of a government
there; a million and a half of dollars
on public works chargeable to capital;
$480,000 for the Pacific Railway,
and assumed the debt of British
Columbia, the debt of the Dominion
today is not one cent greater in proportion to the population than. it was
five years ago." (Cheers)
If we, therefore, accept the present
offer, and enter the Dominion with an
allowance of $45 per head, as our assumed debt, we shall have a decided
advantage over the other provinces, as
the public debt of Canada will never,
except in case of war, reach that
amount per head of her population.
Indeed, there is every reason to believe
that the debt of Canada will not
amount to as much per head twelve
years hence as it is at present. Taking these facts into consideration, how
can the hon. Leader of the Government make out a case and show that
justice has not been done this Island
in the terms at present offered, when
he goes on this delegation to Ottawa to
seek for better terms? I doubt
whether the Privy Council of the
Dominion wdl entertain his arguments
at all. They will look at their allowance for our assumed debt. and then
at the grant of $800,000 for the purchase of our proprietory lands, which
latter was the value of the whole
Island in its primitive state, when
granted away by the British Crown,
reckoning the land to be worth at that
time 80 cents per acre. As far as the
granting away of our lands is concerned, they have actually offered to .make
good the loss we have sustained.
Tben again; we are to receive the
value of our new post office and steam
dredge, while the other provinces
never received a single cent for similar
property possessed by them on enter
ing the union. This was another
special favor shown to this Island, as
we had no right to any allowance
which was not made to the other provinces. Having received payment for
those matters, it is a paltry affair to
ask remuneration for our little lighthouses and drill sheds. When Exhibition day comes
round, we may require the latter for the display of our
agricultural products, when our farmers will ornament them with pumpkins, cranberries
and  other vegetables,
and I believe the Dominion Government will only be too glad to grant us
the free use of thern for such a purpose.
In fact the terms now offered us, are
considered by the greater number of
intelligent men among ourselves, and
also by the people of all the neighboring Provinces, as extremely liberal to
the people of this colony. Hear what
the Toronto Globe, an Opposition newspaper, says on this matter :—
"It will be seen, as we have said
that the terms are made exceptionally
favorable to the Island in view 'of
the possibility of a readjustment of the
financial arrangements between Canada and the several provincss now
embraced in the Dominion.' This
means, evidently, that as matters at
present stand, it is felt that the proposed arrangements are too liberal,. but
that the ' better terms' system will, in
all likelihood, travel round the whole
Dominion, and then what is proposed,
will be something like what it ought
to be."
If I am not mistaken, the hon. Leader
of the Government when presenting
his claims for better terms before the.
Privy Council at Ottawa, will only,
be laughed at for his pains. Many
items which we pay for from the Treasury, are provided for in the Dominion
by local taxation. Education, for instance, is almost wholly provided for
there by local taxation, but we are, by
the present terms, allowed to get. off
scot free, by receiving a sufficient
72 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 1873
allowance to maintain our free education system intact. THe less the hon.
Leader of the Government says about
our local wants the better, as the Dominion Government will soon tell him
that we have been offered too much
already. (Mr. Laird here read the
following table, showing what the
Revenue and expenditure of the colony
would be under Confederation, if the
terms brought down from Ottawa by
himself and Hon. Mr. Haythorne are
accepted.)
