Speech of
Mr. McLelan.
Mr. Speaker,—We have been charged with
making this a party question. But surely
the
position which members on both sides occupy
in reference to it is sufficient to show
we are
not amenable to such a charge. For myself
I
am about to address the house in
opposition to
the views propounded by my political party
leader; and let me say that no act of my
little
political life has given me half the pain
I feel
in being compelled to take a position in
opposition to that hon. gentleman,.There are
other
considerations which might well cause me to
hesitate: not only is the question the most
momentous ever discussed here, but there
is
the further consideration that it has been
matured by thirty-three gentlemen who claim,
and perhaps not undeservedly, to be among
the ablest in British America. But if I
might
be disposed to hesitate from these
considerattions, I remember that I am here to act
upon
my own conscientious convictions of wht is
right and wrong—of what may be or may not
be for the good of my country—and not upon
other men's capabilities of forming a
correct
judgement. For apart from considerations
of a
political nature which may and do too often
influence men, there are occasions when the
most enlarged and comprehensive minds
overlook the useful and the practical in
the
contemplation of the ideal. So had it been,
I believe on the present occasion. Men
have given up to an idea, or a sentiment
that
which they should never have yielded,
except
to sound argument and strong conclusive
fact.
I believe that the idea or sentiment of
union
has had very much to do with influencing
men's minds upon this subject. When the
Provincial Secretary, in addressing the
house
on the history of this question, referred
to the
most unanimous applause with which the subject of union had been greeted when
mentioned on platform or festive occasions, I
thought
at the time that very much of that applause
was given to the sentiment or idea of union
which has always a charm for men's minds
and not so much to the practical workings
of a
union of these provinces. There are perhaps
few words in the English language that
have
such an influence over men's minds as that
little word "Union." We have seen in the
neighboring republic how powerful an influence
this
"union sentiment" exercises over the
people.
Many years ago when the question of the admission of Texas into the Union was under
consideration, Daniel Webster, than whom
America has not known a mightier intellect,
warned the Senate against the extension of
territory Southward. That warning voice was
unheeded. The union sentiment prevailed,
250
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
and that union took place. With the greatness
and prosperity of the country there grew up an
interest in the South, which finding its own
centre within itself, and growing antagonistic
to the North, at length culminated in a demand
for a separation. We are all familiar with the
history of events from that time to this—that
the difficulty resulted in a war which has been
unparalled in its magnitude and in its severity
—a war which has furrowed with
the graves of
the slain the face of that country as thickly as
the furrows in a farmer's field. Looking at the influence which this sentiment has
exercised over
men's minds at all times, I must conclude that
it has also operated largely in the provinces,
and that men have been carried away by that
sentiment, and have sought a union irrespective of provincial rights and the conse—
quences that may flow from it. They have forgotten the union that already exists between
these provinces—that we are united by the
same loyal sentiments—that we are, as the hon.
member for Richmond says, citizens of the
same Empire—subjects of the same Queen.
The same flag that floats over Buckingham
Palace floats over our Citadel, and
protects the
inhabitants of these provinces as well as
those
of London. Under that protection we enjoy
every blessing and privilege that is known
in
civilized and enlightened society; and I
asked
myself when the Provincial Secretary, the
other night, was speaking of the progress
and prosperoty of this province, and
telling
us how much we had to be grateful for, why
we could not withal cultivate the virtue of
contentment. But they tell us that there
are
circumstances outside of our own borders
that
prevent the continuance of these things.
In
the first place, we have been told that
there is
a disposition on the part of England to
cast us
adrift. It is hardly necessary to spend
much
time on part of the subject, because opinions lately propounded in the British
parliament show that there is a determination on
the part of Great Britain to preserve her
colonies so long as they remain loyal to the
crown
of England. We naturally expected this declaration. We have seen that the expansion
and maintenance of colonies has been the
policy which England has pursued from time
immemorial, and it is that which has given
her her proudest title—"mistress and sovereign of the sea." In the many long years
of
struggle with other powers to obtain that
title,
it was not so much the staunchness of her
ships, or the bravery of her crews, as
from the
training to the seas which they had
acquired
in the wide commerce afforded by colonies.
Before passing away from this part of the
subject, I may add it is still more
unlikely
that England should have adopted this
policy
of abandoning her colonies at a time when
her
great rival France has adopted it, and in
every
part of the habitable globe, where she can
obtain a foothold, is planting colonies that
she
too may have a widely extended commerce—
that she may train from their youth a
large
number of her people to "go down upon the
seas in ships, to do business upon the
mighty
waters," and thus prepare them for that
magnificent navy she is building. Again,
England
requires, in large quantities, the
products of
the American continent, and it would be impolitic to allow a foreign power to
control all
those products. When Louis Napoleon took
possession of Mexico, and made of her a
virtual
dependency of France, he said, "We have
an interest
indeed in the republic of the United
States
being prosperous and powerful; but not
that she
should take possession of the whole
gulf of
Mexico, thence to command the Antilles
as well as
South Smerica, and to be the only
dispenser
of the products of the New World.
If this be
the policy of Napoleon—if he felt an
anxiety that no foreign power should
control
the products of a continent, how much more
is
it the interest of England that a foreign
power
shall not have the entire command of
products
essential to her existence. England has
justly
been called the "workshop of the world,"
but
in materials for manufacture, she procures
from other countries the value of over one
hundred millions of pounds sterling, while one
third of her people receive the food upon
which
they live from abroad. Hence it s vastly
more important to England than to iFrance
whose necessities in those particulars is
not so
great that no one power should control the
grain and material for manufacture produced
by the continent of America. Therefore I
feel
that circumstances do not warrant any man
in
saying that it is the intention of England
to
cast these colonies off. Earl Russell said
a few
years ago: "I firmly believe it is our
duty, to
maintain our great and valuable Colonial
empire," while Early Grey added: "I belive
that
much of the power and influence of this
country depends upon having large Colonial possessions in different parts of the world;"
and
but a few days ago we saw the same expression of opinion as delivered by Lord
Palmerston. So I feel it was unwarranted for any
gentleman to say that it was the intention
or
policy of England to cast their colonies
adrift.
But we are told that we are in dnager of
being
wrested from Great Britain, that there are
a
number of circumstances existing in the
United
States which endanger the connection with
the
parent state. I cannot help admiring the
zeal
with which the hon. gentlemen who are advocating this Confederation have been blowing
the War Trumpet. They tell us that the King
of Terrors who has been holding high
carnival
in the valleys of the Shenandoah will soon
come to a grand banquet in the valleys of
Nova
Scotia. When the Pro. Secy. drew a picture
of
this in addressing the house, I thought I
saw
his cheek pale, but at th time it occurred
to
me that possibly the direction in which
the
hon gentleman was looking had something to
do with this. He was looking at Mr. Tilley
from New Brunswick, who was sitting outside
the benches, and perhaps there ran through
his
mind all that had grown out of the
resolution
moved by him last year. That through his
action, and instrumentality the able Premier
of
New Brunswick had been hurled from his position, and that when the Pro. Secy's cheek
blanched it was because he felt that Banquo's ghost was sitting at the feast.
Subsequently when the hon. delegate from South
Colchester, in "blowing the war trumpet,"
exhibited a tremor of voice unusual to him,
I had
to acknowledge that both these hon.
gentlemen
were really alarmed at the terrors they
pictured. That the "great Wizards" who went
"North" were terrified at the apparition
they
had conjured up to frighten honester folks.
We read in fabled story of sculptor who
wrought from a block of marble a statue
of Jupiter armed; and when he had finished
and looked upon the workmanship of his own
251
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
hands was
overwhelmed with terror. So are
these hon. gentlemen overcome by the workings of their own imaginations.
We are told by these gentlemen danger is
really imminent, that it will come upon us suddenly; then, I ask, is it the course
of wise men
to undertake a change in our constitutional
administration that will require years to perfect. Why the instincts of the lowest
order of
animal life tell us better. The insect, when it
is about to undergo a transformation is perfected; and shall we enter upon the throes
of this
great constitutional transformation at an hour
when we are told danger is coming upon us.
Let us not put off the olf harness until the
time has come when we can safely put on the
new and have it adjusted. Th illustration
given by the late Abraham Lincoln, that it is
no time to swap horses when you are crossing
a stream, ought to be sufficient for these gentlemen. The hon. member for Colchester
has
spoken of the great change which has occureed
in the character and position of the American
people. He has told you that a very few
years ago that people was engaged in their
workshops and factories of the country, but
now they have been drawn from all these, and
have formed an army that had placed that
nation among the first military powers of the
world. But he neglected to tell us these men
from their industrial pursuits than were perhaps ever before found combined.
They felt
not only called to rescue their
country, in whose greatness they felt a
just
pride, from being rent in fragments, but to
wipe from their national escutcheon the
foul
stain of slavery. That great work they
seem
to have accomplished. When at our last
meeting the tidings reached us that their
PResident
had fallen by the hand of a foul assassin,
and
when we sat in silence no man daring to
trust
his voice in expressing the sympathies—the
sorrow that swelled our hearts—further
than to
give official form to our feelings, I
asked myself what must be the effect of these
tidings
upon the people over whom Abraham Lincoln
presided, when they so affect us. Surely,
sir,
that people have now drank the last drop in
their cup of bitterness, and whatever other
effects may flow from this act, I believe the
American people will, with the blood of
Abraham Lincoln, seal a covenant with the Most
High that the clank of the slave chain
shall no
more be heard in their land. That he who
had
this object deep in heart, and who, while
ably
presiding over them, led them on gradually
step
by step to proclaim freedom to the black
man,
will in his death so fix and stamp the
national
mind to that high purpose that when the
hour of
peace comes, as in the good Providence of
God
it seems nigh, there will, in the
arrangement of
terms, be no temporizing, no yielding o
Southern interests and wishes on this question.
Soon,
therefore, will many in those armies be
found
going back to their industrial avocations,
saddened no doubt by the great sacrifice they
have witnessed, yet consoled by the
glorious
thought that they have aided in giving to
the
term liberty a meaning and a signification
hitherto unknown upon their soil, that
henceforth it embraces all classes, creeds and
colors.
The hon. member will tell us that there
are
others in that army who will not so
readily go
to industrial employments; this is true
but all
those will find sufficient employment
in re-organizing the Southern portion of the empire
and in restoring it from the wreck and debris
of this terrible civil strife. Consider also the
spirit of the Sourthern people. The men have
shown in the hardships they have endured—
in the sacrifices they have made—and in their
daring acts that a feeling of hostility to the
North lies deep in their hearts. Nor have the
Southern women been less remarkable for
patient endurance, high courageous spirit and
deep-seated hatred ; and can we for a moment
suppose that the children born of such parents,
nourished and trained by these women, will
not inherit their feelings and so render it imperative on the Northern portion of
the nation
to keep for many years a strong hand upon the
South. The Provincial Secretary has told us
that he has looked upon slavery as the great
guarantee of our safety. I don't so read American history. So far as I can judge,
the men
who have been most bitter in their hositility to
England, and most desirous of finding causes
of war with that country have been Southern
statesmen. The circumstances dependent upon
slavery have been such as to lead them to a
breach of the peace. The fact that England,
with a magnanimity that did her infinite honor,
gave twenty millions to redeem her slaves—a
fact that stood a perpetual censure as it were
upon the South, no doubt was a cause of irritation upon their minds. Again, England
kept
up a large force upon the African coast to keep
down that traffic which tended to give rise to
this feeling of animosity. Again, north of them
there was a frontier line over which when the
slave passed into Canada he gained freedom. This was, perhaps, the strongest
inducement for the Southerners to make war
upon these colonies for the purpose of wiping
away this boundry line, and enabling them
to follow wherever the slave might go, and return him to his chains. These were great
causes of animosity to England, and now,
since, under the blessing of God, this slavery
has been blotted out, I believe peace is much
more likely to be preserved between England
and America. Had the Southerners succeeded in obtaining their independence, the likelihood
of hostilities with England would have
been much greater. The Northern people
thwarted and smarting under the mortification
occasioned by their inability to conquer the
South, would have been more likely to
turn their army—for which they would not
have employment—upon these Provinces,
than they will be now when they have succeeded in accomplishing the great object that
they had on calling these armied into existence.
The hon. delegate alluded to a number of circumstances—the passport system, the proposed
armament upon the lakes, and the abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty—as so many
evidences of the feeling of the Northern people towards us. When he was reading his
summary I wondered why he omitted to refer
to a fact which was known here some weeks
ago—that the notice in reference to the armament upon the lakes had been withdrawn,
and
arrangements made for a mere police force.
Earl Russell, however, justifies the notice, he
says:
"Coupled with this notice is a notice given with
respect to the armament of the lakes. I think it must
be admitted that recent occurences on the lakes—
namely, the seizure of vessels by the agents of the
Confederacy and other acts of hostility—completely
252
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
justify
the United States in giving notice of the termination of the convention. My lords,
it was net
to be expected that the United States should submit
passively to such acts of violence without availing
themselves of all the means of repression within their
power."
An act then
which seems to strike horror
into the mind of Colonial statesmen appears to
British statesmen as merely a necessary means
of self-protection. Mr. Cardwell, on the 23rd
March, informing the British Parliament of the
force to be employed on the lakes, says:
"Since I
came into the House I have received from
the noble lord the Governor-General of Canada
(Lord Monck) a despatch which confirms the agreeable reports which had already reached
us through
the ordinary channels of intelligence. He informs
me that he had received a telegraphic despatch from
Mr. Burnley, at Washington, to this effect:—'The
Secretary of State informs me that his government
intends to withdraw the notice for the abrogation of
the Treaty of 1817 (cheers), and the passport system
will cease immediately.' (Renewed cheers.) Sir, I
refer to that announcement with feelings of the greatest pleasure: and now I trust
we may proceed to discuss the important practical question which is before
us in no spirit of panic, but in that just spirit which
becomes the consideration of what is due to the honour and interests of our country,
and which has characterized the mode in which the proposal has been
considered by the house. (Hear, hear.) Because you
are on friendly terms with the American Government,
because you hope that the friendly spirit which animates you is reciprocated by them,
and because you
are confident that two might nations of one blood,
one origin and one language are united by ties which
should forever forbid the possibility of bloodshed between them,—those considerations
do not render it
the less necessary that you should temperately consider the nature of your defences,
and that you should
be dependent for your safety only upon the power of
your own country."
Lord Palmerston also says:
"Many gentlemen have argued this question
as if
there was a general impression and belief that war
with the United States was imminent, and that this
proposal of ours was for the purpose of meeting a sudden danger which we apprehended
to be hanging over
us. Now, I think there is no danger of war with
America. Nothing that has recently passed indicated
any hostile disposition on the part of the United States
towards us, and, therefore, I do not base this motion on the ground that we expect
war to take place
between this country and America.
The view taken by British statesmen must be
felt to be perfectly correct by every dispassionate
man—that it was necessary for the United States,
in view of raids across the frontier, the capture of
steamers, the robbing of banks, the burning of
hotels, to take some precautionary measures for
self-protection, which should not be considered indications of hosilities with Britain.
It has been argued that we are so small a
territory, that we should endeavour to unite with
some larger country, in order to enlarge our scope
for action. I cannot understand why people who
enjoy all the privileges, rights, and immunities of
the British Empire, should desire to form any
other connection in order that they may have
greater room and scope. I cannot see how
any connection that we can form with other
territoy can increase the relative conjunctions
of Nova Scotia to the British Empire.
