PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
5
MONDAY, April 22.
Hon. ATTORNEY GENERAL moved that the
House do adopt the usual Resolution touching the
distribution of a certain number of copies of the
Journals. In submitting which, he observed that it
would be necessary to forward copies to the Governmental departments of the Provinces
recently Confederated.
Hon. Mr. HAVILAND asked the Hon. Attorney
General if he admitted that Confederation was a fixed
fact.
Hon. Mr. DUNCAN remarked that the people of
Nova Scotia were driven into Confederation without
their consent—they were denied the privilege of an
appeal to the Polls.
Mr. HOWAT did not see the necessity of recognizing
the Confederated Government, as it was termed, for it
could scarcely be said that it had, as yet, an existence
—certainly it was not yet in working order, and,
therefore, it was unnecessary on the part of that House
to give it any hasty recognition.
Hon. Mr. DAVIES said the fact that the Bill for
Confederating Canada and the two Maritime Provinces
had passed the Imperial Parliament, and received Her
Majesty's Roya1 assent, rendering it necessary that the
House should recognize it. He thought the views of
some hon. members of the Opposition must have been
considerably modified on the question of Confederation, for it appeared that they
had nominated the Hon.
Mr. Haviland, who was a strong Confederate, as their
Leader.
After some further remarks from hon. members, the
resolution was put and agreed to.
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
6
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Debate on the Draft Address in Answer to
His Excellency's Speech.
On motion of Hon. Mr. KELLY, the House resolved
itself into a Committee of the whole to take into consideration the Draft Address
in answer to His Excellency's
Speech at the opening of the Session,—Mr. BELL in
the Chair.
The 1st paragraph was agreed to without remark.
On the 2d paragraph being read—
Hon. Mr. HENSLEY rose to move its adoption, and
said:—Mr Chairman: This clause may not meet with
the approval of all lion. members, though I am unable
to see that any one can raise against it a valid objection.
It does not censure any party; it simply states a fact.
While it says that "the late time at which it was deemed
advisable to dissolve the last Assembly, and the Ministerial arrangements resulting
from the General Election," prevented His Excellency from summoning the
House at an earlier period, it does not cast the least
reflection upon the late Government. We charitably
suppose that they had good reason for delaying the
Election. But, as some eight or ten months of the
most suitable season of the year for holding it, elapsed
before the House was dissolved, a satisfactory explanation of the matter, from some
of His Excellency's
late advisers, would, no doubt, be gratifying to hon.
members, as well as to the people generally. As you
are aware, Sir, the "ministerial arrangements"
referred to in the clause, are those rendered necessary
by the resignation of the late Government and its
principal officers, whose places had to be filled up to
carry on the public business of the Colony. Those
hon. members who accepted offices of emolument, of
course, had to vacate their seats; and, though the
writs for the Elections, in such cases, were made
returnable as soon as possible, delay in calling the
Legislature together was impossible. We do not wish
to attach blame ot the late party in power; we
merely express our willingness, notwithstanding the
lateness of the Session, to devote a sufficient time to
mature such measures as the exigencies of the Colony
and the public service may require. It, however,
would afford me pleasure to hear from two hon. members present (Messrs. Duncan and
Henderson), who
held seats at the late Executive Board, an explanation
of the reason why the General Election was so long
delayed. It is surmised that the late Government
deferred the dissolution of the Assembly until Confederation might be matured; but
as those two hon
members are understood to be decidedly opposed to
that measure, they could not have consented to the
delay on any such ground.
Hon. Mr McAULAY.—Mr. Chairman, 1 cannot
but admire the moderation of the hon. gentleman
who has just resumed his seat! At first he was not
going to cast any reflection upon the late Government,
but he concluded his speech by calling upon them to
give an account of their actions. Conduct like
this is unparliamentary. Never before, I believe, has
such a thing occurred in any country, as an incoming
Government attempting to call their predecessors to
account on the floors of the Legislature. A new light
has dawned upon the world since the advent of the
present Government party to power, and I hope it
will benefit from the.faint illumination which that
light affords. It is contrary to parliamentary rule for
one House to refer to the proceedings of another.
But the hon. member's allusion to the acts of the late
Government seems merely intended to cover tho mis
deeds of his own party. He complains of the lateness
of the Session, and throws all the blame upon His
Excellency's former advisers. His excuse will not
stand the test of investigation. The General Election
was held on the 26th of February, and the House was
not summoned to meet until the 18th of April. Why
the delay? The pleading about ministerial arrangements will not satisfy the public.
Were the Officers
of the late Government asked to retain their places for
a few months, until the business of the Session could
be got over? The real fact of the case appears to be
that the leaders of the party now in power were so
anxious to obtain office, that, rather than forego the
sweets of emolument for a few weeks, they were prepared to put the people to expense,
and the country
members to great inconvenience. I will not move any
amendment to the paragraph under consideration; but
I hope that the Hon. Attorney General will adhere to
parliamentary rule more strictly in the future.
Mr. BRECKEN.—I regret that the hon. Leader of
the Opposition is not in his place: if he were, I have
no doubt he would satisfy the Hon. Attorney General
respecting the delay in holding the General Election,
which seems to cause that hon. member so much uneasiness. I believe, however, that
his surmise was
pretty nearly correct; that the late Government deemed it advisable to delay the Election
until the intentions of the Imperial Government, with respect to the
position this Island would occupy in regard to Confederation should be made known.