State of Colony Under Confederation
EXPENDITURE
| Education, |
|
|
$64,220.26 |
| Road Service and Ferries, |
|
|
18,658.18 |
| Jails, |
|
|
1,036.98 |
| Supreme Court, |
|
10,035.08 |
|
| Less Salaries three Judges, |
|
5,193.00 |
|
|
|
|
4,842.08 |
| Legislation- House of Assembly, |
13,474.81 |
|
|
| Legislative Council, |
6,101.52 |
|
|
| Legislative Library, |
184.13 |
|
|
|
|
19,760.46 |
|
| Less Expenses Short Session, |
662.88 |
|
|
| 41 members pay extra 64.89 |
2660.49 |
|
|
| Extracontingencies, |
2000.00 |
|
|
|
|
5,323.37 |
|
|
|
|
14,437.09 |
| Executive Council, |
|
|
2,228.21 |
| Lunatic Asylum, |
|
|
5,105.44 |
| Poor Asylum, |
|
|
4,983.09 |
| Agriculture, |
|
|
3,283.14 |
| Boards of Health, |
|
|
585.48 |
| Coronoers' Inquests, |
|
|
690.76 |
| Elections, |
3,318.73 |
|
|
| Less three-fourths, |
2,489.05 |
|
|
|
|
|
829.68 |
| Paupers, |
|
|
2,846.28 |
| Telegraph Company, |
|
|
2,750.65 |
| Colonial Building |
|
|
624.13 |
| Public Printing and Stationery, |
|
8,548.79 |
|
| Less Custom House, |
1000.00 |
|
|
| Military Department |
100.00 |
1,100.00 |
|
|
|
|
7,448.79 |
| Salaries Public Officers, |
|
14,880.82 |
|
| Less Lieutenant Governors, |
6,813.50 |
|
|
| Private Secretary, |
325.00 |
|
|
| Manager Savings Bank, |
974.00 |
|
|
|
|
8,112.50 |
|
|
|
|
6,768.32 |
| Board of Works, |
|
96,405.88 |
|
| Less Expense of Lighthouses, |
2,163.49 |
|
|
| Buoys and Beacons, |
1,121.05 |
|
|
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 73
| Steam Dredge, |
|
9,211.79 |
|
|
| New Post Office, &c., |
|
19,348.64 |
|
|
| Breakwaters |
11,889.00 |
|
|
|
| Less say, |
2,889.00 |
|
|
|
|
|
0,000,00 |
|
|
|
|
|
40,844,97 |
|
|
|
|
|
55,560.91 |
| Less Public Lands, |
|
|
|
3,337.67 |
| Miscellaneous, |
|
|
6,908.06 |
|
| Less Expense Cent Coinage, |
|
900.45 |
|
|
| Geological Survey |
|
411.86 |
|
|
| Return Duties, |
|
155.45 |
|
|
| Rent Post Office Summerside, |
|
64.88 |
|
|
| Wharfage Mail Steamer, |
|
194.67 |
|
|
| Protection Fisheries, |
|
457.53 |
|
|
| Relief Distressed Seamen |
|
203.88 |
|
|
| British American Note Company, |
|
173.75 |
|
|
|
|
|
4,347.73 |
|
|
|
|
|
2,550.33 |
| Local Packet Service, |
|
|
|
3,261.38 |
| Total local expenditrue under Dominion, |
|
|
|
$206,048.85 |
Receipts Under Confederation
| Debt Colony Jan. 31, 1873, |
|
1,609,507.09 |
|
| Less Railway Debt, do. |
|
1,083,522.26 |
|
|
|
525,974.83 |
|
| Add cost of Railway, |
|
3,250,000.00 |
|
|
|
3,775,974.83 |
|
| $45 per head population 94,021 |
|
4,230,945.00 |
|
| Interest on balance at 5 per cent, |
|
454,970.17 |
22,748.00 |
| 80 cents per head, |
|
|
75,216.00 |
| Subsidy to local government and Leg. |
|
|
30,000.00 |
| Land Subsidy, |
|
|
45,000.00 |
| Allowance on Law Courts |
69,000.00 |
|
|
| Less amount for New Courts, |
29,000.00 |
|
|
|
40,000.00 |
|
|
| Amount paid on Dredge, |
9,211.00 |
|
|
| Int. at 6 per cent. |
$49,211.00 |
|
$2,952.66 |
| Total from Dominion, |
|
|
175,916.66 |
| LOCAL REVENUES |
|
|
|
| Land Assessment, |
|
13,547.37 |
|
| Amount due on lands, |
335,000.00 |
|
|
| Less estimated, |
35,000.00 |
|
|
|
$3000,000.00 |
|
|
| Interest at 6 per cent, |
|
18,000.00 |
|
74
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 1873
| Crown Lands, |
|
385.55 |
|
| Rent Warren Farm, |
|
90.32 |
|
| Colonial Secretary's Fees, |
|
1,035.63 |
|
| Registrar's Fees, |
|
1,035.63 |
|
| Prothonotary's Fees 1/2 year, |
1,614.93 |
3,229.86 |
|
| License Duty, |
|
2,326.47 |
|
| Wharfage, |
|
559.63 |
|
| Fines and Penalties, |
|
372.04 |
|
| Miscellaneous, |
|
862.15 |
|
| Total from local sources, |
|
|
42,723.66 |
| Total local revenue under Confederation, |
|
|
218,640.32 |
| Total expenditures asper previosu statement, |
|
|
206,048.85 |
| Balance in favor of local government |
|
|
$12,591.47 |
The legislators who cannot keep the
total expenses of the session within the
limit of $4,000; should be cashiered
by the people. The hon. Leader of the
Government puts down in his figures
the cost of a general and partial election for every year ; perhaps this is
because his own government is so weak
that it will not stand longer than that.