Turn to the American States, and contrast
the size
of Nova Scotia with some States there, and form
which we have heard no talk of forming any
Union with any other state, in order to increase
their importance in the "Union." There are the
States of New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode
Island,
Connecticut, New Jersey, Massachusettes, Maryland, &c.—all very much smaller in area
than
Nova Scotia, and yet from these we hear of no
Union being formed among them, in order that
the citizens may have more area or room for
development. NovaScotia contains 20,436 square
miles ; New Hampshire 9,280 ; Vermont 9,056 ;
Connecticut 4,730 ; Massachusetts, that occupies
so conspicuous a position in the American nation,
7,800. Yet Nova Scotia, that our statesmen look
down upon with contempt, is larger than any
two other States I have named ; and where we
find the Americans perfectly satisfied with the
proportions these States occupy in the American
nation, we should, also, be content, that whilst
we are Nova Scotians we are, at the same time,
citizens of the British Empire, with all the room
and scope which it afford for development.
Again it is contended we have not
population
sufficient to give us an importance. Whist those
who advocate Confederation, have not shown
that the scheme will of itself increase our population,
they seem to forget that our Province is
very much younger than those American States
with whose condition they contrast ours. All we
require is a little time, as our growthis more rapid
now than theirs. I have examined the census
returns of eighteen States from Maine Southward,
and the average rate of increase for ten years is
16 7-10, while the increase of Nova Scotia in the
same period was 19 9-10, so that if those gentlemen will have a little patience, our
population
will become sufficiently numerous.
It seems, however, the determination of
the Prov.
Secretary; that we shall not remain in our present happy and prosperous condition,
that nothin
short of a Union with some other province will
satisfy him. When last year he introduced his
resolution for a convention to consider the Union
of the Maritime provinces, but little importance
was attached to it, as it was not likely to lead to any
practical result ; but when it became known that
the convention had arranged a Union of the
whole British North American Colonies, and
when the terms of the proposed Union were made
public, the province was convulsed from the centre to
circumference ; men at once set about petitioning
this Legislature, and but for the opinion which
got abroad that the Delegates had abandoned the
scheme, your table would have been covered with
petitions. So strong was public opinion found to
be against the Quebec arrangement, that the Pro.
Secretary has not had the courage and the manliness to carry it out, although bound
in all faith
to the other Provinces to make the attempt. When
I consider the position of our delegates, I am reminded of the fable of the fellows
who sold a
"bearskin" before they had killed the bear which
so happily illustrates the case that I shall trouble
the House with it.
Five fellows, needing funds and bold,
A bearskin to a furrier sold,
Of which the bear was living still,
But which they presently would kill—
At least they said they would.
And if their word was good.
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PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
It was a king of bears—an Ursa Major
The fattest bear beneath the sun.
The skin the chaps would wager,
Was cheap at double cost;
'Twould make one laugh at first—
And make two robes as well as one.
(In their accounts 'twas theirs
But in his own the bears.)
By bargain struck upon the skin
Three months at most must bring it in,
Forth went the five. More easy found than got,
The bear came growing at them on the trot,
Behold our dealers all confounded,
As if by thunderbolt astounded !
Their bargain vanished suddenly in air ;
For who could plead his interest with a bear?
Four of the friends sprung up a tree:
The other, cold as ice could be,
Fell on his face, feigned death,
And closely held his breath,—
He having somewhere—heard it said
The bear ne'er preys upon the dead.
Sir Bear, sad blockhead, was deceived—
The prostrate man a corpes believed ;
But, half suspecting some deceit,
He feels and snuffs from head to feet,
And in the nostrils blows.
The body's surely dead. he thinks
I'll leave it for it stinks ;
And off into the woods he goes.
The other dealers from their tree
Descending cantiously, to see
Their comrade lying in the dirt
Consoling, says it is a wonder
That, by the monster forced assunder,
Were—after all—more scared than hurt,
But, addeth they, what of the creatures skin?
He held his muzzle very near ;
What did he whisper in your ear ?
He gave this caution,—"Never dare
Again to sell the skin of bear
Its owner had not ceased to wear.
Now our dealers not finding Sir Bear
disposed
to quietly part with his skin have determined to
get him into a trap. They seek by this resolution on the table for another convention
to entrap Nova Scotia into the scheme as arranged at
Quebec. My hon. friend from Richmond is correct in stating that they have not other
object in
view, and I shall ask the House to follow me
while I consider the constitution prepared for us
at that Quebec conference.
We are told by the Provincial Secretary of
the
government they proposed to constitute a Deferation of British North America. And
it appears
to me that in the very outset, in the second resolution of this report, they have
given the evidence
which shows that this Federal Union cannot be
stable under the circumstances. They allude there
to the "diversity of the interests of the several
Provinces."
The fact that the interests of the
Provinces are
so diversified that each has its own interest, and
its centre of interest within itself—precluded the
possibility of a Federal Union being formed to
work harmoniously. Under present regulations
our seperate interests are not brought into
antagonism—why then should we bring about
a change which will make the interests of the
several Provinces clash and destroy that harmony
of feeling that is existing among these Colonies?
The hon. member for South Colchester, read to
you from Judge Story, that when Provinces
unite they make mutual sacrifices and concessions
in order to obtain some great purpose. One purpose for which they would make that
sacrifice
would be, that they might obtain mutual
aid. In this case there would not be that
influence at work in order to induce us to
consent to a sacrifice of our interests—an attack
upon one is under present regulation an attack upon
all—besides we have now the protection of England—we have the command of her armies.
She
has told us that her honour demands that she
should protect her Colonies. Therefore, while
they are loyal, no necessity exists why we should
make such sacrifices as is prposed. And if the
necessity be not apparent the people will not submit to them.
I come now to another branch of the subject—
the nature of the representation. We have to have
local governments, and a General Government
over all. In that General Government, Nova
Scotia is to have a representation of 19 out of 194.
Now the Provincial Secretary tells us that this is
as much as we have any right to expect according to our population, and he stated
that if these
terms were not just, we had only the delegates to
blame. I contend, in view of the geographical
position of Nova Scotia—800 miles may form the
capital, and almost an island—that the principle
of representation by population was not at all
sufficient to do her justice. You don't ive to the
city of Halifax a representation proportioned to
the population because you feel that by the
Parliament meeting here, influences can be
brought to bear upon it that compensates for a less
representation. As you recede from the place of
the meeting of Parliament, representation should
increase in order to give a balance of influence.—
The city of London, with a population of nearly
3,000,000—one-tenth of the Empire—has only
16 representatives. If you adopted the principle
in question, she ought to have one-tenth of the
whole number in Parliament. The reason why it
is not carried out, is the Parliament meets there,
and that the influence given the city thereby, is
sufficient for her. On examination of a table prepared in 1859, I find that as you
recede from the
place of meeting of Parliament—the proportion of
representatives of counties to the population increases. The Counties of Middlesex,
Surrey and
Kent (exclusive of London) with a population of
3,185,424 have 43 members ; one to every 74,074
of the population ; in the extreme North, Cumberland, Northumberland, and Durham,
with a
population of 890.059 have 29 members ; one to
30,691 of population. On the extreme South,
Cromwell, Devon and Dorset, having a population
of 1,106,863 returns 50 members ; one to 22,137
of population ; on the extreme west, Anglesea,
Cameron and Denbigh have 237,780 population
and 7 members. And so should there be an increase here, because the great distance
from
Otta
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PARLIAMENTARY DEBATESwa will
prevent us from exercising any influence
upon the Government there, other than is given us
by our representation. The influences of the interests of a country like ours (almost
an island)
are necessarily confined within her lines, and
when the legislation for our interests is placed
in a parliament beyond our borders we should
have an increase of numbers in representation to
compensate for the entire want of local influences.
But the Provincial Secretary tells us that
we
have a large representation in the Legislative
Council which fully compensates us for the want
of representation in the Assembly. My. George
Brown, arguing that question, said that the complaint had been made that they had
given us too
large a representation in the Upper House ; but
he says "in the Lower House, Canada shall
hold the purse strings." You will further remember that all the Lowor Provinces combined
have
only 24 members in the Legislative Council,
whilst united Canada has 48. But whatever differences of opinion may have hitherto
existed
between Upper and Lower Canada, there is no
doubt you will find them as one when their interests come in collision with those
of the Lower
Provinces. When a man and wife quarrel,
and a third party steps in, they both unite against
him. Upper and Lower Canada may have disputes at times toom but whenever the Lower
Provinces come in, they will unite as one Province
against us. The Provincial Secretary tells us
that if our Representatives band together, they
can exercise an influence which will make them
sufficiently felt in the Canadian Parliament, and
referred in illustration of his argument to the
influence that the members of Cape Breton exercise here ; but he did not tell us that
these form
a much larger proportion to the whole number
in this House than would the Representatives
from Nova Scotia exhibit in a Parliement of 194
at Ottawa. But suppose they did band together
to make their influence felt in that Parliament.
Now, I ask the hon. Prov. Sec'y. to consider the
position in which he places this Province and her
Representatives. I cannot conceive a more degraded, a more humiliating position that
the Representatives of a spirited people compelled to forego
their political opinions—their conscientious convictions on all public questions,
in order to obtain for
their people a considereatio nin the distribution of
the funds. But even supposing our 19 Representatives could so far forget themselves
as to turn
political hucksters, and offer to sell themselves,
body and sould, they will never obtain more than
a few pickings from the public chest, which we
shall do more than our share in filling. Under
any circumstances, however, humiliating, we shall
be powerless to enforce a just consideration of
interests. There is a beautiful work of art, representing two hounds chained together
by the
neck—one is large and powerful, looking down
with contempt and indifference upon his lesser
companion, who is as beautiful i nthe formation
of limb, apparently as swift to follow the game,
and as keen of scent as the other, yet crouches,
overawed and helpless. Often as I have looked
upon that work, I have felt an impulse rising
within me
to strike the chain from the little fellows neck, and let him free. And ever since
this
Confederation scheme has been published—every
time I have looked upon a miniature copy
of that
work, I have thought of Confederation. I
have
seen in it Nova Scotia, bound and chained
by the
neck to Canada, and thinkingof my country
thus helpless, powerless, and prostrate at
Ottawa,
with a Representation of only nineteen in
a Parliament of 194, the exclamation rises from
my
heart—"God help the little fellow." Around
me sit the men to whom the constituencies
of
Nova Scotia entrusted her Constitutional
rights
—her interests and wlefare—to whom she, for
four years, bared her neck—is there—can
there be
one among us who will help to fasten upon
that
neck, this chain, prepared by the
delegates? No,
let us rather keep sacred that trust—let
us rather
go back to the people, and learn of them
at the
polls their wished on this great question,
lest in
after years, they have just reason to
execrate our
memories—lest they pray Heaven to strike
palsied
every hand that touched to fasten a rivet
of that
chain.
I come now to the finanical terms of this scheme
of Union. The delegates have adopted at Quebec
a scale, and arranged the debt of the Provinces
pretty much as they did representation, upon a
plan of population irrespective of the incomes
which the Provinces possessed. It seems to me
at the very outset, the hon. delegates laid down
the wrong principle, instead of arranging the
debt according to population ; they should have
looked at the incomes—at the revenues, and
funds, what each had in the treasury. If any
gentleman should propose to form a partnership
with another on Granville street, what is the first
question that is asked? The amount of his income—not how many persons are to enter
the
partnership. Taking it upon this ground, little
Nova Soctia, as represented by these gentlemen,
has not received justice. Canada is allowed to
come into the Confederation with a debt of $62,500,000, Nova Scotia with one of $8,000,000.
Now, in the year in which this arrangement was
made, the income of Canada was $5,884,594—
whilst that of Nova Scotia was $861,989—in both
cases derived from Customes and Excise. According to that income of Canada, as compared
with
that of Nova Scotia, she should have only been
entitled to come in with a debt of $54,000,000.
But the hon. gentlemen should not have taken
the present income only into consideration. They
should have considered that under Confederation
we shall be placed on the same tariff, and therefore they should have looked to the
effect of this
increase of tariff. It has been ascertained by close
calculation, that under the Canadian tariff, Nova
Scotia's revenue would have been $1,330,514.
Taking it upon this basis, if we were allowed only
8 millions, Canada should have only $35,452,507,
or reversing it, if Canada is allowed $62,500,000,
NovaScotia should have been alowed $14,107,330.
By adopting the principle of income, instead of
population, it would have given us over six millions more than we are actually to
receive under
this agreement.
255
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
But we have not received justice in respect
to the quality of the debt. Very nearly the
whole of the debt of Nova Scotia has been
created by the construction of the Railway,
and we
have been told time and again by those
delegates, that as soon as we get our railway
system completed, our road will be a paying
property, and in reality be no debt at
all. It is
very different with the debt of Canada. In
answer to a question put by the hon. member
for
Halifax, the hon. Prov. Secy. laid on the
table
a financial statement, containing the
debt, income, &c., of Canada, issued by Mr.
Galt. At
the dinner given last autumn to the
Canadian
delegates, the hon. Prov. Secy. told us
Mr.
Galt had the power of making a deficit of
a
million apear a surplus of the amount.
I must confess, looking at the paper
before me,
there is a great deal of truth in that
remark.—
In this balance-sheet we find the whole
liabilities of Canada are put down at
$176,223,066.65.
This, however, is so balanced, even to the
last
five cents, that we are almost led to
believe
that Canada in reality does not owe a
dollar.
But on an examination, I find to make that
balance they have put down at cost and
accumulated interest all the public buildings,
bridges,
roads, harbors, lighthouses, canals,
railroads,
&c., of the country. Now, if we were
to put a
valuation upon all onr roads and bridges,
our
public buoldings, Chubenacadie and St.
Peter's
Canals, Arisaig Pier, Parsboro Snag, and
similar property, we should far overbalance
all our
indebtedness, without touching the
railroads.
I have examined the financial returns of
Canada, to see the actual net income of the
property claimed in this balance-sheet, and I
find
the net income from over seventy millions
of it is only $471,461, which represents
a capital of less than eight millions,
leaving about 62,000,000 dollars from which
no available profits are derived. The
principal sources from which any income is
derived
is from the Canals and Municipalities, We
have the Railways put down for loans and
interests unpaid at something like
$30,000,000. It
will be perhaps in the knowledge of the
House
that in 1857 the Grand Trunk Company came
to the Canadian Parliament and said: We
cannot proceed further, and we wish you to
give
up your claim on out lines—just as the
Shubenacadie Canal people asked us to give up
our
lien on the undertaking. The Legislature,
instead of giving up the claim entirely,
consented
to give up the first lien and allow new
shareholders to come in,— the province, then,
to hold
the third position. In consequence of this
arrangement, no interest is paid, and the
accumulation is now $9,642,000. Anybody who
knows anything of the management of these
great public companies will perceive, that
after working expenses and the interest to
the
first two sets of bondholders are paid,
the Government will never receive a cent of
interest
upon its loan. Again, there is the
Municipal
Loan Fund debt, amounting in principal and
interest ot $12,890,837—very much of which
has been fruitful of the greatest possible
political corruption, and will never prove an
available asset. Some of the municipalities
have borrowed nearly $300 per head of the
population or interest. The town of Port
Hope,
with a population of 4,160, borrowed
$740,000,
and had arrears of interest Dec. 31st,
1861, of
$312,303. The town of Niagara, with 2,070
inhabitants, borrowed $280,000, and owed for
interests $148,974. I hold in my hand a list of
seven municipal cities, conatining 40,600 inhabitants, who have received from this
fund
$5,594,400, and owed as arrears of interest
Dec. 31st, 1861, $2,359,406—together nearly
eight million dollars—the amount Nova Scotia
is to be permitted to owe on going into Confederation.