Though I am
opposed to Confederation, I believe the policy of the
late Administration, in waiting to ascertain the decision
of the Home Government on that question, was a
sound one. It was but right that the people of this
Island should be made aware of what the Imperial
Government purposed to do with them, before they
were required to go to the polls. This is a small
Colony; and, though we objected to enter the proposed
Confederation, it was possible that the authorities at
Home might resolve to include us in the Bill then about
to be brought before parliament The people, I think,
will not blame the late Government for delaying the
Election until the public mind was relieved upon that
point. It would have been unwise to put the country
to the expense of a General Election, without knowing
what would be our future fate. But, Mr. Chairman,
if I recollect rightly, the late Government placed their
resignations in His Excellency's hands some ten or
twelve days before their successors were appointed,
therefore the very late period at which the Session was
called, could not be altogether attributable to the time
at which the Election was held. And, after the
Government was formed, and they had placed their
friends in office, there was apparently no occasion for
delaying the opening of the Session until last week.
They were strong—at least numerically so, whether
really strong or not. They had nineteen to eleven of
the Opposition—or eighteen to twelve—a question
which I suppose the hon. member for Tryon alone
can solve; consequently the absence of two or three
members from their seats should not have delayed the
public business. But, I suppose we must accept the
explanation in the paragraph under consideration, that
"ministerial arrangements," or perhaps more properly,
ministerial difficulties—prevented an earlier call of the
House. We know, Sir, from the declaration of the hon.
Leader of the Government himself, at the late nomination, that his present supporters
in the Legislature are
composed of all political parties; therefore it is easy to
understand how difficulties may arise. The paragraph
before the Committee is moderate; and, indeed, the
whole Address is moderate, and, had it not been for
the allusion made by the Hon. Attorney General to the
course pursued by the late Government in reference to
the General Election, I would not have troubled this
hon. Committee so early in the debate.
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
7
Hon. Mr. DAVIES.—The hon. member for Charlottetown has stated that the reason the late Administrators
delayed the Election, was in order to ascerttain what action the Home Government intended
to
take on Confederation. This is a very extraordinary
excuse to offer. Did they suppose or desire that the
Imperial Government would force us into Confederation? The British Parliament would
not be so unjust
as to sanction such an act. We are in as independent
a position as any of the States in the neighboring
Republic; and our independent rights cannot
properly be taken from us. But the British Government never wished to coerce us into
Confederation.
Those who held up this idea, were the men who
wished that this Island might be legislated into the
Union without the people's consent. The Home
Government could not rightfully deprive us of our
separate Government, unless we had violated the
constitution of the Colony. And I believe this is
what the late Government attempted to impress upon
the Home authorities, when they sent for troops to
quell, what they represented to be a disturbance
among the tenantry, thereby bringing the Island
into discredit. To state that the late Administration
delayed the election until it was known whether this
Colony would be included in it or not, is as much as
to say, that they believed the Legislature of this
Island to be a farce, and our constituents not a free
people.
Mr. BRECKEN.—Mr. Chairman, I agree with the
hon. member for Belfast, that it was not at all probable that the Home Government
would take away
the Constitution of the Colony without our consent.
But the Government did not know what instructions
His Excellency might, almost at any moment, receive.
He might have been instructed by the Secretary of
State for the Colonies to dissolve the House, and
test the opinion of the country on the question of
Confederation. Suppose that he had received such
instructions a week or two after the Election was
over, would not the country have thought that the
Government of the day had been too hasty in making
an appeal to the people? I am just as prepared as the
hon. member to stand up for the rights of the Colony;
but considering our insignificance, I cannot admit
that we are so independent of the Mother Country,
as he has asserted. The object of the late Government, he also stated, seemed to be
to bring discredit,
or a stigma upon the Colony. This was caused, he
says, by their sending for the troops. The Tenant
Union disturbances, are no doubt looked upon by
him, as a very trifling affair. He did not condescend
to inform us whether he was a member of that organization or not; but I know, Sir,
that when a procession of that body paraded the streets of Charlottetown,
they halted opposite the hon. gentleman's business
establishment, and gave him an ovation. He appeared
at the door before them, and received the honor with
a countenance radiant with the smiles of patriotism.
I am not going to detain this hon. committee at present
to discuss the point whether the nature of the disturbances which arose, out of the
great Tenant League
agitation, were such as to justify the late Government
in sending for troops. I will merely say that if the
hon. member for Belfast sincerely believes that their
action in the matter was intended, or calculated to
bring the Colony into disgrace, he ought, now,
since he is a member of the Government, to have introduced a paragraph into His Excellency's
speech to
carry out the objects of this Tenant Association which
he countenanced and supported. A little pepper in
the Speech would have been an improvement. I was
not at the hon. member's elbow through his election
campaign, but I have been informed that the League
had not a little to do with his presence here. If, then,
Sir, he owes his seat in this House to the influence
of that organization, why has he not something in
this Address on the subject, even supposing he could
not procure a place for it in the speech from the
Throne? I fear, Sir, that having ridden into this
House on that political horse, he has turned him
away, never more to be heard of, until the next
Election day comes round. I can only compare
his conduct to a man who has undertaken a long
journey on foot, and finding himself fatigued, and
almost despairing of reaching his destination, he meets
with a horse which he coaxes with a little provender,
leaps on his back, rides to the end of his journey, and
turns him adrift. So is the hon. member with the
Tenant organization; he gave it a few political oats,
and encouraged it to help him along, but having
served his purpose, he has now quietly forgotten its
claims. He may declaim about the troops and the acts
of the late Government, but now, after having become
one of His Excellency's sworn advisers, he will discover that he must pursue the same
policy in maintaining law and order, as was adopted by the Conservative
party. It is rumored that the British troops are to be
withdrawn from the other Provinces after they are
confederated. If so, those which are here will also
be called away. Should the hon. member for Belfast,
then ascertain that law and order can not be maintained in this Colony, except at
the point of the
bayonet, he, I think, will conclude that we are not
so independent as he at present imagines.