I consider one-fourth of that amount
sufficient to be placed in our annual
Expenditure, under confederation.
The greater part of the sum expended
for public printing last year, was paid
to the printers employed by the Coalition Government. All the Custom
House printing, will, under Confederation, belong to the Dominion, which
will reduce the usual outlay consider
ably. All expenses of Light Houses
will be included in Dominion expenses.
The 9000 spent in the Steam Dredge
should not be placed in our annual
expenditure, as we shall not require
one every year. Nor will we require
a New Court House, and Jail annually. I consider that $54,000 ample for the yearly
Expenditure of the
Board of Works under Confederation.
The Miscellaneous include many items
which will belong to the Dominion, to
the extent of $4247.73 leaving only
$2550.33 for the expenses of the local
government, under this head. But
the hon. Leader of the Government
takes this sum, without analyzing it,
jumbles it altogether and charges it to
the local government. Making all
necessary allowances, I should say
that our total Expenditure, under Confederation will not exceed $205,038.85,
per annum. Then, as regards our
Receipts under Confederation, he states
that one-third of the amounts due for
Public Lands sold by the government,
will be lost. I contend that the sum
allowed us for the purchase of lands
will go a long way, if properly managed. We are now paying six per
cent for money, and I consider the one
per cent difference in the interest under Confederation will fully make up
for all the loss we may sustain on our
public lands. I believe that the Land
Subsidy allowed us will be fully worth
$45,000 per year to the Colony, and
will therefore allow no reduction of
that item. I will allow any financier
in or out of this Colony to judge between my financial statement and that
of His Honor the Leader of the Government, and to say which is correct.
I will put my word and reputation before his, and allow the public to judge
between us. Taking the whole matter into consideration ; if his honor has
no better reasons for another Delegation to Ottawa than he has adduced, he
might as well have no recess, for he
has not given a single argument in
support of his claim for better terms,
that will be entertained by the Domi
1873 PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER. 75
nion Government. I have not the
least doubt that if he had obtained the
present terms, he would have boasted
loudly of the ability displayed in obtaining them; but the great trouble
with him is that he did not bring them
down himself, and he therefore, cannot accept them. The great secret of
the matter is that the present government did not obtain the present terms,
and they must needs put the country
to the expense of another delegation.
I would not be sorry to see more
liberal terms obtained, but as there is
not the shadow of a prospect of obtaining them, it would be a mere waste of
time and money to endeavor to attempt
to do so. The government do not
seem to entertain the least respect for
the Despatch from Lord Dufferin,
stating that no better terms will be
conceded to this Colony. Would the
Governor-General stultify himself by
making a statement which he knew to
he untrue? The thing is absurd. I
have heard the private declaration of
members of the Dominion Privy
Council that no appllcation need be
made for better terms than those now
offered, for they would not be granted.
We asked for $10,000 a year more
for our lands ; but received only $5,000, and were then told that this was
the last concession P. E. Island would
receive from them. The Dominion
government invited the late government to send a delegation up to Ottawa;
we did not invite ourselves. We received quite as much consideration
from the Dominion government as the
hon. Leader of the government himself would have got, if he had been on
that delegation. As anti-confederates,
we were more likely to succeed in obtaining liberal terms than he would
have been, as he agreed to accept far
less favorable terms than those now.
offered. His party ran the election on
false pretences, and now endeavor to
cover up their change of base by sending off another delegation to make an
attempt to get better terms, but they
cannot show the shadow of an argument in favor of their action. I wonder whether the
hon. Leader of the
Government will ask Canada to give
up the Railway to this Island and
allow us to work it ourselves ? If it
would earn $50,000 the first year over
and above working expenses, as stated
by the hon. member for Alberton (Mr.
Howlan), by all means get it back ;
but I believe his honor the Leader of
the government expects the earnings
to be $20,000 a year less than working expenses. I have not the least
doubt that the Dominion government,
if asked to do so, would willingly give
up the Railway to be worked and
managed by our local government.
LO.
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