It is therefore evident that very little can be
counted upon from the municipalities. It is to
be supposed, however, that there is in this balance sheet some property that is profitable.
The whole amount of the liabilities are put
down at $76,223,061. They claim funds immediately available to reduce this to $67,500,000,
five millions more than Canada is to enter the
Confederation with. This five millions the local government of Canada are to assume,—
but with the debt are to have the property represented by it. Hon. George Brown, speaking
of this arrangement, says very disticntly,—
and there is a clause in the report of the delegates authorizing it—that the local
governments of Upper and Lower Canada are to take
this available property—as an offset to the
debts that they are called upon to assume.
Now it is not reasonable to assume that Upper
and Lower Canada, whose public men are so
astute, will take liabilities that have no income.
They will select the best they can.
Mr. MCLELAN—I will read, in corroboration
of my statement, the 58th clause of the constitution,—"All assets connected with such
portions of the public debt of any Provinces as are
assumed by the local governments, shall also
belong to those governments respectively."
These local governments will not assume any
debt unless there is an asset connected with it.
I will also tell you what hon. George Brown of
Canada says:—
"But Mr. Speaker, I am told that the arrangement as the debt is unfair—that we
have thrown on the Federal exchequer the
whole of the debts of the Maritime Provinces,
and only a portion of the debt of Canada. There
is not a particple of force in this objection. The
whole debt of Canada is $67,500,000, but five
millions of this is due to our own people, to
meet which there are certain local funds. Now
if we had thrown the whole $67,500,000 on the
Federal treasury, we must also have handed
over to it the local revenues which, so far as
these five millions are concerned, would have
been precisely the same thing. But as regards
the public debt with thich the Federal government would start, it would not have been
the
same thing. By restricting the debt of Canada
to $62,500,000, we restricted the debt of the Maritime Provinces to the same proportion
on $25
per head of their population; but had we thrown
our whole debt of sixty-seven and a half millions on the Confederation, the proportion
must
have been increased, and the whole debt very
greatly augmented."
The hon. delegates cry "Hear, hear," but I
believe every gentleman present hears enough
to convince him that the Canadians are to take
five millions worth of available property with
the debts they are to assume, leaving the balance, $62,500,000, comparatively worthless.
A good deal has been said about the tariff,
and it has been claimed that under
the ar
256
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATESrangement
that would have to be made, we
would be called upon to pay a very much larger
sum into the general revenue than we pay
into out own treasury. There never appeared
to me to be any question on this point. The
very fact that Canada has to resort to a stamp
act in order to raise funds, was sufficient proof
to me that they had run to the full extent they
could in the imposition of duties. If there be
any one mode of raising taxes that is more obnoxious
to the people then another, it is a
stamp duty—a stamp tax on every note, bill,
receipt, or paper. We are told that there will
not be a very large increase of duty, because
Canada admits many articles duty free. I
have been to some trouble in turning to the returns of articles imported by Canada,
and I
find the result of the examination to be that
the whole amount of imports for 1863 amounted to $45,964,000. Now we are told $23,000,000,
or
or one-half, are free goods, and that since
Canada has so many free goods, the consequence is, that running the tariff over the
whole, she has a lower scale than Nova Scotia,
In order to arrive at the incorrectness of this
assertion, you must look at the nature of her
importations, and see what those free goods
are made up of. I find articles under the
Reciprocity treaty $12,330,000. Of course these
are free goods there as here, and would continue to be so under Confederation. Again,
coin and bullion is put down, although in Nova
Scotia it is never called an import; but whenever a Bank gets in a qualty of money,
in
Canada, it is placed among the Imports; the
amount given is $4,652,287. I find down for
books $455, 941. Again, the vehicles and carriages of travellers crossing the lines
to see
their friends are down at $104,585. Again
gravel and clay are among their imports; clothing and army and other stores for military
and naval purposes, nearly a million
more. Therefore you see that they put down
among their imports articles which were never
dreamed of here. The amount of these articles I have enumerated as free here, or which
we do not call an import, is $22,516,223.
There being in all their free goods only
half
a million which would pay duty under our
ta-
riff. Add this to the amount of goods
paying
duty under their own, and the whole imports
of dutiable goods will only amount to
$23,448,-
270, being $9.35 per head of population,
from
which would be collected $2.40 by their
tariff,
making it over 25 per cent; whilst our
imports,
deducting free goods and articles
re-exported,
amounted to $5,360,106—being $16.20 to each
inhabitant yielding $2. 53 per head in
duty,
equivalent to 15 3-5 per cent tariff. It
has been
asserted on some occasion that under Confe-
deration we will not necessarily be called
upon
to come under this high Canadian tariff.
Now
I claim that under the arrangements of this
confederation the new expenses involved
will
necessitate an increase of tariff. We find
in
the report a number of new servies which
in-
volve new expenses. First, there is the
inter-
est on the Intercolonial railway $707,000
a year.
Then we have the expenses of the civil
govern-
ment $540,000; the legislative charges
$630,000.
In 1863 Canda, with a less number of repre-
sentatives than is proposed to be given in
the
general government, the expenses were
$627,-
373. At the the same rate the expenses for
the
large government would be $850,000; but the
delegates have put the amount down at
$630,000. Then
it is proposed to give on million
for militia, which would be about $500,000 additional. The public works and buildings
put
down at $400,000. Then there is an additional
sum given to Canada for local purposes. She
retains her local revenues, $1,297,043, and receives a subsidy of $2,006,121, being
a total of
$3,303,164; while the average sum she has had
in four years was $2,021,979—which gives her
an increase of $1,281,185. In the same way
there is an increase in local expenses to P. E.
Island of $61,712, and to Newfoundland $124,000. Add to all these for interest on
additional
dedt allowed Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
$215,000 and you have a total of new charges
upon the confederated colonies of $4,458,897.
From this may be deducted reduction in local
services in Nova Scotia $297.000, and in New
Brunswick $71,047—together $350,047—leaving
the new expenditures $4,108,850. Now the Canadian tariff of 25 per cent average on
all dutiable goods applied to the Maritime Provinces
will realized a part of this sum. Nova Scotia,
it has been ascertained by calculation, will pay
additional $468,525; New Brunswick estmated
to pay $200,000; Newfoundland and P. E. Island $300,000—in all $968,525, which will
still
leave, after we are all placed under the Canadian tariff, $3,140,335 to be provided
by a furtehr
increase of taxation. Now suppose we only pay
one-tenth of this, #3,140,335 it will make, added
what we shall pay, under the present Canadian
tariff, an addition to our present annual taxation of $782,560, for the benfit of
the Ottawa
Government. Whilst those who have addressed the house more particularly on the local
expenses, have shown that we shall have to
raise by direct taxation a large sum to meet
the wants of roads, bridges, education, and
other services, I may here remark that Nova
Scotia has now the largest sum of any of the
Colonies for local purposes per head $1.96, but
under the Quebec arrangement will have the
least—$1.12¼.
| Present Local Expenditures |
Per head  for local purposes |
| Canada............. |
$2,021,979 |
.80 |
| Nova Scotia.......... |
650,000 |
1.96 |
| New Brunswick.... |
424,047 |
1.68 |
| P. E. Island............ |
124,015 |
1.52 |
| Newfoundland...... |
250,000 |
1.90 |
UNDER CONFEDERATION.
| Local Revenue. |
Subsidy. |
Total. |
Per head. |
| Canada |
$1,297,043 |
2,006,121 |
3,303,164 |
$1.37 |
| N. Scotia |
107,000 |
264,000 |
371,000 |
1.12 |
| N. Bw'k |
89,000 |
264,000 |
353,000 |
1.40 |
| P E Island |
32,000 |
153,728 |
185,728 |
2.29 |
| Newfld. |
5,000 |
369,000 |
374,000 |
2.84 |
Increase under Confederation for local
services—
| To Canada |
1,281,285 |
51 1/2 |
| To P. E. Island |
61,715 |
76 1/2 |
| To Newfoundland |
124,000 |
94 1/2 |
|
11,466,897 |
|
Decrease under confederation for local
service
     Â
|
Total. |
Per head. |
| From Nova Scotia |
$279,000 |
83 3/4 |
| From New Brunswick |
71,947 |
28 |
|
$350,047 |
|
It must be evident to all that whilst we
import $16.20 per head of dutiable goods, and
Canada only $9.35 per head, we shall under
Confederation pay into the general revenues
257
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
Confederation
pay into the general revenues
nearly double the amount paid by the same
population in Canada. We are larger importers, not only because out pursuits require
it,
but because we have the means of paying for
more goods. Our delegates have attempted
to dazzle us with the great wealth of Canada.
True; there is a large addregate of wealth, but
divide it among the larger population and you
find it falling far below our own little province.
I have taken thefive principal branches of industry to find the individual income,
and the
census returns for the year previous show our
income to be nearly double their.
| Branches of Industry |
Value in Cana- da; pop. 2,- 507,647. |
Per head. |
Value in N. S; pop. 330,857 |
Per head |
| Agriculture |
$14,259,225 |
$5.66 |
$786,526 |
$2.37 |
| Mines |
558,306 |
22 |
658,257 |
1.98 |
| Sea |
833,646 |
33 |
3,084,449 |
9.35 |
| Forest |
11,012,353 |
4.36 |
767,136 |
2.21 |
| Shipb'ldg(1863) |
3,000,000 |
1.19 |
2,000,000 |
6.06 |
|
|
$11.76 |
|
$22.07 |
|
11,76 |
| Excess of income to each inhabitant of Nova Scotia. |
$10.31 |
But it is not disparagement to Canada to be
thus exceeded by Nova Scotia. consider the
difference in our resources. I have spoken of
the size of our Province—its area, but Nova
Scotia should be measured for its cubic contents, and the measurers rod should also
be run
out three miles to sea—our fishing grounds
are a part and parcel of Nova Scotia, as much
as the field which the farmer cultivates—for
all round the thousand miles of our sea coast
we draw a perpetual harvest, provided by the
waters of the world. For agriculture we have
lands on both sides of the Bay of Fundy,
unsurpassed—yielding produce of the highest class, whilst the districts represented
by the hon. member for Kings furnish fruit fit
for the palate of Royalty itself. Looking downward, we have mines of gold and iron,
whose
wealth, as yet, is almost untouchedm but which
is being graudally developed in coal. We are
richer than the richest. Examine the geological map of Nova Scotia hanging in our
library, and you see almost every part, not
occupied by gold and iron, marked by coal
measures. And who shall estimate the wealth
of these mines, or the influence which Nova
Scotia shall, through their possession, have
upon the world. As bearing upon the value
of our coal fields, let me read to the house an
extract from an article by the Professor of
Natural History, in the University of Glasgow:—
THE POWER REPRESENTED BY COAL
"Interesting and impressive comparisons
have been
instituted between the mechanical force of a given
weight of coal applied as fuel in the steam-engine and
the dynamic energy of a man. The human labourer
exerting his strength upon a tread-mill,—a very economical mode of using it,—can,
it be stated, lift his
own weight,—we will say 150 lb.,—through a height
of 10,000 feet per day, the equivalent of which is 1 lb.
raised 1,500,000 feet in the same time. Now, the mechanical virtue of fuel is best
estimated by learning
the number of pounds which a given quantity—let it
be one bushel—will elevate to a given height, say one
foot, against gravity. Applied in the steam-engine,
this performance of the bushel measure of coal is called its duty. In some improved
modern Cornish engines, this duty,—the bushel's work,—is equivalent to
the amazing result of raising 125,000,000 lb. one foot
high, or 1 lb. 125,000,000 feet hight.
Now, as there are
84 lb. of coal in one bushel, this divisor 84, gives 1 lb.
as equal to 1,488,000, or nearly oen million and a half
of feet, which, as we have seen above, is just the result of a man's toil for one
day upon a tread-mill.—
Thus, a pound of good coal is in
reality worth a day's
wages. If, again, we estimate a lifetime of hard,
muscular toil at twenty years, and portion three hundred working days to each year,—a
full allowance,—
we have for a man's total dynamic effort, six thousand
days. But 6000 lb. constitute only three tons, so that
we have arrived at the almost amusing fact, the cheering truth, that every three tons
of coal in the earth is
the convertible equivalent of one man's life-long muscular activity.
What a promise is here of the capacity of
civilized
inventive man to find an ample substitute for the life-
wearing, brutalizing and mind-benumbing expenditure of nerve and animal power exacted
now of the
slaves of all complexions.
What a pledge has the all-
bountiful and good Creator here given us, that the
common lot of mankind is not to be, as always in the
past, a lot of physical labor, but in the long future,
at least one of a far higher, happier mode of effort.
When I behold a section or block from out of a coal
seam, and reflect that each cubic yard is in weight
somewhat more than a ton; and that a column of it a
yard in base and only three yards tall has more work
in it than a man, more mechanical energy than any
force which willing effort, necessity, or the lash of the
tyrant master, can exact from the human organization, I exult in the reverential thought
of the superabundant provision bequeathed to our race against
the curse of over-physical toil in this marvellous condensation of mechanical strength.
Looking at the
tall column of the material, thirty-seven feet high,
representing a coal-bed in Nova Scotia, displayed in
the recent great exhibition on London, I said to myself, here is a black man, of the
strength of some four
of the stoutest dark-skinned men ever held in serfdom, and see what a willing service,
what a painless
bondage it can be made to undergo. This, our inanimate slave, can be compelled to
work at any rate of
gentleness or speed we choose. We can induce him
to lengthen out his efforts for almost any term of
years, or bid him convert himself into a herculean
giant, concentrating the total force of four able-bodied
men, spread over twenty years of life, and applying
the whole of it in some titanic triumph against brute
matter within a week or even a day.
Here it may be worth our while to turn
from our
giant man of all work, and
take the census of those
populations of this sort which rest sleeping beneath
the groun, but are ever ready, under the magic summons of a little art, to muster
at the surface in any
strength and await our bidding. Every acre of a coal
seam, only four feet in thickness, and yelding one
yard depth of pure fuel, will produce, if fitly minded
about 5000 tons—equivalent to the life-labor of more
then 1600 strong men. Every square mile of such coal-
bed contains about 3,000,000 tones of fuel. and represents one million of men labouring
steadily through
twenty years of their ripest vigour."
Here is a view presented to us in which
the mind becomes absolutely lost in the maze
of fogures required to represent the value of our
great coal fields, and when we take in connection with them all our other resources
we
have a country to whose attainments in
wealth and prosperity, there is no reasonable
limit. It is not so in a country like Canada,
largely agricultural, when its lands are settled
and the farms established, the extent of its
prosperity is nearly attained. It is not extent
of territory that renders a country great or
wealthy, it is not material size that goves to
any object its value. The diamond that sparkles on beauty's brown, though it may scarcely
equal in size or rival in brilliancy the eye that
beams beneath it, yet in the markets of the
world it would purchase an Island or a Mountain of rock. And so is it with our little
gem
of a Province it may be less in territory
than other countries, it may indeed be overshadowed
by the gigantic and colossal pro
258
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATESportions
of Sister Colonies, yet in all
the real
elements of wealth and prosperity they
compare with little Nova Scotia, but as
poorhouse giants; but notwithstanding it
is so, the Provincial Secretary takes this
Province—rich as the rarest jewel—peopled with
industrious, enterprising and spirited
men, and
goes on a trading voyage to Canada and bargains it off acre for acre and man for man
with
the acres and habitants of Canada. He does
more. He does worse—he comes back boasting what he has done and of his great
statesmanship. Let me, sir, tell the House that
story of a conceited coxcomb who, making love
to a lady, in the pauses of a dance,
placed his
hand on his heart, and with considerable
distortion of features, said—"if this is not
love I
feel,
what is it?" "My dear sir," said the
lady, "it must be something that bites you."