Hon. Mr. DUNCAN.—The subject of the Tenant
League having been brought forward by the hon.
member for Belfast (Mr. Davies) one of the members
of the Government, it is, Mr. Chairman, no harm for
the Opposition to mention it. The conduct of my hon.
colleague in regard to the Tenant association has been,
I think, somewhat strange. In fact he has merely
used that body as a means of getting into power, and
even in his canvass before the late Election, he regulated his speeches in regard
to the Land Question and
the rights of the Tenantry very much by the character
of the people whom he happened to be addressing.
He should not, I think, have alluded to this question
at all, and I wonder that he has done so. But, Sir,
returning to the paragraph under discussion, why did
not the present Government, if they desired to call
the Legislature at an earlier period, wait a few weeks
before appointing their principal officers from the
members on floor of the House? Could not some
of these appointments have been postponed until the
House had risen, and thereby no delay be occasioned?
But the Address throughout follows the policy of the
late Government—that policy which the present Government at the late Election found
so much fault with,
but which now they appear ready to carry out. I, for
my part, Mr. Chairman, see nothing objectionable in
this paragraph, but am surprised at my hon. colleague's
allusions to the Tenant League. It is plain that he
has merely used that organization as a means of getting into the Government, and that
he will now have
no further use for the tenantry until he again calls
upon them at another Election.
Hon. Mr. DAVIES.—I wish, Mr. Chairman, to
make a few remarks regarding the defence of the hon.
member for Charlottetown, with respect to the
action of the late Government in delaying the
General Elections. The observations which have
fallen from that gentleman would lead us to believe
that had certain news come from England regarding
Confederation, the House would never have been
called. This is but a poor defence of the action
of the Government, and is equal to saying that
its members were willing to sell their country
and prove traitors to the trust reposed in them. And
is not the party carrying out the same policy still?
Have not the Opposition chosen the hon. and learned
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
8
member for Georgetown, a red hot Unionist, as their
leader, thus showing their leanings to the Confederation
Scheme? With regard to what my hon. colleague
(Mr. Duncan) has said of my connection with the
Tenant League, I may tell him that I am not now in
this House through the influence of that body, though
many of its members voted for me. It is true that I
at first supported the Tenants in their demands, but I
had afterwards cause to disapprove of many of their
acts. The hon. member's rambling allusions to my
canvass and election in Belfast have not very much
weight. He clearly expected to carry all Belfast
'before him,but failed in the attempt.
Mr. BRECKEN—In the explanation which I gave
of the probable cause of the delay in issuing the Writs
for the General Election, I merely stated that, in my
opinion, that delay was occasioned by a desire on the
part of the late Government to postpone the Elections
until something more definite was known on the subject of Confederation; but I did
not wish to convey
the impression that they were waiting in order to sell
their country. Even if disposed to take such action
on Confederation, they wouid have had to submit
it to the Legislature; and I therefore do not see that
they were in a position to act as traitors, even were
they so inclined. Much, Mr. Chairman, has been said
about the Opposition's having chosen the hon. member
for Georgetown, (Mr. Haviland) who is a Confederate, as their leader, but I cannot
think it consistent in
,the hon. member for Belfast to condemn them for
doing so when the party of which he is a member
offered the highest honor in this House which they
could confer upon the same Confederate gentleman,
namely. the Speaker's Chair. And has not the Government of which he is a member appointed
a gentleman
who is a strong Confederate to the most lucrative
office in their gift? That gentleman has since lost his
Election, and I am sorry that such is the case. The
Queen's Printer has always been a credit to the House
and i would not have the slightest objection to seeing
him now on the floor, for I have always respected him,
strongly though he has denounced the policy of the
Conservative party. I consider that the Liberal party
—if such a party. exists—acted rightly in appointing
Mr. Whelan; l merely object to the inconsistency of
hon. members who made that appointment, now
finding fault with the Opposition for selecting their
ablest and most experienced member as Leader, even
though he be a Confederate.
Hon. Mr. DAVIES—The. hon. member who has
just spoken considers that I cannot, with any degree
of consistency, approve of Mr. Whelan's appointment
as Queen's Printer, and yet condemn the Opposition
for choosing the hon. member for Georgetown (Mr.
Haviland) as their Leader. It is well-known that Mr.
Whelan had strong claims upon the Liberal party.
He ran his election, was returned, and then applied
for the Printership; but, before that office was given
him, he renounced his former opinions in favor of
Confederation, and promised to oppose the measure in
the House, if again elected. It appears, however,
that, on his returning to his constituents, they were
not satisfied with his promise, and rejected him; and.
I am proud, as a politician, they did so, though I myself believe that, had Mr.Whelan
been again returned,
he would have opposed Confederation. But the case is
different in regard to Mr. Haviland. The Opposition
have chosen him unpledged, and he will still support
Confederation.
Mr. BRECKEN.—I am sorry, Mr. Chairman, that
Mr. Whelan is not present. I have always had too
high an opinion of that gentleman to think that he
would sell himself and' his opinions for an office, and,
if he were now in the House, he would not, I think,
thank the hon. member who has just sat down, for
the character which he has given him, that of a political hireling. I have never seen
his abandonment of
his opinions, and I do not htink such was ever made.
The hon. member thinks there is a vast difference
between the appointment of Mr. Whelan and that of Mr.
Haviland. If he objects to the Opposition being led
by the latter gentleman, why was he so anxious to
place him in the Speaker's Chair? If he is bent upon
betraying the interests of his native country, was that
the reward to give him,— make him first Commoner of
the land? I believe Mr. Whelan is as much a Confederate as ever, and he was placed
in office by the
present
composite Government, for, that is its character.
There are in it fragments of the old Liberal party,
some of the Tenant League element, I believe, and
some Conservatives. The position of the present hon.
Leader of the Opposition is before the country. He
is, we know, a staunch Confederate; and, since his
avowal of his opinions on this matter, he has been
returned by his constituents. Regarding the delay in
the Elections, Mr. Chairman, as I said before, I do not
think that the Conservative party delayed them, in
order to sell the people, or that they had the power or
inclination to do so. Surely the House of Assembly
that passed the "No terms Resolution" would not be
willing to sell the country. There was, I think, as
much integrity in the late House, as in the present one;
and I consider it right that the Elections were
delayed, in order that the people might be better
informed upon the subject of Confederation, and the
wishes of the Imperial Government.
Hon. ATTORNEY GENERAL.—I did not, Mr.
Chairman, think that the Tenant League and Confederation would be brought up for discussion,
when I
moved the clause now under consideration. Nothing
of the sort was mentioned in the clause; and, in
moving it, I merely stated that no blame was cast
upon the late Government, as they were probably able
to give good reasons for their acts. It was reported
that the late Government desired to sacrifice the Island
on the altar of Confederation, and therefore delayed the
dissolution of the Assembly; but, as a proof that this
could notbe the case, I alluded to the fact that the hon.
members opposite, for Belfast and Murray Harbor,
both strong anti-Confederates, were in the Executive
up to and after the time at which the dissolution would
ordinarily have taken place. But, if the dissolution
was delayed to enable the people to obtain more
information on Confederation, that they might thereby
form a more correct opinion on the subject, I am
willing to concede the wisdom of the delay. Regarding the case of the hon. Leader
of the Opposition, and
that of the present Queen's Printer, I consider that, if
any person thinks proper to cover his views on a
subject, and to say that he will not press them upon
the attention of the House, I am perfectly at liberty
to accept him as an officer, either of the Government
or of this House. I look upon the hon. member for
Georgetown as pledged not to support Confederation,
until he shall again appeal to his constituents on the
subject. It was not at all unparliamentary for the
Government to offer him the Speaker's chair. In the
British Parliament, the Speaker is chosen simply with
regard to his merits, leaving his political opinions out
of the question; and why could not we do the same?
The hon.member for Charlottetown also stated that he
believed that the dissolution of the late House was
probably delayed, in order to afford time to receive
despatches from the Home Government on the subject of
Confederation. It was probably of advantage to the
people, that, at the time the Elections took place, the question, in all its bearings,
and all its fulness, should be before them, giving them an opportunity of forming
their
own opinions on the matter, and taking these opinions
as a guide for their actions; and I consider that no
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
9
compulsion that could be brought to bear, would
prevent them doing so. The hon. member for Georgetown (Mr. McAulay) has accused me
of acting in an
unparliamentary manner. That gentleman occupied
the Speaker's Chair for some time, in the late House,
and, of course, his statements will carry great weight.
It sounded very well for him to say that I had
departed from Parliamentary practice; but I am unable
to see in what respect I did so. If asking for an explanation, to enlighten this hon.
Committee, is unparliamentary. I must, I confess, plead guilty. Much has
been said about Departmental and Responsible Government. I lately read. in a Halifax
newspaper, an article on this subject, which defined Responsible Government to be
a government according to the well-understood wishes of the people, as expressed through
a majority of their Representatives. We, then, have Responsible
Government in its pure form, so long as we have a majority of the Representatives
carrying out their wishes.
The hon. member for the City also stated that there
was nothing in His Excellency's Speech,- that, in the
Speech the Government merely followed the policy of
the late Administration. What an example the Tories
have set, certainly? They laid aside the Land Purchase
Bill, which was a Liberal measure, and tried other
measures for the purchase of the Lands; but, these
failing, they finally returned to the original Bill. Does
the hon. member think that, because the Conservatives
adopted the policy of the Liberals, that the party, in
its return to power, is to throw aside that policy, and
adopt a new one? We do not, Sir, follow the Conservative party, but merely support
a measure brought
forward by ourselves,-a measure the best adapted to
settle the Land Question, and which as done so to a very
great extent. But, Sir, the present Government have
been blamed, by some hon. members of the Opposition,
for not having waited until the House had risen, before
appointing its officers from that body. It was impossible for the Government to work
until its principal
officers, such as the Colonial Secretary, were appointed;
and I think that my hon. friend, the Leader of the Opposition, would have been rather
surprised, had the Government asked him to remain in office after the defeat
of his party. I trust that the hon. member for Georgetown (Mr. McAulay) will see fit
to withdraw the
charge of being unparliamentary, which he has brought
against me.