Now our Provincial Secretary in his trading
voyage got badly bitten in
his bargain, and
mistakes the bite of the
Canadians for statesmanship. Let me add that too on many occasions I think the hon.
gentleman acts "just
as the maggot bites," and mistakes the
feeling for the impulses and inspirations of
statesmanship.
I have spoken of our prosperity—of the income from the various branches of industry—
the extent of our fisheries, and the value
of
our mines; and it may be claimed that one
of
the advantages that will arise from this
Union
will be the development of these
resources, by
giving us extended trade and commerce. We
have heard a great deal of the powers of
parliament, of legislative enactments, but
there is
one thing that is almost beyond the
control of
such enactments—that is, the divergence of
trade from its natural channels. We have
had in fish, coal, and those articles which
are our chief products, free trade with
the
other colonies, and what has been enlarged?
If you turn to the imports of Canada—to
the free goods—you will see the result.
Nova
Scotia, which, from her natual position
and resources, is especially prepared to
supply upon very advantageous terms, gypsum,
coal, fish, and stone,— to what extent
would
you suppose Nova Scotia supplies Canda
with these? I find the total import of coal
into Canda is estimad at $936,239, and of
this amount Great Britain supplies
$379,703,
and the United States, to which we export
largely, $548,846, leaving the total
amount imported from the Province of Nova Scotia
into
Canada, where it goes as free as air, only
$7,690. Again, take the article of gypsum.
Even six times more of this article is
imported
from the United States than from the
British
American Colonies. Again, of fish, which we
export so largely to the United States,
Canada
only recieved from the whole British
North
American Colonies to the value of $226,573,
while she gets from the United States,
$281,023.
We export stone, in abundance, to the
United
States, but not a dollar's worth to
Canada. I
have enumerated these articles to show
that,
having in them free trade among these colonies, we send but a small value of them
to
the
colonies with which it is proposed to
confederate us.
It had been urged that as this is a
Maritime
Colony, Confederation would open up a valuable field of commerce to our shippin. It
is
absurd to suppose that confederation would
give us any advantages we do not now enjoy,
or that our shipping interest can depend for
employment upon a country whose waters are
closed for five months of the year. Nearly
the whole trade of Canada is supplied by the
accidents of commerce; that is, when a vessel
cannot get a charter she would like, and being
perhaps in a coal port, she takes a cargo of coal
to Canada, and returns with lumber to some
other port where she finds more profitable employment. And it is by accidents arising
like
this, in various ports, the whole wants of the
trade of Canada are supplied. It is an entire
fallacy to say that by opening the whole trade
of these colonies, we should receive great advantages in Nova Scotia. Confederation,
instead of extending the commerce and developing the natual products of this country,
will rather cripple trade. I have already
shown that Confederation must necessarily
impose upon us a very heavy tariff and exceedingly large burthens. The consequences
of that is, to increase the coast of living and
producing the articles of export, and when
you increase the coast of living and of wages,
you are unable to compete with other countries
in the sale of your coal and fish, and other
articles which Nova Scotia is especially calculated to produce. It is claimed again
that we
shall get the Inetrcolonial Railway by Confederation.
The Provincial Secretary told us we got it on
terms never dreamed of. I have looked on
these terms and summarized them, just as the
hon. member for South Clochester did the indications of war, and the conslusion I
have
come to is, that the Provincial Secretary was
right in his expression. 1st. We surrender the
entire control of the constitution of this country.
2nd. We endanger the harmony existing
amoung us as fellow-colonists by bringing our
diverse interests into conflict. 3rd. We reduce
our local expenditures for roads and bridges to a
large amount, or supply that deficiency by direct
taxation. 4th. We subject ourselves to the annoyance and tax of the stamp act. 5th.
We surrender to Canada the power to tax us to any extent
that their extravagance may render necessary;
and which I have shown you will be in the
outset $782,560. 6th. We must pay our proportion of all expenses entered into by the
general
government. I have shown you some of the
new expenses which are incident on the first
formation of this government; but it is not to
be supposed that the engagements entered
into by the general government will rest here.
We have been told that one of the conditions
upon which the Canadians agreed to build the
intercolonial railway was that they should
have western extension and enlargement of
their canals. You will understand that the
Canadians find that their canals are not answering their anticipation. The returns
of
1864 show that there has been a large decrease
in the earning of the Welland and St. Lawrence canals. In the Welland there is a decrease
of 12 3/4 per cent., and in the St. Lawrence
canals 33 per cent. In the report of the Commissioner of Public Work he says, to make
them remunerative they must be enlarged to
allow the passage of vessels 800 to 850 tons
burthen; which will require an enormous expenditure, as they have now a depth of water
of only about nine feet deep. Now, the enlargement of these canals, and the opening
up
259
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
of the north-west, were the conditions in
connection with the construction of the
intercolonial railway. Mr. Brown in his speech gives
the Canadians the strongest possible
assurance
of this, he says:
"But this question of immigration
naturally brings
me to the subject of the great
Northwestern territories. [Hear, hear.] The resolutions
before us recognize the immediate necessity of those vast
territories
being brought within the Confederation and
opened
up for settlement. But I am told that
while the Inter-
colonial Railroad has been made an
absolute condition of the compact, the opening up of the
Great West
and enlargement of our canals have been
left in doubt.
Now, sir, nothing can be more unjust than
this. Let
me read the resolutions:—
"The General Government shall secure,
without delay, the completion of the Intercolonial
Railway from
Riviere du Loup, through New Brunswick, to
Truro
in Nova Scotia.
"The Communications with the North-western
Territory, and the improvements required for
the development of the reade of the Great West
with the seaboard, are regarded by this Conference as
subjects of
the highest importance to the Federal
Provinces, and
shall be prosecuted at the earliest
possible period that
the state of the finances will permit."
The Confederation is, therefore, clearly
committed
to the carrying out of both these
enterprises. . . . .
But honourable gentlemen lay stress upon
the point
that, while the one enterprise is to be
undertaken at
once, the other is not to be commenced
until the state
of the finance will permit. No doubt this
is correct,
and the reason for it is simply this—the
money has
already been found for the Intercolonial
Railway.
They must be well aware that the late
Government
(the Macdonald-Sitcotte Administration)
agreed to
build the Intercolonial Railway, and
obtained from
the Imperial Government a guarantee of the
debentures for building it—so that money is
ready at a very
low rate of interest, whenever required.
We know
where to find money for one enterprise at
a rate we
are able to bear, and can thus go on with
a work which
must be gone on with if this union is to
be consummated.
but we don't know this of the other great
work—and
we all felt that it would be exceedinly
indiscreet—I,
myself, as the special advocate of opening
up the
Great West and of the enlargement of our
canals, felt
that I could not put my name to a document
which
declared that all hazards, while our five
per cent.debentures were quoted at 75 or 80 per cent.
in the money
markets—we would commence at once, without
an
hour's delay, any great public work
whatever. [Hear,
hear.] Honourable gentlemen opposite must
not imagine that they have to do with a set of
tricksters in
the thirty-three gentlemen who composed
that Conference. What we have said in our
resolutions was
deliberately adopted, in the honest sense
of the words
employed, and not for purposes of
deception. Both
works are to go on at the earliest
possible moment our
finances will permit, and honourable
gentlemen will
find the members of the Cabinet from Lower
Canada,
as well as from Upper Canada, actuated by
the same
hearty desire to have this whole scheme
carried out
in its fair meaning.
Stress may be laid on the term, "as
soon as the finances will permit"; but we
know the great anxiety on the part of
Canada
to have this expensive work accomplished,
and that as soon as they have the power in
their hands to carry out their wishes they
will
go on with the work.
It has been claimed, also, on behalf of
this
shceme, that it would add to the defence of
these colonies. Perhaps there is no one
assertion which the advocates of confederation
have
made that has gained them more supporters
than this. There is something in it that
captivates every man's mine and carried him
almost away despite himself. It finds a
response in every heart that feels the
attachements
of home. And it was wrong, it was cruel, on
the part of the advocates to thus make an
appeal to one of the noblest sentiments that
find
a home in the breast of man—that sentiment
which bids us rise to defend the country in
which God has placed us—to protect the
homes we have secured by His blessing, and
guard the altars we have erected to His worship,—without having such facts as would
sustain the hops excited by the assertions.
What is the Provincial Secretary's argument?
That Confederation will give us more men and
money to affect this great object. That we shall
have 4000,000, instead of 350,000 people to defend us. He does not, however, say that
with an
increase of men comes an increase of duty that
they would have to perform. If it gavve us the
four millions entirely for the defence of this
province then his asserion would be sustained, but when every man that goes into Confederation
brings with him the particular spot which
he feels most anxious to defend, in case of invasion, then Confederation does not
give us more
men or money. Besides it places the control of
our defences under a poer that is situated 800
miles away from us. We are told by the hon/
member from South Colohester that the temptation to invade this Province is greater
than to invade any other—its value is consequence of its
position and resources being greater. Admitting
this to be the case, is it not unwise to give the control of the natural defenses
of this country—the
men who are to defend their homes—to a power
situated 800 miles away, and who will feel it more
to their individual interest to call them away to
protect Canada. It has been said that the fate of
Canada is our own. That may be, but I regard the
safety of Nova Scotia as more essential to the
maintenance of our connection with the British
Empire than is that of any other of the British
Colonies. I answer, Nova Scotia is the keystone
to the whole—when she falls, the whole follow.—
Great changes have taken place of late years in
the character of the navies of the world. Steam
has taken the place of wind as the potive power
rendering the ships more effective but more dependent upon their base of supply. We
have
here the power—the coal—which must be regularly supplied to the British fleet from
our
mines, in case of hostilities on this side the Atlantic. And if this base of supply
should fall into
the hands of an enemy, then the whole nave of
England would be powerless for the protection of
these Colonies, and must leave them to their fate.
How essential, then, is it that local influences in
Canada shall not have the power to call away our
natural protectors to defend less important territory.
The Prov. Sec. says we are as unprotected and
helpless as the crawling worm.
I was amazed beyond measure, to hear such an
expression fall from an hon. gentleman occupying
a position which gives to his declarations an official character. Had I occupied his
position,
rather than have stood at the table of this House,
declaring that a portion of the British Empire "are as unprotected as the crawling
worm"
I'd have crawled down under the table.
A crawling worm are we? Well, what does he
make of us under Confederation? I waited in
anxiety expecting to see the "worm" swell and
260
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
"develope its proportions," and
eventually become a terrible dragon that would "gobble
up"
the American Eagle, and still hunger for
more.—
But, alas ! he only made the worm longer.
He
only lengthened it out until it become a
tape
worm. He run it through circumlocation
offices
800 miles away until it became a worm of
that
"red tape" species, which so nearly proved
the
destruction of the Birtish army on the
outbreak
of the Crimean War. Our main protection
lies in
the power of Britain, but the evident
tendency of
this Ottawa arrangement is separation from
England. Our minds naturally follow the
channels
of authority up to the source, and when we
have
reached that source, out ideas centre
about it, and
it becomes the embodiement of our
nationality.—
We have hitherto looked to England, and
have
run up through the various channels to the
Crown, and there our affections have
centred ;
but this Confederation comes in and
proposes a
new order of things. It proposes that we
shall
have local governments, and that the
source of our
authority shall be at Ottawa. And when our
thoughts and affections are turned toward
that,—
provided the various and divers interests
of the
several provinces, will enable us to live
in harmony,—the effect will be that our
affections
will cling round that government, and
shall be
withdrawn from the Crown of England.
Suppose
that five or six American states imagined that
separately they were too small, and accordingly
proposed to form a special Confederation under the
General Government just as these gentlemen propose with us to form a Government at
Ottawa.
Does not every man see that before ten
years
had expired, the feeling of the people
would be
around that smaller Confederation, and in
antagonism to the larger. And so would it be
in the
event of Confederation, with the other B.
A. Provinces.—Therefore, I believe, instead of
diminishing it would only increase our danger, and
render
us an easy prey to an invader. Suppose we
should
become an independent nationality, we
would then,
indeed, be helpless as the crawling worms,
and
the American Eagle would soon make a "Diet
of
Worms" that would have a different
interpretatation in American history from the "Diet
of
Worms" in European history. Lord
Palmerston,
referring to the subject, says :—
"Sir, it is true that the only danger
which a
smaller colonial State runs from a more
powerful and
larger neighbour arises from quarrels that
may exist
between the mother country and the foreign
State?
I say that is a total fallacy Suppose
these provinces separated from this country—suppose
them
erected into a monarchy, a republic, or
any other
form of Government. Are there not motives
that
might lead a stronger neighbour to pick a
quarrel
with that smaller State with a view to its
annexation? (Hear, hear.) Is there nothing like
territorial ambition prevading the policy of
great military States? The example of the world
should teach
us that as far as the danger of invasion
and annexation is concerned, that danger would
be increased to Canada by a separation from
Great
Britain, and when she is deprived of the
protection
that the military power and resources of
this country may afford. (Cheers.)
The question of defence, in my view,
depends to a
large extent, upon the spirit of those who
are called
upon to defend the country. If you elevate
the
country and its institutions, the people
will be
prepared to defend it with greater spirit,
We
have seen in history the effect of
rendering a
people dissatisfied with the country in
which they
lived. One of the great grievances of the
people
of Ireland, is that they have not had
since the
Union with England, control of their own
affairs—
that they have not sufficient
representation in the
British Parliament, to give them their due
influence ; and see what an exodus there is of
her
people. The last census of the United
States returns 1,611,304, of the citizens of the
Union as
born in Ireland, where the whole
population is
only five and three quarter millions,
while the
the same returns give only 431,692 persons
born
in England, where the population is twenty
millions.
If then you desire to have the hearty
co-operation of our people in the defence of this country,
you should not deprive them of the control which
they now exercise, over the constitution and institutions of their country. Neither
must you make
them feel that they are pressed down by taxes.
If you impose upon them burthens beyond what
they consider just—and over which
they can exercise no control—then the spirit to defend their
country vanishes. Lord Bacon, reminds us that
the blessing given to Judah and Issachar are never
found combined in the same individual, not in the
same people. Judah was to have the spirit of the
lion—to place his hand upon his enemy's neck.
But Issachar was to bow himself to pay
tribute
—to become like "the Ass crouching between
two
burdens." And no matter how spirited a
people are ; whenever these burdens are
placed
upon them they will change. Did the hon.
Pro.
Sec., suppose when he made this Quebec
bargain,
that the men around these benches are the
Representatives of the lineal descendants of
Issachar.
That we are such consummate asses, as to
bow
down and allow him to fix and saddle upon
us
forever the ass's burthen. This people have
shown that they have a spirit to defend
their
country and its interests. Little Nova
Scotia has
given several names to history, and we
have erected a monument to the memory of some of
those
who have thus shown themselves worthy of a
noble
ancestry. Every time I pass that monument I
feel my step grow firmer and prouder with
the
thought, that the spirit which influenced
these
men, still lives in the bosoms of the
people of Nova
Scotia. That it animates the stalwart
militia men
of this Province, "whose arms were moulded
in
their mothers wombs, to drive the invader
from
our soil ;" but take away from these the
control
of their representative institutions, and
impose
upon them such burthens as I believe you
are
going to place upon them by this
Confederation,
and you drive out that spirit, and they
will become as useless for defence, as a
battalion of dried
mummies from the catacombs of Egypt.