Hon. Mr. McAULAY.- If the hon. member expects
me to retract his hopes, Mr. Chairman, will end in
disappointment. When I charged him with being
unparliamentary, I did not speak unadvisedly; and
there are now, or were lately, before him, authorities
to prove the correctness of what I said. If he is not
too indolent to peruse these authorities, he will find
that references in consure are not allowed in the
Imperial Parliament.
Hon. Mr. HAVILAND.- If I had been in my place
at the commencement of this debate much discussion
might have been saved. The debate, Mr. Chairman,
should have been confined to the paragraph now before you, instead of which, we have
subjects brought
up and discussed which do not even appear in the
Address. The hon. member for Charlottetown was
right in saying that Confederation was the cause of
the delay in holding the late General Election. Her
Majesty's Representatives, together with his advisers,
considered that it was for the interest of the Island to
defer the Election as late as possible, that all the information which could be received
might have laid before
the people at the polls, that they might know the result of the Conference in London,
and the principles
of the Confederation Bill before the Imperial Parliament. We expected some despatch
in answer to the
Address sent from this House last year which would
contain more than the usual announcement that Her
Majesty had received it graciously. On the day of
nominations such as despatch was received and immediately published the people might
read it; and
had the Election taken place in the autumn the country would have been in ignorance
of many of the facts
concerning Confederation. Very probably the reason
why some hon. members object to the late Government's having delayed the Election,
is that they were
then anxiously waiting to get into the House, and
were therefore impatient of any delay. Some insinuation has been thrown out that the
late Government
were waiting to sell the country. I can tell hon. members,-and my word will, I think,
have some weight,
for I am pretty well known,-that I was returned by
my constituents pledged not to commit the Island to
any scheme of Confederation, without first appealing
to the people, anjd I would as soon cut off my hand as
allow it to be done. I only hope that hon. members
opposite will be as well able to clear their skirts when
they go out of power as I am. I never, Mr. Chairman,
heard on the floor of this House such an extraordinary
admission as that made by the hon. member for Belfast
(Mr. Davies) regarding the Queen's Printer's appointment. He actually seemed to me
to sing a pean of joy
over that gentleman's defeat. If the hon. member
was unwilling to see him in office, he should, I think
have resigned his position as a member of the Executive. By the principles of Responsible
Government
every member of that body is individually responsible
for every appointment, and it is the duty of each
of them to defend that appointment when made.
Hon. Mr. DAVIES.- I think I may be allowed to
explain my statement in regard to Mr. Whelan's appointment as Queen's Printer. I would
have been
oppposed to his appointment, had I not been aware
that, before his first Election, he publicly renounced his
opinions on Confederation. When I said that I was
glad that the people had now rejected him, I merely
meant that I was glad they had done so, if they did
not consider him sincere in the pledges which he had
given.
Hon. Mr. DUNCAN.- I omitted, Mr. Chairman, to
remind my hon. colleague, who so strongly condemned
the action of the late Government in sending for the
troops, that the Opposition of last Session, with the
exception of two hon. members, approved of the step
taken by the Conservative Administration in that
matter.
Hon. Mr. HENDERSON.- During the Debate,
reference has been made to me personally, as a member
of the late Government, and an insinuation has been
made against the Government, for which I consider it
my duty to demand something more than assertion.
The hon. member for Belfast (Mr. Davies) has stated
that the late Government had called the soldiers into the
Island, with the intention of forcing the Island into
Confederation. Can he produce any proof-anything
like proof-for that statement? Does he mean to say
that his Honor the Chief Justice, who was at that time
Administrator of the Government, would consent to
anything like that? I repudiate the statement, and hand
it back to the gentleman for proof. I admit that, perhaps preliminary steps, on the
part of the civil power,
were not used in time, and I will give you no opinion
now, contrary to the opinions which I held when in
the Government. I do not wish to occupy the time of
this hon. Committee: but when the integrity of the
late Government is called in question, I consider it my
duty to defend them. I say, then, that the hon. member for Belfast (Mr. Davies) has
given no proof- except his bare assertion--that such was the motive of
the late Government, in calling the Troops. I regret
that this subject has been brought forward. I would
be one of the last to mention it. Some gentlemen
have referred to the fact that my hon. and learned
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10
friend, the member for Georgetown, has been chosen
as Leader by the Opposition. We were in this act,
Sir, as consistent as were the Government in offering
him the Speaker's chair. The fact of their having
done this only proves that we have made a wise choice.
I myself heard that gentleman, when addressing his
constituents in Georgetown, say, if ever that crisis
came, when his vote could put this Island into Confederation without the consent of
the people, God
forbid that he should give it. Take this fact in connection with the well-known character
of the hon.
member for Georgetown, and we have, I think, as
good a guarantee for his conduct as can be required.
Hon. Mr. HOWLAN.-I did not, Mr. Chairman,
intend to speak at this stage of the proceedings; but,
certainly, I did not expect that any hon. gentleman
would have made such statements as the hon. member
for Belfast (Mr. Duncan) has done. He said that all
the Opposition of last year were in favor of bringing
the troops here, except two-the hon. member for
New Glasgow, and the hon. member for Tryon. All
the members of the minority of last year, with the exception of two, were not in favor
of the action of the
late Government in that matter; and, therefore, Sir,
his statement is incorrect. There was a Resolution
brought in by the Government, to which the hon.
member for Tryon moved an amendment, and eight
members voted for it—which amendment I will now
read:
"That the House of Assembly regret the disturbances
and troubles which occurred in this Colony in the past year,
but the House, at the same time, are of opinion that the
alleged open and systematic defiance of the law might
have been set aside by a further recourse to the aid of the
civil power at the disposal of the local anthorities, before
calling in the aid of Her Majesty's troops."