The Provincial Secretary tells us that
Confederation will give us influence and position. He
asks where was Nova Soctia, when the Reciprocity
Treaty was passed. Was not Nova Scotia present
261
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
in her Legislature at its ratification.
But I ask
where will Nova Scotia be, when the whole
power is
placed in the hands of Canadians, to
barter away
her interests whenever it may suit them.
One of
the conditions most prized by the American
people in effecting that treaty, is the right
to our
fisheries. Now with Canada's anxiety for
the continuance of that treaty, what regard will
she have
for the particular interests of Nova
Scotia when,
as I have already shown you, we shall be
powerless at Ottawa, so far as our
representation is concerned, Again he asks where was New Brunswick, when a slice was
cut off her, and
given to
Maine? I reply she was just in the
position that
Nova Scotia was, when a piece was taken
from
her territory and handed over to New
Brunswick—
in the hands of those who did not regard
her interests. There is, however, this difference—the
"slice" we lost went to a sister colony,
which is
some satisfcation, but not equal to what I
have,
no doubt the Pro. Secy. felt, in getting
rid of a
number of voters of the wrong political
stripe.
The hon. gentleman who wants to know who
is not
humilated, when he finds that Canada is only mentioned in the debates concerning these
Provinces,
in the British Parliament. I rather take it as a
compliment, that Canada has alone been mentioned. The Government of England have had
no cause of complaint against Nova Scotia, on the
ground of nnwillingness to make
preparation for
her defence, but she had a reason for
dissatisfaction with Canada. We have also heard of the
Grand Trunk Railway, and of the
transactions
connected with it, which have given Canada
a
reputation, I am glad to say, Nova Scotia
does
not possess. Notoriety is not necessarily
fame.
There may be a celebrity that does not
carry with
it any weight of resepctability. The
Siamese
Twins became celebrated—but it was for
their
unnatural connexion ; and shall have a
chance
of becoming celebrated, as being in our
geographical position, a string of Siamese Twins.
When
the Union with New Brunswick was discussed
here last session, I made a calculation of
the proportionate size of the strips of land
connecting us
with New Brunswick to the Provinces, as
compared with the proportion of the ligature
connecting Chang and Eng. to their whole size,
and
found that our ligature is very mush
proportionately less. In their case you have two
men, perfect in all their formation, that their
powers of free action
and usefulness are destroyed. In this case
each
province is a perfect geographical
formation of
itself, having its own centre of interest,
its own
heart within itself. If it were possible
to take the
Siamese Twins, and reform them, and make
of
the two one powerful man, the one heart
then,
unfettered and freem he would be effective
to discharge the duties of life. And just so if
you
could remould these Colonies by a
Confederation
and bring them into compact shape, so that
there
should be one common centre of interest—one
heart from which the life blood sustaining
the
whole should flow to the extremeties and
return,
then would the Union commend itself to my
mind ;
and I should wish it "God speed." This is
an
impossibility, and therefore we should be
content
as are brothers who are not "Siamese Twins"
each having and exercisign his
individuality ; but
all united by the bonds of family
affection. Let
us then be content to go on prospering as
we have,
and at the same time cultivating the ties
of brotherhood with the other Colonies, and
above all,
let us not take a step that will tend to
sever our
connection with England. My strong desire
is
to see this connection continued, that
through out
lives we may glory in the grandeur and
greatness
of the British Empire, and leave behind us
those
who shall inherit the same feelings of
loyal attachments to her Crown and Institutions,
that the
same sentiments may bind together the
people of
these colonies. Every heart beating in
unison—
even as one great heart—when waked by the
strains of "Rule Rrittania" and "God Save
the
Queen."
Speech of Mr. Shannon.
Hon. Mr. SHANNON said—I do not intend to
make any lengthened speech, but will merely
avail myself of the portion of time left,
before
the adjournment of the house to give
expression to a few practical ideas in reference
to
this great question, which have been
passing
through my mind. In the first place, I may
remark that ever since the commencement of
the American Union, or rather ever since
the
adoption of the present consitution, the
leading minds connected with the Colonies have
turned their attention to the subject of a
Colonial Union. It was not to be wondered at
that
when they saw the great prosperity
resulting from that Union under the
American
constitution, they should deem similar
benefits
might flow from the adoption of a similar
course in British North America. Among the
earliest who approached this subject was
Chief
Justice Sewell, who was one of the
prominent
men of Canada, and who wrote upon the question. Again and again the subject was
brought
forward, but it was left to Lord Durham to
give it greater prominence in his
celebrated
report. That nobleman come to this
continent
clothed with the highest powers, and on a
mission of the greatest importance,—that of
quieting, if possible, the disturbances of
Canada.
He saw the isolated condition of these
Colonies,
and contrasted them with the strength and
power of the U. States, and he felt and
expressed
the necessity of a Union. I have often
regretted that advantage had not been taken of
that
opportunity to have consolidated the whole
of
British America, not merely to unite Upper
and Lower Canada. At that time the Colonies
were in a different position from what they
are now. Then we were subject to the fiat
of
the Colonial Secretary, and an act of
Parliament could easily have been obtained at the
time Lord Durham returned to England, and
would have been received as law by all. His
Lordship, however, was too much imbued with
Republican ideas, and I am not sure that he
would have arranged his plan upon the
monarchial principles, which, I am happy to
say, pervades the scheme which was adopted
at Quebec.
From the time of Lord Durham down to the
present, we have had in every colony, from
time to time, statesmen who have brought
the
subject of union before the public, who have
talked of and dreamed about it, who have
desired it as one of the greatest boons, but
who felt that such were the difficulties in the
way no plan could be possibly agreed upon
that would approach to a satisfactory adjustment. All thought it would sometime or
other
be accomplished, but none that the time for its
discussion was at hand or that a solution of its
difficulties was practicable. We hoped that a
period would arrive when the leading minds
of the different provinces might agree upon
some feasible plan, but we hardly dared to expect that it would be in our time. And
yet
now, strange to say, when the difficulties have
been removed, when the leaders of the different parties in all the different colonies
have
united upon common ground, and the time has
come for us to obtain that which we have so
long desired, there are found those among us
who are unwilling to accept it!
That there would be doubts and hesitancies
at first is what might be expected; but we did
not think there would be a movement made to
reject the whole scheme. The difficulty in
such cases has always been with the minor
states, and the hon. member for South Colchester detailed to us the otherday some
of
the perplexities which occurred in the different
States of the American Union before the constitution was finally accepted. Especially
was
it unpalatable to those who thought their position and influence would be sacrificed.
And is
not this the feeling which prevails with us at
present? Are not small local jealousies at the
bottom of most of the objections? The colony
which is most hostile now is the small Island
of Prince Edward. The State which most
stoutly refused to accept the constitution then
was little Rhode Island. But has Rhode Island ever had reason to regret her ultimate
acceptance? No, she has had her rights preserved intact in the two branches of congress
and
has prospered together with her Sister States,
and far more than she could have done,
had she determinedly held out for isolation.
But what are the advantages which we expect to derive from Union? I will give a short
summary of them as they lie in my mind.
They have been so often brought before the
public, both in the press and on the platform,
and recently by speakers in this house, that I
feel I shall but go over ground which has been
already fully occupied. And yet at the risk of
wearying the patience of the house I will again
refer to a few of them.Â
Union we truly believe is strength. We believe in the old maxim as a truism." We have
not forgotten the old fable of our boyhood, and
yet in these latter days the old adage has been
called in question, and isolation is lauded
as practically of more value. It some to me to
require no argument to prove that whatever
power or force there may be in isolated fragments is greatly extended when those fragments
are consolidated into one. And that
power when exerted in self-defence is far more
effectual under the direction of one central authority, than when exerted by different
and often conflicting influences. And this brings me
to the next point. Union is defence.
A few years ago this question would not
probably have been of so much importance as
it is now, indeed it would hardly have been
thought of. At the time of the visit of the
Prince of Wales, and when he passed so triumphantly through these Provinces, and the
United States, what was the position of the
neigboring Republic? It was one busy hive of
industry; and the great object of its citizens
was to labor to increase their wealth. Its
military power was trifling. What is its position now? It has become one of the greatest
military nations in the world, and that too
upon our frontier. While we remain more
isolated settlements, this great nation is in a
position to successfully attack us. If we can
do anything, then, to protect ourselves, surely
we ought to lose no timein doing so. If Union
is one of the best means towards warding off
an adversary, as we maintain it is, then let us
adopt it. Now, I am far from being an alarmist. I believe the American Government
has
had the most friendly feelings towards these
Colonies. The late President, to whose untimely end we referred recently with such
deep sympathy, was, I am convinced, sincerely desirous
of preserving peace between England and
America, and the Governments of the different
Provinces have always had the most amicable
relations with that of the United Sates during
all the perplexities of the terrible civil war
now existing. But I am not insensible to the
fact that democratic governments are frequently obliged to give up their own convictions
and bow to the will of the people; and therefore I look with deep interest to the
sentiments
expressed by the journals and leading minds
among our neighbors, and I cannot disguise
from myself that there has been far from a
friendly feeling manifested towards England
in quarters where it was least expected. I do
not refer so much to the New York Herald, and
papers of that stamp, as to the expressed opinions of men of standing and intelligence.
The other dayI lighted upon a letter of Pro—
fessor Parson's, Professor of Law at the Harvard University, published a month or
two
since, that surprised me not a little, and serves
to show the views entertained by some men,
at least, in high position, in New England.
From it I cull the following extract. He says:
"I have not the slightest hesitation in expressing
my Opinion that the conduct of England, relative to
the Trent, was insolence carried to the last extreme;
wasa. great insult to this country as well a great
Wrong: and stained the name of England, in history,
with disgrace. The thought is now in men's minds,
that when our turn comes, we will imitate her example. That we will, so far as the
different circumstances permit, use her own words and her own methods,
and with an equal peremptoriness and a similar threat
of immediate war and a refusal ofdclay or negotiation,
force her into immediate choice between compliance
or war. And if we would follow her example, we
must do just this; neither more or less. Most earnestly do I deprecate any such thought,
any such act.—
But in my opinion the only way in which it can be
prevente is to press upon our people the truth. For
the lover of peace to forget the conduct of England or
to defend it, is equally impossible. But our nee le
may see that her conduct was not only so wrong id
but so discreditable, that they may determine to avoi
what they would be ashamed to imitate."
I have found this letter in "Littell's Living
Age," of February last, but I was glad to perceive that the editor of that .eriodical
did not
concur in all its views, and hope that there
may to a large number of the population
agreeing with him, and that the danger anticipated may never come. Still, with the
publication and circulation of such views, it is but
right that we should remember that they bear
uopn the question of defence in these colonies. We know the old adage, that in peace
263
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
we should prepare for war, and I believe
that
one of the best preparations is that of uniting
ourselves to meet any contingency.
But it has been said, will union give us one
soldier more? It may not; but it will place
out military resources under one head, and
the force of the whole union could be concentrated and moved with a celerity and in
bodies
which could not take place if we remain isolated. It has been said that our men, in
case of
war, will be required in Canada to defend its
exposed frontier. It seems to me, however,
that the reverse would be the case, and I agree
with the member for South Colchester, that in
the contingency of war, the maritime colonies
would most probably be the first point of
attack. This was the case in the time of the
old French war; it was not until Louisburg
had fallen that the campaign against Canada
had commenced, and this would most probably
be the case again. I may refer, in connection
with this subject, to the unanimous resolution
of this house to place the entire militia of the
province at the disposal of the province of
New Brunswick at the period when the frontier of the latter was threatened by the
State
of Maine. Had there been an union of the
colonies it would not have been necessary to
await the action of the legislature, the central
power would at once have detailed to the
threatened point whatever number of men
was required for defence.
Again, Union in my mind means a closer
connection with England. We see this from
the tone of the publice journals, from the
speeches in Parliament, and more particularly
from the important despatch of Mr. Cardwell
which has been so widely circulated. We
could not please the British Government or
people between, we could not more readily incduce
them to assist us, as they promise to do, by the
whole resources of the mother country, than
by adopting the scheme of the union. But it
has been asserted that we need not trouble
ourselves about Canada for the power of England will always protect us in Nova Scotia.
Well, suppose we admit this, would we be so
pusillanimous as to act upon it? I hardly
think any honorable gentleman or his constituents would recommend the adoption of
such
a course. It appears to me that for the weal or for
woe these colonies are and must be bound together. Again, Union will bring with it
large
commercial advantages, by breaking down
hostile tariffs and introducing free trade and
manufactures, Hitherto we have been crippled by a want of knowledge and communication.
If there is one object more than
another which Nova Scotians have been long
desirous of obtaining it has been this great
object. The last scheme in reference to it was
one which compelled this Province to pay
more than many of us thought it ought to bear,
but, nevertheless, the house adopted it, so great
were the advantages expected to be realized
by it. Now we are offered this railway on
terms more advantageous than we had any
reason to anticipate, and yet those who have
heretofore been so anxious to accomplish so
great an object now refuse to accept it, and
cast away a boon of priceless value,—a conduct which seems to me to border on infatuation.
Anither result of union will be to afford
a field for the energy and industry of our
young men. We have long wanted such openings for enterprize, and the absence of them
has driven away a large portion of the youth
of the country. The member for North Colchester spoke most glowingly of the resources
and advantages of this Province. Why, I
should ask him, have they not been able to induce the flower of our population to
remain
within our limits? I have heard it stated that
there are no less than 30,000 Nova Scotians
within or in the vicinity of the city of Boston.
Upon what principles can we account for this?
It is because we offer no adequate inducements
for our young men to remain. The expatriate themselves in order to enjoy the larger
field and better chances of success offered in
the United States than here. I often look
around in my own city and ask myself how
many of those who were educated with me
are still to be found within its limits. Many
are beneath the green sod; but many are
still living, but not here,—they are far away,
in the neighboring States and elsewherem pushing their fortunes, and forever lost
to us. I ask
any person familiar with Halifax to look at the
signs over the stores in any of the streets—in
Granville street, for instance, and count how
many of their occupants are natives of the
City. The great majority of our business men
are either from abroad or from the country. A
short time since I was asked to look at the
will of one of our staunch yeomen in the rural
districts of this country. In it he had named
his several children, and I was surprised to
observe—and it is an excellent commentary
upon the point—how few there were in Nova
Scotia. One son was in California, one in Nevada, another in Kansas, and a fourth
in
Massachusetts. All the enterprising and energetic had carried their talents and industry
to
places where they could be better remunerated.
We have devoted a portion of our public funds
to the introduction of immigrants. I would
rather, Mr. Speaker, bring back our Nova
Scotia exiles than gather all the immigrants
we could obtain from abroad, if we only had
the inducements to offer them to remain.
Again, if we had union, we should possess
more of a national position than we do at present. Let any Nova Scotian cross the
Atlantic
and he will soon learn the estimation in which
he is held as a Provincial. I recollect an instance which occurred to myself when
travelling the Continent, and how keenly I felt
the different position a Colonist held from that
of an American citizen. Notwithstanding the
remarks of the hon. member for North Colchester, I am persuaded that our leading men,
under the Union, will have their minds enlarged and take a higher position as statesmen
than they can possibly do in the small and degrading discussion which occupy too much
of
the time of each Provincial Legislature. Before the American Revolution, there was
not a
single man in the old Colonies who at that
time had acquired an European reputation but
Franklin. Washington was only known as a
Colonel of Militai, Adams was but a village
attorney, and the same may be said of Jefferson, Madison, and other eminent men of
the
day. They occupied positions such as colonists
occupy to-day. When, however, the war was
over, and the United States assumed a national
character, these men rose to their position, and
took high rank in the estimation of the world.