Now, Sir, I find that eight voted for this amendment,
and this is an important fact. I did not intend to go
into this question. I am sorry, and I think every
hon. member in this House is sorry, that the Hon. Mr.
Whelan has not been returned,-sory that he was so
unfortunate . There have been other matters brought
up, which, I think, we had better now pass by, as we
shall have amply opportunity, hereafter, to speak to
them. I will only say that I was surprised at the explanation given by the hon. memeber,
with respect to
the delay in holding the Election,
Mr. HOWAT.—Mr. Chairman, I was the one who
moved the resolution in the House last year which
has just been read by the hon. member. I believe
that law and order should be maintained; and I believe that all classes are liable
to become excited at
times; but I do think that the Government should
have used the means at their disposal before they
brought the troops here. Had theydone so, they
would have had no occasion for the troops to put
down any disturbance. But now that they are here,
I am glad to see them. it is admitted by all that this
Session was called too late, and both sides of the
House seem to try to get clear of the blame. Now, is
there cause for complaint? I, for one, believe that there
is blame, and I wish that blame to rest upon those on
whom it should. If the present Government, as explained by the Hon. the Atty. Gen.,
had no more time
than was required by law for calling the Legislature,
then the blame must rest with the late Government.
I am at a loss to understand the hon. member for
Charlottetown (Mr. Brecken) when he gave as a reason that they were waiting for fuller
information on
Confederation. Now, Sir, if he was sincere last year
in the
no terms resolution, there was no necessity to
wait for any further information on the subject of
Confederation; and the Election should have been
held at the proper time, and the country not put to
the inconvenience of calling the Legislature so late.
Mr. BRECKEN.—In the absence of the Leader of
the Opposition, I suggested what I thought probably
was the reason why the late Election did not take
place at an earlier date, that the Government were
waiting the result of the deliberations of the delegates
of the other Provinces, in London, on the subject of
Confederation. If such was their reason, it appears to
me a sufficient one; for who could tell to what extent
our position might have been effected by the policy of
the Imperial Government? Some persons predicted
that we would be coerced into union; others, that certain terms would be offered for
the acceptance or rejection of the people of this Colony, and with that
object a dissolution would have to take place. The
hon. member for Belfast (Mr. Davies) will surely
admit that it was of consequence that all doubts in this
important matter should be removed before the Electors
were called upon to choose their representatives. The
hon. member charges me, as one of the supporters of
the celebrated no terms resolution, with inconsistency
in excusing this delay; but Sir, the hon. member
knows very well that, although I voted for these resolutions, I did not agree with
the wording of them; and
if he refers to the report of my speech on that occasion, he will find that I stated
that they went too far,
that to say that no terms of union that would prove
advantageous to our interests and the well-being of
the people could be offered was going too far. My reasons for voting for these resolutions
were, that I believed that no other terms were in store for us other
than those offered by the Quebec Scheme--terms
which I believe then, and still do, were neither just
nor liberal to the Island; and that in a union on such
terms, our material interests would be most seriously
depressed. That looking at what was then taking
place in the neighboring Province of Nova Scotia, the
very great dissatisfaction that appeared to exist there,
and the protests that were being made against the
policy of the Government going into Confederation
without first appealing to the people, I considered it
would have been dangerous for us to admit the principle in the abstract, until there
was a prospect of
getting fair terms, such as the people of this Colony
would be prepared to accept. If the hon. member
(Mr. Davies) will take the trouble to refer to
my speech, when these resolutions were under discussion last Session, he will find
that I have not changed
my opinions. That I then said that terms might be
offered which it would be to our interest to accept.
Not that I think it any discredit to a man to change
his opinions, on political as well as other subjects.
The man who never changes his opinion, never corrects
his errors. Since last Session Confederation has
undergone a material change. The union of Canada,
Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick has been accomplished; besides the terms of the compact
have also
been materially changed. With us, Sir, I think it is
only a question of time. I have never thought that
we can stand alone and keep out of the union. If i
thought we could without imperilling our various interests, I would say in the words
of Shakspeare, "better
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
11
bear those ills we have than fly to others we know not
of." Our position now is such that it becomes the
duty of every public man to look the question fairly
in the face, not in a party spirit with the object of
making political stock out of it. It is time we made
up our minds on this great question, as to the most
beneficial course to be pursued, and having done so to
stand or fall by those opinions.
Mr. BRECKEN.--The hon. member need not
alarm himself about my inconsistency. I am not going
to play with the question. I have pledged myself in
common, I believe, with every hon. member of this
House, not to commit the country to Confederation
until the question is first submitted to the people at
the polls. This pledge was most distinctly given, and
I intend to keep it strictly.