Though we do not wish independence, but
con
264
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATESsolidation,
in British America, I am
convinced
that the effects produced will not be less
elevating in our case than in that of the
neighboring Republic.
I will now refer shortly to some remarks
upon the disadvantages which we are told will
result from the project. First—it is said
that
our union means separation from England. I
think I have already disposed of this, for
I
need only repeat that te whole public mind
in the mother country is in favor of the
plan,
for the very reason that it will draw
parent
and children closer together, to be united
by
one common tie. The main objection,
however,
which has been brought forward, is one of
a
financial character. It is said we have
made a
bad bargain—in the language of the hon.
member for Richmond (Mr. LeVesconte) the Provincial Secretary has sold his country
to
Canada! Well, my answer is, the sale is not
yet
perfected for it has still to be ratified.
But is
it so bad a bargain? The objections are
two-
fold—political and financial.
They say we have not a fair represenation
in the United Parliament. I ask, what has
been conceded to us in the Legislative
Council? We shall have in that body, which I am
happy to see is to be purely of a
monarchical
character, and whose function will be high
and important, greater weight than we were
really entitled to. But it is said that
the real
power of the Parliament will be in the
House
of Assembly, and that there we will not be
adequately represented. We shall be
represented
upon the true principle, that is,
according to
our population, and I cannot see how such
an
arrangement can be objected to, or what
could
be considered more equitable. But the hon.
member for North Colchestor would introduce
a curious idea in connection with this. He
would increade the representation in
proportion to the distance from the capital. I
think
my hon. friend from the county of Cape
Breton
would gladly accede to this, as it would
largely
increase the influence of his favourite
island.—
This idea was illustrated by a reference
to the
distribution of the members of Parliament
in
England, but the hon. member should have
gone further; he should have told us what
representation Scotland actually has, and
what
she would be entitled to on his principle.
He
would find his argument utterly fail him.
As regards the financial aspect of the bargain, the matter has been so fully discussed
that I do not intend to enter into it further
than to say that we have had numerous statements and calculations during the last
few weeks, scarcely one of
which agrees with another. The truth is,
statements of figures are too often very delusive, and unless the premises are
scrutinized
and found correct the conclusions are
worthless. All that may be said is that though
we
shall be required to give up the larger
part of
our general revenues we receive a yearly
subvention sufficient with out local revenue
to
provide for our local wants. As regards
the
question of increase of tariff we have had
the
same wide difference in computation. The
hon. member for South Colchester puts it at
such an insignificant figure as to make it
a
subject of astonishment that any person
should
dread its imposition. But even if we were
to
take the increase at the largest sum
mentioned,
that of a dollar per head, would not the
great
benefits to be derived warrant us in
increasing
our
burdens even to that extent? But I am
not afraid that there will be so great an increase, and am quite confident that increased
prosperity will enable us to meet without difficulty whatever additional taxation
may be
required. To the city of Halifax union will be
of inestimable advantage. Let any of our citizens visit the busy wharves of Boston,
or sail
into the port of New York by the East River
and see the long lines of shipping extending
for miles on either hand as he approaches
the
Hudson, and then return to Halifax, and how
great is the contrast! Now, if we have union
and the intercolonial railway my expectation
is that so great a contrast will soon be lessened.
We need not expect to attain to the eminence
of their commercial emporium, but we may
hope that the traveller visting us hereafter
will find a harbor filled with shipping and busy
with trade, and a city whose streets will be
thronged with an active and prosperous population.
I am afraid I have been trespassing upon
the
patience of the house longer than I had intended, but I cannot conclude without making
a few remarks upon the offensive display made
by the hon. member for Richmond (Mr. Miller)
the other evening in reference to myself. Now
among the great advantages of the contemplated Union, I consider not the least to
be,
that the tone of public men and public sentiment will be far higher in consequence,
and
that the debates of the General Parliament
will not be disgraced by such a wretched
exhibition of personalities as we were treated with
on the occasion I refer to. That hon. gentleman took occasion to pass upon my public
conduct in reference to the Union, and to
assert that I had acted the mean part of concealing my sentiments until I had ascertained
the feeling of the majority of my constituents.
Now, in answer to this unfounded statement, I
have merely to appeal to the hon. member for
East Halifax (Mr. Annand), who is present,
and who knows that hardly had the Delegates
returned before I had publicly exhibited my
feelings on the subject, and that he good-na
turedly challenged me with doing so in the
public streets. My sentiments were never concealed from my constituents. As to the
very
gentlemanly charge of skulking beneath the
galleries when I ought to have been on the
platform, my answer is, that it is simply without foundation. I was present on the
platform
at the first meeting in Temperance Hall, but
from all the others I was absent owing to the
inclemency of the weather and the delicate
state of my health. I hardly know that it was
even necessary to refer to these things, but I
have done so because I felt it due to this house
to give this public contradiction to the statements made. I know that my constituents
do
not require it.
As regards the other personalities which have
fallen from the hon. gentleman, I can treat them
as idle wind, and do not feel it necessary to
take any notice of them. The position of every
gentleman who enters this House is soon assigned him by his brother members, who guage
and test his qualifications before he has been
with them many weeks. With whatever position they may assign me I am quite content,
and sure I am I shall never eny that of one
whose recent display has neither added credit
nor dignity to this assembly.
265
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
Speech
of Mr. Bourinot.
Mr. BOURINOT :— As no one appears desirous this afternoon of commencing the debate I shall endeavour
as briefly as
possible to
state the opinions I entertain on the
subject
under consideration. No doubt the question
has been pretty well exhausted. Many able
speeches have already been made both in and
out of the house, and the press has gone
into
the subject very fully; but I think it is
the
duty of every member in this Legislature to
state his views. It is the opinions
expressed
in this house that will influence the
people the
most. In accordance with the resolution
moved by the Provincial Secretary last
winter, a
delegation was appointed for the purpose
of conferring with others from New
Brunswick
and P. E. Island with the onject of uniting
the Maritime Provinces. You are all aware
of
the history of the delegation at P. E.
Island,
and therefore it is unnecessary I should
refer
to it. I cannot refrain, however, from
alluding
to the composition of the delegation
itself.—
First of all, four out of the five were
members
of the Bar—the fifth being the Provincial
Secretary who, daresay, is a good a lawyer as
the others. This fact, however, at the very
outset produced distrust and no little
dissatisfaction throughout the country. It was
quite
right and proper that the Provincial
Secretary
should be a member of that delegation—his
position and great abilities will not be
denied
by any man in this country. The leader of
the
opposition was also one of the number, and
it
was but right that he should be, but what I
complain of is, that the mercantile and
other
interests were not represented in this
delegation. It is true that the Provincial
Secretary
has in speeched at Temperance Hall and
elsewhere told you that several mercantile
gentlemen connected with the Legislature were
asked to be members of the delegation—Hon. J.
H. Anderson, Mr. Tobin, and Mr. Locke, but
that for reasons given they were unable to
go.
When the services of these gentlemen could
not be obtained the selection fell upon
the hon.
Mr. McCully, and the remaining members of
the delegation were the Attorney General,
and hon. Mr. Dickey from Cumberland. Now
I must say it would have given far greater
satisfaction if the government had looked
around
these benches and selected gentlemen who
could well have formed a part of that
delegation and represented the mercantile
interests
of this country. And ley me ask why was it
that in making the selection they should
have
ignored the Island of Cape Breton
altogether?
Were there no men to be found
there who were capable of taking part in
that delegation? And I can point out many
around these benches, and one hon.
gentleman
from the other branch of the Legislature
who
could as well represent the mercantile
interest
as those named. Look at little P. E.
Island,
no greater in extent, certainly not to be
compared with Cape Breton in resources; it
was represented by no less than seven members in Canada. Look again at the fact that
no less than three gentlemen were taken
from
one country alone. That favored country of
Cumberland sent the Provincial Secretary,
Mr. Dickey, and Mr. McCully. Therefore it
will be seen that in the selection of the
delegates the interests of the different
sections of
the province were altogether disregarded;
and
under the circumstances it is not strange
that
at the very initiation of this question
dissatisfaction arose. I can assure you the
feeling was
very widely extended in the section I
represent, for Cape Breton, as in many other
cases,
was entirely blotted out. And I was nearly
foregetting to mention another fact in
connection with the delegation at Charlottetown.—
My hon. friend from Cumberland (Mr. McFarlane) happened also to be present at the
time
the delegation assembled—no doubt it was
thought to be an act of wise foresight to
have
him at hand in case some accident should
happen to the other delegates from Cumberland.
You all know what took place at Charlottetown. Gentlemen from Canada joined the
delegates from the Maritime Provinces and
mysterious conferences ensued. A great deal
of what took place there has not yet come
to
light, but it will be known hereafter. When
hereafter those private correspondence
come to
light—as occurs so often in history—we
shall
learn some facts which will give the world
a
better idea than they have now of the
motives
and reasons that influenced the delegates
in
coming to the conclusion they did. These
gentlemen then left Charlottetown and came to
Halifax, and when they had done so, I
received a telegram inviting me to a banquet to
be
given the Canadian delegates. Just imagine
a telegram inviting me to come to a dinner
party given at a place 300 miles distant
from
were I resided. What took place at that famous dinner patry? Any number of speeches
were made. Union was descanted on at length
and the Canadian delegates as well as the
Provincial Government, no doubt, thought
that
the public mind was quite decided on the
subject and satisfied with the expression of
opinion on that occasion. Then they went on to
Canada under the impression that the people
of these provinces were quite ready to
accept
the results of their conferenced. We all
know
what took place in Canada. The reception
given to our delegates was very flattering—a
perfect ovation—and I am proud to say that
some of the gentlemen that represneted this
province did credit to themselves and Nova
Scotia. Having finished the business of the
delegation they returned to Nova Scotia
where
they soon learned the state of the public
mind.
The meetings at Temperance Hall gave them
indications of the state of public opinion,
even in a city which was likely to be
benefit-
ted, whatever might be the case with
respect
to the rest of the province. In this city
which
had so much at stake they had actually to
listen to derisive cheers and hisses. Then a
meeting was held at Windsor. In that town
the Provincial Secretary endeavored to impress on the minds of the people, that no
appeal on the constituencies was necessary.
He
went into the hisory of the scheme at
length
to show that it had been before the country
for years, and that under such
circumstances it
was unnecessary that the people should be
consulted in reference to the subject. Now
that the people should be told that they
were to have nothing to do with deciding so important a question as changing
the constitution of the country, but that
the
house could deal with it irrepective of the
wishes of those they represented, was something most preposterous to propound in a
country like this, enjoying the prilileges
of
responsible government—where the people are
the fountain of authority. The Prov. Sec'y
266
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
must have known that the house was
elected
under our existing constitution, and could not
change it without consulting those that elected
them. Yet the Provincial Secretary was
quite ready to strike down all existing rights and privileges enjoyed by the
people, in order that he might march on to Ottawa.
But far and wide the spirit of the people asserted itself. Little by little a feeling
arose which spread over the length and breadth
of this province, and showed the government
that they must pause in their rash career. In
my own county, at first, much indifference was
felt on the question ; but as
the discussion proceeded, a strong feeling of dissatisfaction at
the scheme exhibited itself among all classes
of the peeple. Before passing away, however,
from the meeting at Windsor, let
me say that
the Prov. Secretary dwelt particularly on the
report of Lord Durham, who ma be said to
have been the first to have broug t this question before these provinces. That report
is
valuable, in consequence of its own intrinsic
merit and the ability of its author; but we
must all be aware that the mass of the people
have never known anything about its contents,
and could not, therefore, be at all affected by it.
Now, turning to the scheme itself, we find
that it provides for a federal union of
these
provinces. I have no hesitation in saying that if
the conference had devised a
legislative union, it
would have been preferable. Every
one knows
what the local legislatures will
be under this
scheme—very insrgnificant bodies.
Another
portion of the scheme provides
that the Lieut.
Governors shall be selected by the Governor-
General at Ottawa. What class of men shall
we, then, have for our local governors? These
very men who formed the
convention. But
how would they be looked upon? The position of Lieutenant-Governor would become a
mockery in the estimation of the public. I can
understand the principle that induced the British government to elevate Mr. Hincks
to a
colonial governorship and should like to see
it extended to Mr. Howe who has far higher
claims than the former to such a position; but
any one must see that the people would never
approve of any public man being
made governor in his own colony. It has never
yet been
fully explained why we have been
given local
legislatures in this scheme. It might
be satisfactory to the Lower Canadians,
but it would
never do for these other provinces. The municipal system that is in full operation
in Canada
West, or the very system of
county sessions
that exists here now, might
have done the
work assigned to the local legislatures. If the
Lower Canadians would not agree
to legislative
union, an arrangement might have been made
so as to give them the control of those matters
in which they felt especial interest without interfering with the rest of the provinces.
I am
glad, however, that some gentlemen who formed part of the Conference had some respect
for
that section of Canada which has been so
trampled upon by the Western Canadians for
years past. It is known to many that Upper
Canada has long been endeavoring to deprive
Lower Canada of many of those institutions
and rights which they value—the very principle upon which the union was formed it
has
been attempted to destroy. Just in that way
would the Upper Canadians in case of a Confederation, endeavour to override the interests
and rights of these maritime provinces.
As respects the question of taxation, it has been so
ably handled by the hon. member of North
Colchester that I shall not attempt to touch it,
except to say it requires no lengthy calculations to see that if this union were consummated
our taxes would be largely increased, if for no other object that the
defences of Canada, more especially the
fortifications that have to be erected, and
the gunboats that must be put on the lakes.
The Canadians are now expected to defend the
lakes by means of those iron clad monitors,
and the expense of only a very few would be
at least three or four millions of dollars. We
have also heard that Hon. Mr. Geo. Brown,
when he went back to his constituents at Toronto, from the Convention, told them in
explicit terms that when this Confederation took
place their canals would be enlarged, and that
the North-West territory would be opened up.
Millions of dollars would be expended for that
purpose alone, and under these circumstances
is there any man so blind as not to see the
great burthens that will be necessary imposed upon us by Confederation. As respects
the
proportion of representation that Nova Scotia
will ahve, let me say at once that no other
principle would have been acceptable as a basis except population ; but when you look
at the
small number Nova Scotia will have in proportion to the Canadas, cannot you see she
will
be treated just as Cape Breton has been for
years past. I admit in all sincerity that a
greater desire new exists in this Legislature
to do jsutice to Cape Breton, than was the
case some time ago. Whoever is familiar with
the history of legislation in this province is
aware that no member from Cape Breton could for years raise his voice on
behalf of that island without being met
with sneers, if indeed he was heard at all.