Mr. BRECKEN.--I consider myself bound by a
pledge to hand back to my constituents the power
they entrusted me with undiminished. I do not feel
myself precluded from discussion the question. For,
if the present Government were to open negociations
with the Confederate Colonies, for the purpose of
joining the Union--a course that would not very much
surprise me--and obtain an offer on favorable terms, I
should consider myself bound to vote against closing
with that offer, and vote for referring the question to
the people I am surprised at the coolness of the hon.
member, twitting me with inconsistency on the subject
of Confederation. I ask him, what candidate did he
support at the recent Election for Charlottetown,-my
hon. colleague, a prominent supporter of Confederation,
one of the celebrated " ninety-four. " If, Sir, the hon.
member and his party, well-knowing my colleague's
views on that question, supported, and, with the assistance of some Confederates in
the city, returned him to
this House; but--strange and inconsistent--having
placed him in that responsible position, they are afraid,
I understand, to trust him as a member of the Executive Council, and resolutely refuse
to appoint him to
that position, although he has as resolutely insisted on
his right to be there. Looking at the fact that he is
one of the representatives of the capital of the Colony,
and the only one who is in harmony with the Government, if there is anything of that
element amongst
them, which I much doubt, and considering that his constituents are the most wealthy,
and certainly as intelligent as any in the Island, and that the greater portion of
the mercantile, mechanical, and many other of our
important interests are centred in the Town and Royalty, I do think my colleague,
and those who sent him
here, have a right to see him at the Executive Council
Board. I understand the Government distrusts him
on account of his qualifications and position, in other respects,
do not justify the appointment. Strange inconsistency,
voting for a gentleman, returning him to this House,
and still afraid to trust him as a member of the Government. But, Sir, for another
piece of inconsistency on
the part of the hon member (Mr. Davies) and his
party. How does he defend the appointment to the
office of Queen;s Printer of a gentleman, one of the
most ardent and talented (and on that account the
most dangerous) advocates of Confederation. The
hon. member designates Confederates as traitors. Is
this his mode of punishing treachery by appointing
the offender to the most lucrative office in the gift of
the Government?
Hon. Mr. KELLY.--Mr. Davies was not appointed
to the Executive until after Mr. Whelan was appointed Queen's Printer.
Mr. BRECKEN.--So much the worse for him, if
such was the fact, for, by accepting a seat in the
Government, he endorsed and approved of the Act;
but the fact is Mr. Davies was a member of the Government at the time the appointment
was made. The
hon. member (Mr. Davies) jeers us for having a red-hot
Unionist as Leader of the Opposition. It is within the
knowledge of this hon. House, that that hon. member
and the Government proposed to punish the Leader of
the Opposition for his red-hot Confederate ideas, by
making him first Commoner of the land, placing him
in the Speaker's Chair. Strange method this, of
marking the people's and the hon. member's disapprobation of the Leader of the Opposition's
unsound and
traitorous opinions on a question so vitally affecting
our interests. The fact is, the Government is a mass
of inconsistency; there are scarcely two of them who
profess the same principles. Their Leader, who has
not at present a seat in this House, always contented,
(and no later than a few days ago, on the hustings in
Charlottetown.) that the departmental system of Responsible Government was the only
true system. How
often have we, on this side of the House, been denunciated as traitors for departing
from it, by excluding
office-holders from the Legislature. Now, we find this
composite Government following the course laid down
by the Conservatives, without having the honesty or
candor to confess that they have seen the error of their
way, or to assign reasons for changing their minds. No,
Sir; rather than admit that it was honorable for their
opponents to do anything right, they prefer pursuing a
course which they have denounced as deceptive. They
tell us that all political parties must make compromises.
To a certain extent this is true,--but in matters of
detail, there is a point at which compromises must
stop. There are certain vital principles, which admit
of no compromise, unless they wish to be, as this Government are, compromised from
head to foot, without
any distinctive principle, composed of a remnant of the
old Liberal party, an infusion of Tenant Leaguers, and
a few calling themselves moderate Conservatives. Look
at some of their recent and most important appointments. What principle of Responsible
Government
was respected in the appointment of the Colonia!
Treasurer--a gentleman who, a few weeks ago, was
rejected, at the Legislative Council Election, by an
overwhelming majority; and, as to the appointment to
the head of the Customs' Department, I cannot say
what known rule of the Constitution has been invaded,
as the framers of that system of government, wide and
comprehensive as they made it, never contemplated
such a case of unblushing political jobbery occurring;
this was reserved for the ingenuity of Prince Edward
Island Liberals. And bear in mind, Mr. Chairman, that
the Government, by making this appointment, endorses
its propriety collectively and individually, otherwise
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
12
they would insist on the Controller of Customs
obtaining the approval of his constituents. I can
picture to myself that gentleman, when on the hustings,
diluting on the grievances and wrongs perpetuated by
those ruthless and grinding Tories, and assuring the
people that, if they would only return him to Parliament, he would put his shoulder
to the wheel, and case
them of all their burdens and wrongs. They do so.
He, on his part, accepts a lucrative office, makes his
bow to his oppressed constituency, and takes final leave
of them and their grievances. I have always looked
upon Responsible Government as a very elastic thing;
it may be compared to an Indian rubber bag, capable
of being squeezed into a variety of shapes and forms;
and, provided you keep it inflated with the breath of
the well-understood wishes of the people for the time,
all well; but the present composite Government seem
disposed to squeeze that very breath out of it, and hold
it up to the people as an empty and meaningless thing.
So much, Sir, for the consistency of the hon. member
for Belfast and his new-found friends.