At first I was inclined to rather favour the
scheme of Union for this reason ; I felt it was
better to be an appendage to Canada that to
Nova Scotia, as we might then obtain
more justice than we have received in the past
from Nova Scotia. However, as I said before, I
can see evidence of a disposition to pay more
consideration to the section whose interests I
have especially at heart. Gentlemen must
know this, that the moment the Union takes
place out grants for roads and brdiges must be
diminished, (for the revenue at the disposal
of the local government will be altogether insufficient for local wants,) or else
you must resort to that most unpalatable that the commercial
interests of this province would be benefitted
by Union has been scattered to the wind by
gentlemen who have preceded me. Look at
our trade returns, and you see that we send
Canada nothing of those great products such
as fish and coal, for which there is a free market at present in that country. What
do we get from them except a few barrels
of flour? If it is necessary to have a uniform tariff and currency, there is nothing
to prevent it being done without Confederation
—that has been conclusively shown time and
again since this question was discussed. Now
let me say a few words in respect to the reception of the scheme in England. We are
all
familiar with Mr. Cardwell's despatch—how
heartily he approved of it. The Provincial
Secretary told us that the English Government
267
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
were in favor of it, and that therefore we
should adopt it—that, if we did not, England
would withdraw her protection from us by degrees. But it must be remembered that Mr.
Cardwell's impression was derived from the
same source that prepared this grand scheme
at Quebec. I have no doubt that these
gentlemen impressed upon the Colonial Secretary's mind the moment the local legislatures
met they would adopt the scheme. No doubt
the opinion in England was, that the gentlemen who acted as delegates at the convention
represented the public opinion of these Maritime Provinces; but I repel that idea.
They
did not represent public sentiment on this
question at all; the result, not only in New
Brunswick, But in Nova Scotia and the other
Provinces, has proved it. Now I wish to make
a reference to some remarks that fell from the
hon. member for Colchester (Mr. Archibald) at a
meeting in Temperance Hall on his return
from Quebec. Now if there is a gentleman
whom I hold in personal esteem—whom I respect for his great abilities as a legislatir,
it is
that hon. member; but I always understood
that these delegates met in good faith—that
they had assembled with the determination to
disclose everything affecting these Provinces
—everything concerning their great resources
and prospects, but they did not do so, and I
shall prove it. The hon. member for Colchester said in his speech:
"Look again at the great mineral
advantages we
possess. With a country filled with coal, our position on the continent is such that
we must necessarily become the suppliers of the whole Atlantic coast.
If in the period from 1859 to 1864 we have doubled out
coal trade, and the revenue has risen from $20,000 to
$40,000, will it not double itself again in a few years,
and enable us to provide from that fund alone, all
that we require for education, and for the management of our roads and bridges, and
our other local
concerns? This does not include the revenue from
our gold fields, and that has yielded this year $15,000
above the coast of its collection. See if these advantages do not place us in a position
superior to that of
our neighbors. This statement of our
mineral resources is one that I would not like to have made in
Canada ; it is too much like 'letting the cat out of the
bag,' for although we thus obtain no unfair advantage, yet the superiority is one
that might have been
looked on with suspicion. Not only does this open
up a view of increasing enterprise and prosperity, but
it shews us one way to the position we so much desire
to fill of becoming the carriers of the world."
What now do you think of a delegate, that
went to meet other delegates in good faith, and
yet tell you that he suppressed
facts that they
ought to have known? How becoming a position was that for a statesman to occupy? I
must now refer to another speech on a recent
occasion. Let me say at the outset that those
who have read the debates of the Houses of
Parliament are aware that there is a strong
feeling in England in reference to these colonies. We have perhaps flattered ourselves
with the idea that when the name of Nova
Scotia was aspersed we had at least one man
in the Commons to stand up for his native
country; and how had that gentleman discharged his duty? We know that an attempt has
been made in the press to explain away the remarks to which I am about to allude;
but that
explanation amounts to nothing. Judge Haliburton delivered his speech at least more
than
a week before the last steamer left, and we
know that whenever a gentleman has been
misrepresented or misunderstood in the Imperial Parliament, it is usual for him to
make explanations which will appear in due
course in
the Times
or other public journals. But he did
nothing of the kind. These remarks, aspersing the loyalty of Nova Scotia, have gone
abroad without any contradiction from his
own hand. Hear what he says:
"The people of Canada were, moreover, perfectly loyal. and very much attached to
this
country; indeed, he did not think that in
Canada a disloyal man of any sect, or creed,
or
color was to be found. New Brunswick and
Nova Scotia, he was sorry to say, did not
deserve the same praise in that respect, and
he
hoped the Secretary for the Colonies would
show that he was aware that such was the
case."
These are, indeed, worthy sentiments to
fall
from a former member of this Legislature—from
one who
is a pensioner of this Province. In another part of his speech he actually says
that he
had lived for 60 years in Canada—so ashamed
was he of Nova Scotia—and other parts of
the
speech referred to are not more
complimentary.
The Provincial Secretary told you in his
lengthy speech on Confederation, that he
felt
humiliated because Nova Scotia was not mentioned at all in the great debate in
connection
with these Provinces. Now, if you read the
debate carefully, you will see that in the
speeches of Mr. Disraeli and other eminent
English
statesmen, the British American Provinces
are frequently mentioned, and the same
kindly feeling is expressed for all. We are
told
that is we refuse to accept Confederation,
England would withdraw her protection from
us,
but read the debates of the House of
Commones,
and you will see that this assertion is
baseless.
The honor of England, we are told, is
concerned in the defence of these colonies. The
Premier, Lord Palmerston, tells you:
"This is not a Canadian question, it is
not a
local question : it is an Imperial
question. It is
a question which affects that position and
character, the honor, the interests, and the
duties
of this great country."
With or without Confederation we shall never be left unprotected by the mother
country,
should the enemy at any time touch our
shores.
A great deal has been said about the
feelings
that exist in the neighboring Republic. I
deny
the truth of the statement that the
Americans
are desirous of pouncing upon these
Provinces,
and are only waiting a favorable
opportunity
of doing so. Their object is simply to
cultivate
a good understanding with these colonies.
Already Americans are largely identified with
us, and are interested, (more especially in
my county, where they shall always receive
a
cordial welcome,) in preserving peaceful
and
commercial relations with us. Some reference has also been made in the course of
this
debate to the Times. Now I am not one of
those who underrate the Times—it is the great
exponent of public opinion in England—it
is a
journal of immense talent and influence—second to none in that respect in the world;
but
it will be remembered, that there was
present
at the banquet given to the delegates in
Quebec, a Mr. Sala, a gentleman of ability—well
known to the literary world—a friend of a
person who would like to be closely identified
with our railway schemes. Mr. Sala, on that
occasion, did not compliment the Times—he
stated his reasons why that journal had
acquired such an influence over the people, and
said
that after all its opinions were not of
such
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PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
great value. For my own part, however, I do
not underrate its influence; but it should be
remembered that the Times got its inspiration
from the same source as Mr. Cardwell—from
the gentlemen who formed the Convention.—
If the Times' writers had been living amongst
us, or had means of knowing the tendency of
public opinion in these provinces, its articles
would have been very different. The views of
Mr. Howe, Mr. Johnston, and Mr. Young have
been referred to in connection with this question. Mr. Howe held certain opinions
respecting representation in the Imperial Parliament,
and has expressed various views at various
times on the Union of the Provinces. But may
not circumstances have very much changed
since such views were expressed? I have myself expressed opinions favorable to a Union.
I have wished that the time would come when
we might form a great nation. If a humber
individual like myself saw reason to change
his views, might not Mr. Howe and others do
the same? Are gentlemen bound to entertain
the same views always irrespective of circumstances that may arise requiring a modification
of change of these views. A great stress has
been laid upon the nationality that these Provinces would acquire ; instead of being
insignificant dependencies, they would form a nation
that would be respected abroad. I believe that
the formation of such a nation would lead to
independence of England. Isolated as we are
now, we could not form an independent state.
Perhaps, however, some gentlement have longings to see such a result obtained.
I have no desire to dwell further upon this
subject, expect to say that I am quite unwilling
to support the resolution on the table unless
there is a guarantee given that no change will
be effected without consulting the wishes of
the people. The matter has now assumed a
very different aspect to what it did when the
resolution was introduced last session. We authorized these gentlemen to perform certain
duties and they went beyond their authority,
and their course has caused a great deal of dissatisfaction. Under such circumstances
I cannot authorize any set of men to suggest any
change that will touch our constitution without
an appeal to the people. With the people of
this country must rest the decision as to a
union of the Maritime Provinces. I believe, in
all sincerity, that we are prospering sufficiently, and I cannot see how any change
in our
constitution is going to improve our present
condition. I had intended referring to some
other points which have been brought up in
this debate, especially to the remarks of the
Provincial Secretary as to the influence that
the Cape Breton members exercise in this
house; but as I shall perhaps have an opportunity of doing so, I shall not enter upon
this
subject at length at present. Let me say, however, that such an influence does not
exist, and
the Provincial Secretary knows it well. No
section of this Province exercises less influences
than Cape Breton in provincial matters. If
there is a public office to be filled up, Cape
Breton is entirely ignored, and many of its
adopted sons' claims, some of them very strong
indeed, have been disregarded, whilst a few
counties are especially favored. I have already
referred to Cumberland in connection with the
delegation. Perhaps the hon. Provincial Secretary can explain the especial claims
of that
county to consideration. Is all the ability and
talent of the country in that county? Look
again at the county of Annapolis; that county
has given a judge to the bench—a gentleman
who is an ornament to the position, all will admit. We have also taken a deputy secretary
from that county, a Sol. General, a commissioner of railways, and I believe, sire,
that you, the
chief Commoner of Nova Scotia, are also a native of Annapolis,—besides the promise
of a
railway, and Bear River bridge grant. And
yet despite all these favors heaped upon them,
how ungrateful were the people last election.
I think I can promise any government that
would give us all these good things more support from the island of Cape breton than
this
ungrateful county of Annapolis has given, for
the Cape Bretonians are always grateful.
However, I shall not dwell upon this question
at present, for it is, perhaps, somewhat foreign to the real matter at issue. In conclusion,
let me say that I regret having occupied so
much time in adressing the house, and I must
apologize for not having acquitted myself as
well as was due to the house; but I feel strongly upon this question, and must repeat
what I
have already said—that no question involving
a change in our constitution should be dealt
with by this house, without the wishes of the
people being first consulted.
Speech of Mr. McFarlane.
Hon. Mr. MCFARLANE said:—At this late
period of the session I feel that it is absurd to
attempt to engage the attention of the house
with any langthy speech. Indeed, I do not think
the subject we are now discussing is one which
should have occupied so much time as it has
already. It appears to me that on the present
occasion we are attempting to jump before we
get to the style. Gentlemen have spent some
three or four days in delivering speeched which
would be quite appropriate if we had the question of union before us for our final
decision.
This resolution says on the face of it that a
union with Canada is at present impracticable, and simply proposes a delegation to
confer
with others from the other Provinces on a subject of a union of the Maritime Colonies.
yet
gentlemen have gone at great length into the
subject of the union of all the provinces. Had
that question come legitimately before the legislature, then it would have been our
duty to
have solemnly investigated the matter and
given it our most mature consideration. But
the untoward event that lately took place in
New Brunswick prevented us dealing with the
question of the larger union. All efforts to
press forward any measure under such circumstancces would have been spent in vain.
I
have no hesitation in saying that all my feelings are strongly in favor of union.
I am not
afraid to say that the general welfare of these
provinces in the future is closely connected
with their confederation. I do not believe that
any connection with Canada would be otherwise than beneficial to us. Western Canada
would feel that her interests were bound up
with ours,—whatever benefitted us would be
of advantage to her—and we would feel the
same way. We would form all a part of one
whole, and whatever affected one portion
would affect the other. How is it with ourselves? Nova Scotia is divided into a number
of counties. I know little of Yarmouth, but
when the hon. member for the county comes
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PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
here
and advocates some local matter, do I not
feel that it is my duty to assist him if
his request ought to be granted? This legislature
does not hesitate a moment in answering his
appeal. So it would be in the case of
confederation. Every man in the general parliament
—whether from Canada or Nova Scotia—would
feel an equal interets in the whole
confederacy.
I cannot see what possible interest that
Canadians could have for crushing or injuring
us?
Is it not obvious that it would be for
their
interests much more that we should be a
city of 100,000 instead of 30,000 people.
It
is for the interest of Canada to build up
our
great seaports on the Atlantic so that she
may
have an outlet to the ocean when the St.
Lawrence is closed. Without these great
outlets
of trade of St. John and Halifax, Canada
would be placed in a position of great
difficulty
in time of war with the great power on her
frontier. My hon. friend from Cape Breton
has alluded to my presence at
Charlottetown,
when the delegrates were meeting there, but
I do not imagine that fact had much
influence
over confederation. He told you at the
outset
that you were injuring the best interests
of the
country, by going into confederation ; but
he
went so far as to say at the close that
whenever the people were prepared for union he
was
ready to obey their wishes. Under these
circumstances I do not think we can put him
down as a most determined opponent of confederation. I believe the time will come
when
the people of this country will be ready
to acknowledge the necessity of confederation,
and
adopt it. They will see the great benefits
that
they must derive from breaking down these
vezatious custom houses that now stand on
your frontier, so many obstacles to the
growth
of industry and wealth in these Provinces.
Look at your different currencies. Go to
P. E,
Island and you find your money actually has
increased in value. Go, again, to New
Brunswick and you find it decreased. Thus by
every means in our power we create hostility between these several provinces. Does
any
person pretend to assert for an instant
that this
is a state of things that should be
allowed to
prevail for a single moment more than we
can
help it? That these provinces belonging to
the
same crown, and influenced by the same spirit of loyalty to the British Empire
should perpetuate all the incongruities that now
exist? I
awaited with fear and trembling the
results of
the Quebec Conference ; but, when I
considered them carefully, I have no hesitation in
saying that the best interests of Nova Scotia
were
carefully guarded. I was afraid that our
most
valuable resources—our mines and minerals—
might be yielded up by Confederation, and I
was proud to find that our delegates had
wisely reserved to this country this valuable
source
of revenue. I am convinced that these
resources alone under Confederation would give us
all the means necessary to carry on our
local
affairs. We have only to look at the
results
that have been obtained during the past
four or
five years to gain some idea of what we may
expect in the future from the financial
argument,
I shall not say much, for it is
superfluous to do
so. It is a matter of little consequence
whether
we pay a few cents more a head, provided we
get in return corresponding advantages.
Or, is
it to be supposed that our burthens will
not be
increased more largely than they are now in
the natural order of things, whether we
have
Confederation or not? Suppose we have Confederation, are we all to stand still? I
presume
each of these colonies will continue to
prosper
as they have for the past ten or fifteen
years—
that the revenue of each will
correspondingly
increase. And how will the large revenue at
the disposal of the General Government be
expended? I presume in accordance with the
wants of the whole Confederacy—not with respect to the interests of any particular
colony.
Whenever any great public works are
required
in any part they will be gone on with.
Mr. MCFARLANE: I believe the time will
come, although many of us will not live to
see
it, when that vast region will be the
abode of
millions of human beings. There you have a
territory abounding in most valuable
resources.
and which could afford means of subsistence
to more people than can be found on this
Continent. A good deal has been said about the
Canadas combining for the purpose of
injuring
the Maritime Provinces. Now any one acquainted with public affairs on this
Continent
must know that there must long be
antagonism
between the two sections into which Canada
is
divided. That antagonism proceeds from
something more than mere diversity of interests—it
is one that is the strongest of all, that
of race.
The population of Lower Canada is as loyal
as
any in British America—being decidedly monarchical in its tendency, and well
satisfied
with the advantages it receives from its
connection with the British Empire. That
French
population has to a large extent the same
interests as we have, and we may be sure they
would combine with the Maritime Provinces
in
preference to the Upper Canadians. I feel,
however, that it is unnecessary for me to
go
into the subject of Union at length, for,
as I
said at the outset, it is not actually
before us.