Hon. Mr. LAIRD.--Mr. Chairman; being a young
member, I did not wish to be too hasty in rising to
address this hon. Committee. But I cannot any longer
retain my seat, when I hear such a reason given for
delaying the General Election. In fact, it is no reason at all. Sir, in my boyish
days I was led to believe
that law and lawyers were nearly synomous terms for
roguery and deception; but I have lived that opinion
down. Still, when I hear the hon. and learned member for Charlottetown advancing such
reasons as he
has done to-night, I am almost forced to the conclusion
that my early impressions were correct. Now, if
he was honest in voting for the " no terms "
resolutions, it ought to be a matter of indifference to
him how early in the summer the elections were held.
If consistency had characterized the actions of the late
Government, delay in the case was unnecessary. The
attempt to justify putting off the Elections, on account
of the general tenor of the resolutions on Confederation
passed last Session, is, I think, without force, when we
consider that the " no terms " portion of themis their
most prominent feature,--so much so, that they receive
their designation from it, and will continue to do so,
while the Journals of this House remain in existence.
The hon. member for Charlottetown has also twitted
the members of the Government about the "composite"
material of which it is formed. Be that as it may, I
think their opinions are more in harmony with each
other, and their actions characterized by greater
unanimity, than were those of the late Government.
One member of that " happy family "--the hon. member for Murray Harbor (Mr. Henderson)--was
kicked
(pardon the expression) out of that honorable body.
And the operation appears to have had a beneficial
effect upon him, judging from his present conduct,
following, as he does, closely to, and firmly supporting,
the present hon. Leader of the Opposition, who
remained a member of the late Government after his
(Mr. Henderson's) gentle dismissal.
Mr. BRECKEN.--To say that no terms could be
offered that would induce us to enter into Confederation,
was certainly going too far. The hon. member from
Bedeque insinuates that I was prepared to enter into
Confederation, if better terms were offered. This is an
error. I did not say so, or deviate from my pledge to
return the matter to the hustings.
Hon. Mr. HENDERSON.--Mr. Chairman; the hon.
member, who has just sat down (Mr. Laird), in his
reply to the hon. and learned member on my right
(Mr. Brecken) had alluded to me; but, I would remind
him that it is quite unnecessary to attack me over the
shoulders of another, for, I believe, I can stand upon
my own legs. He affirms that I was kicked out of the
late Government; but I can assure him that I was
neither kicked nor pushed out of the Government, as
the correspondence on the subject, published several
months ago, has sufficiently proved; and, if the question were put to the vote of
the intelligent people of
the Island, I venture to say that they would pronounce
my conduct as honorable as that of any member in this
House. The illustration made use of by the hon.
member, I did not distinctly hear, but its drift I can
easily understand; and believe that, if it may be taken
as a true index to his forthcoming speeches, he may
expect laurels, not a few, before the end of the Session.
He has only bound on the state harness; let him not
think too hastily that he would work his way through
a difficulty like the one alluded to, with more credit
than I have done. The hon. member (Mr. Davies) is
muttering on his seat, while I am speaking; but, I
must tell that hon. member that it would be much
more gentlemanly for him to stand up and reply to me
himself, if able to do so, than to sit prompting another
for that purpose.
Mr. McLENNAN.--This discursive debate, Mr.
Chairman, is a perfect waste of time. I am one of
those who approve of the action of the late Government in reference to the General
Election. Hon.
members have brought into this discussion matters not
before this hon. Committee. In the paragraph under
consideration, there is not one word that has any
reference to Confederation. It is a waste of time to be
referring now to many of the subjects which have been
dragged into this debate. There will be ample opportunity to do so when these questions
come up, in
proper form, before the House.
Mr. PROWSE.--Mr. Chairman: I feel it to be my
duty to tell the hon. member for Belfast (Mr. Davies)
that, when he undertakes to charge this side of the
House as being the Confederate side, he is stating
what is incorrect. There are, Sir, on this side of the
House, men as strongly anti-Confederate as can be
be found anywhere. Why, Sir, the conduct of the
majority, with respect to the elections for the City of
Charlottetown, cannot be defended. The hon. gentleman charges us with changing our
opinions on Confederation, because we have a Confederate for our
Leader; and yet he and his party were willing and
anxious to put that same gentleman into the Speaker's
Chair. I am sure, if a Confederate was placed in that
honorable position by this House, it would be regarded
by the public as a tendency towards Confederation,
much more than the act of the Opposition, in choosing
him to be their Leader. I need not say one word with
respect to the hon. member giving his own vote for a
strong Confederate, after what has been said by others
on that act of his. The Government side of this House
is made up of old Liberals, Tenant-Leaguers, Confederates, and Conservatives; and
on this side, there are
men who are strongly opposed to Confederation.
With respect to the question, why the late Government
did not cause the Elections to take place earlier, I may
say that, if they felt that any danger was to come out
of hasty steps, they were doing a good serivce in
acting as they did. And, Sir, I believe, there was a
time when a Legislature, only nine months old, was
dissolved, and a late Assembly taken place at the usual
time, there was reason to apprehend that the same
would have again occurred. If that was the reason,
I consider it a perfectly satisfactory one, for it
probably saved the country the expense of a second
PARLIAMENTARY REPORTER.
13
Election. We know that the Home Authorities were
more anxious that this Colony should go into Confederation, than they were, spme time
ago, that we should
have six additional members in this House; therefore,
it was quite probable that they might have instructed
His Excellency to dissolve the Assembly, and test the
question of Confederation at the polls.
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