I don't believe the time has arrived for
its full
discussion in this House. Let me say, however, that the friends of Confederation
have
never had a wish to force it upon the
people—
strongly convinced as they are that it is
connected with the best interests of the
country.
Entertaining these views, I feel that it
is my
duty to use all the means in my power to
convince those who are within the scope of my
influence. I believe in all sincerity that
the
time will soon come when the people will be
found fully alive to the beneficial
results that
will accure from this scheme. Let its
friends
be patient, and use all the legitimate
means at
their command to make their views known to
the people. Can any one believe that
this Province should continue to remain
in the isolated condition it has been for
fifty years? That we are now going on
properously no one can doubt. Nova Scotia
is certainly one of the most flourishing
colonies of the British Empire, but
Confederation will not endanger that prosperity. I
believe, indeed, that confederation is
necessary
in order to preserve the enjoyment of that
peace and prosperity we now have. I have no
hesitation in saying that when the war is
over
in the States, I do not apprehend much
danger
to ourselves; I believe that the people
will not
be anxious for hostilities with a power
like
England, and that they will not be willing
to
add to the great burthens they have already
created. But, at the same time, I believe
they
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PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
will
adopt every means in their power to extract all they can from these provinces,—by
hostile tariffs and such means. Therefore
I
feel that it is essential for these
provinces to
make such arrangements as will make them
independent, as far as possible, for the
States,
and give them a market where they will not
be met by hostile restrictions.
Speech of Mr. Locke.
MR. LOCKE said :—As this question appears
to
be entirely used up, I do not rise with
the hope of
throwing any new light upon it, either
financially—politically or otherwise, but having
presented a number of petitions from my
constituents
upon the subject, I feel that it is due to
them,
as well as to myself, that I should offer
a few observations, in explanation of the course I
intend
to take.
It will be in the recollection of the
House, that
at the last sessions, a resolution was
passed, authorizing a conference to be held between
Delegates from this Province, and New
Brunswick,
and Prince Edward Island, on the subject
of a
Union of the Maritime Provinces. In
accordance
with that resolution, the Delegates
proceeded to
Charlottetown, and after deliberating for
a day—
in an incredibly short space of time, they
came to
the conclusion, that a Union of the Lower
Provinces was impracticable, and they
admitted into
the conference a number of gentleman from
Canada, who speedily indoctrinated them with
their
views upon the question of the larger
Union of all
the Provinces. The result was that our
Delegates
returned to Halifax, and immediately
proceeded to
Quebec. Now sir before going any further,
I
should like to ask these gentlemen upon
what
principle they received these Canadian
Delegates
at all. They were only authorized to
confer upon
the subject of a Union of the Lower
Provinces,
and yet by some means or other, they
appear to
have lost sight of that altogether, and to
have
been led entirely by the opinions of the
gentlemen
from Canada.
Now sir, I do not intend to reflect upon
the conduct of the Delegates. I have too much
respect for
the honor and integrity of the public men
of this
Country to impute to them interested
motives,
and I have no doubt that in taking the
course
they did, they acted in a way which they
believed
was for the best interests of the
Province; we must
suppose, taking a charitable view of the
case, they
erred in judgment. I do not question their
constitutional right to proceed to Quebec, and
take part in
the Conference which was there held—because
the
members of a Government possess the power
to deal as they think best, with the
interests of
the country they are called upon to
govern, but
when men possess power it is not always
advisable to exercise it arbitrarily, and
therefore as a
matter of policy, and in view of the
expressed
feeling of this House, I think it would
have been
better for the Government to have obtained
the
sanction of the House, before they entered
upon the
consideration of the larger question of
the Confederation of these North American Provinces.
They
did not however think proper to do so, and
we
must therefore deal with the question as
we find it.
The very first article of the Report of
the Quebec Conference, recites as the groundwork, upon
which a Union should take place, that it is advisable "provided it can be effected
on principles
just to the several provinces. Those concluding
words contain the gist of the whole matter. I
contend that the terms as arranged at the Conference are not "just to the several
provinces"—
more especially as regards Nova Scotia. I hold
that in adopting the principle of representation
by population, they have ignored other important
interests of this Province, which are entitled to
consideration. There are other matters to be
considered besides mere blood and bones. There
is the mining interest which contributes so largely
to our provincial prosperity, there is the shipping
interest, which as has been stated in this debate,
is equal to one eighteenth of that possessed by
the British Empire, and represents a capital of
eight millions of dollars. Is that not an interest
worth protecting and worthy of representation?
Canada has nothing to compare with that. It is
true that she has a large inland trade by means
of her canals, but we cannot participate in the
advantages to be derived from them. Then again
there is a most important branch of industry, the
fisheries, and in connection with that there is one
part of the report which I cannot understand, and
which I should like the hon. Prov. Sec. to explain. I perceive that by a clause of
the constitution, the general government are to have control over the sea coast and
inland fisheries, while
by another clause the same power is given to the
local government. The same thing occurs in reference to Agriculture and Emigration.
Both
Governments according to the terms agreed upon
by the Delegates, are to have control over these
subjects, and yet that can scarcely be possible. I
can only say that if the control of these important matters has been surrendered
to the general
Government, that our Delegates have shown but
little regard for the best interests of the country.
By this principle of representation by
population, a very unfair advantage is given to Canada. Everybody knows that Emigration
to that
country is increasing every year, and as the representation is by this scheme to be
adjusted every
ten years upon the basis of population, it follows
that she will possess an unfair advantage over
the Maritime Provinces, which do not offer the
same inducements to Emigrants that she does. I
believe that at the close of the first period of ten
years, Upper Canada will have increased her
population ten per cent, while our increase will
not amount to more than five. It will be seen
therefore that in this respect, the terms agreed
upon are not just or equitable to the several Provinces, and it appears as if the
Delegates from
this Province had entirely lost sight of what is
manifestly an undue advantage conceded to
Canada.
Then again on turning to the Report of the
Delegates, I find that the general Government, is
to have the control of trade and commerce, the
imposition of excise and custom duties, and the
control of railroads and canals. This latter clause
is of the utmost importance to us. It is well
known that the Canadians are anxious to extend
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PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
their
territory west, and to open up communication with the great country lying in that
direction. And in order to do this, they will make use
of the means placed under their control from this
and the other provinces confederated with them.
For it must be remembered that even if our Revenue doubles under Confederation, it
will be of
no use to us, it will be all swallowed up by
Canada, whose superior voice in the Parliament
will always control the action of the Lower Provinces.
The hon. Prov. Sec. the other night in
urging
his views in favour of this scheme stated, that it
had received the sanction of the Bishops, and the
Clergy of the different denomination. Even so, I
hold that is no argument to control the members
of this House. They can entertain any opinions
they please upon this or any other subject, and however much I may respect them in
matters peculiarly within their province, I do not admit that
in matters of finance and political economy, they
should exercise much influence over the deliberations of the people's representatives.
Again he advanced as an additional
argument,
that all the leading men of the Province had been
in favor of Union. Now it is true that at different times various prominent politicians
have in
their places in Parliament and elsewhere made
grand speeched in favor of Union, but it was
well understood at the time, that nothing was to
come of it, they just wished to make a grand show,
and had no idea of its being followed by any practical results, so that even if grand
speeched have
been made upon the advantages of Union in the
abstract, that has nothing to do with the merits
of the scheme promulgated by the Quebec Delegates.
The hon. Prov. Sec. also stated that the
most respectable portion of the Press are in favor of the
measure. Now sir, I have made a list of those
pro and con—not including the Religious press—
and here they are. In the city we have:
For—Unionist,
Colonist, Reporter, and Express.
Against—Chronicle,
Nova Scotian, Acadian
Recorder, Sun Citizen, and Bull
Frog.
HON. PROV. SECY—No. You must strike off
the last. It has recanted.
Mr. LOCKE—We'll even so. Then in the country we have:
Against—Yarmouth
Herald, Tribune, Free
Press, Liverpool Transcript, Eastern Chronicle,
C. B. News, and Antigonish
Casket, and the
Pictou Standard which may be
in favor. It has
been said that there is no intention on the part of the
Canadian delegates, now going home to use
their influence with the British Cabinet to force
this measure upon the Province. I will read to
the House what Mr. Cartier said in the subject,
when addressing the audience at the Temperance
Hall:—
"They knew that in Nova Scotia there was a
strong feeling in favor of the scheme of Confederation. * * * * * He rejoiced to know
that the heart of Nova Scotia as well the heart of
the Canadas was warm for Confederation. The
friends of the cause had no reason for despondency, it would take but little time to
warm the heart
of New Brunswick, after the people of that
province had understood and weighed the
important
bearings of the question. The Canadian
delegates
were the first to present at the
Conference at
Charlottetown, to the Maritime Provinces,
the
larger view of the greater Confederation ;
and he
did not hesitate to declare that the basis
of union
agreed upon at Quebec was the most just and
equitable Union that under the
circumstances
could be devised—ensuring alike the safety
and
prosperity of all the Confederate
provinces ; and
such success had attended the
deliberations of the
Quebec convention as was unprecedented In
all
human affairs, we must expect checks and
disappointments—it could not always be smooth
water—there must be shortcomings, and New
Brunswick had merely delayed its
consummation—
it must ultimately be carried out. On
hearing
the fate of the measure in New Brunswick,
they
in Canada deemed it advisable to bring to
a conclusion the business of the Legislature,
and send a
delegation to England to press
confederation upon
the Imperial parliament, the defence
question and
in connection therewith the Intercolonial
Railway.
It had become a question of Imperial
policy and
his co-delegates and himself were going to
England to urge the question of defence not
for
Canada alone, but to all the British North
American Provinces. On this question of defence all the Provinces must be united,
and in
order to defend ourselves properly we must
be
united under one government. The treasure
and
resources of the Provinces separately
cannot be
usefully and properly applied for defence,
except united under one government, and
then
all the strength of the Confederates
Provinces can
be brought to bear upon the point when the
attack
takes place. It is beyond doubt that the
Imperial
Government consider the Federation of all
the
Provinces absolutely necessary. The
resources
of one Province alone would be too small
to resist
attack, but when all are united very great
assistance can be given, and when that has
taken
place there can be no difficulty. The
delegates
are going to England to urge the
construction of
the great Intercolonial Railway, as the
construction of that work was absolutely necessary
for the
defence of British North America. * * * * *
This public demonstration was an authentic
and
unmistakeable exhibition of strong
confederate
feeling in the commercial city of the
province of
Nova Scotia, and the people of England
would
come to the conclusion that the citizens
of Halifax are favorable to the cause of
confederation."
Mr. Galt also used this language:—"He could
not refrain from expressing his emotions
on the occasion of so magnificent a reception—not
from
personal considerations alone, but because
it was
the unanimous expression of approval of a
policy
that has an echo in the breast of the
people of
Nova Scotia as well as that of Canada.
Fully
sensible of the check which it has
received in New
Brunswick, he did not believe that it was
permanent,—the great body of the people had not
time
to weigh well the question ; and he could
not
bring his mind to the belief that the New
Bruns
272
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATESwickers were less alive to the necessities of union,
or less desirous of perpetrating connection with
the mother country, than either Nova Scotia or
Canada. It was impossible to shut our eyes to
the events occurring in the neighboring States,
and it is undeniable that unless we are united
under the terms as agreed upon at Quebec,
another union will be formed that will be found
to be of an entirely different character, and under
a different flag than that which we now recognize,
and it becomes a question whether we prefer the
good old flag we are now under to that of the
United States. Firmly united under the bonds
of the proposed Confederation, and backed by the
support, influence and means of Great Britain,
we can fear none; but alone, and undivided, we
may fall victims at any moment. Apart from
the great commercial advantages of the proposed
Confederation, we rank still more highly—that
which we believe is of still greater importance—
that by delaying the Union we may risk and imperil the connection between these Provinces
and
the Mother Country. They have been told that
Nova Scotia was opposed to Confederation, but
this meeting and magnificent demonstration had
given the lie to that assertion, and he hoped the
time would not be remote when he would have
the honor and privilege of addressing them not
only as Nova Scotians, but as a united Confederation of British North America."
I think that after this that there can be very
little doubt in the minds of any body, that these
gentlemen go home with the intention of forcing
upon the British Government the necessity for the
Union, being at once accomplished,— whether
the Lower Provinces are willing or not. I cannot
allow a remark of the hon. Prov. Secy., made the
other day in reference to the people of Yarmouth,
to pass unnoticed. He said they were favorably Â
disposed towards American Institutions, and in
fact insinuated that, with some other counties,
they were disloyal in their sentiments.Â
Mr. LOCKE—I so understood it, and I believe
the hon. gentleman endeavored afterwards to explain. Now, sir, I maintain that there
is not a
more loyal people on the face of the globe than the Â
people of Nova Scotia.
Shelburne was founded by Loyalists - and they could be outdone by none in their devotion
to the British flag. The man who insinuated anything there about their loyalty would
find it a pretty
hard place to stand in- and I believe the very
purity of their loyalty would deter them from
entering into this Scheme, judging from the previous history of Canada.
Now, Mr. Speaker, a word as to the resolution on the table of the House. I will just
read the preamble, and ask in what position would any man be placed who voted for
it? He thereby admits that he is in favor of a Union of all the Provinces - and the
only reason why he does not do so now, is because "it is at present impracticable."
I do not say that the Prov. Secy. in wording
that resolution had any design to entrap gentlemen
into committing themselves upon this question, but I consider it to be the duty of every man
opposed to Confederation to vote against it.
That is the course I intend to take, and I would
say to the Government, as Henry Clay said to John Randolph, "go home to your Constituents,
who sent you here, and see whether they approve of the course you have taken."
It was useless attempting to make the Canadian
Delegates of the British people believe that the question of Confederation was received
with any favor in this country.
It was virtually dead. Like the Church at Â
Ephesus, it had a name to live for, and was yet
dead. Let the resolution, then, remain a dead Â
letter upon the table of the House, and let nothing
more be said about it until the time shall arrive
when the people of this country declare themselves
in favor of a scheme which goes to alter the
Constitution, under which they are now prospering and living contentedly.
Remarks of Mr. Killam.
Mr. KILLAM said—I shall not delay the
house long with my expression of opinion on
the subject under consideration. It has been
given as an argument in favour of Confederation, that leading men in this Legislature
have
been in favour of it, and have spoken often in
respect to it. Now I have been a member of
this house for many years, and have heard.
what remarks have been made, but I am not
aware that any large number of members, or
of the people, thought much about the subject.
The Legislature took no interest in the ques- Â
tion, and the people felt the same way. No
one believed that anything practical would
grow out of the discussion -the whole
thing was a mere pleasant theory in which
some gentlemen liked to indulge when they
had nothing else to talk about.
A great deal of alarm exists all through the
Province on this subject of Confederation. It Â
appeared to be the opinion of every man you
met that no good could come of it, and this
feeling appeared to be the spontaneous feeling
of the people, without any effort having been
made by those who are called political leaders
to excite it. As regards the resolution on the
table, I will say that I can scarcely imagine
how any person could be found within those
walls to favor a Union of the Lower Provinces.
There can be no advantage to us in mixing up
our local interests with those of the  other Â
Maritime Provinces. I have yet to hear any
argument in favour of this smaller Union.
Then where is the necessity for any further
delegation on the subject, if no practical result
is to follow.
There has been a great deal said about the
advantages a union with Canada would confer
upon us, but I think that the eflfect would be
to restrict and hamper our commercial operations. Â Nova Scotia wants the whole world
for Â
a market - she wants free communications with the great producing country, the United
States, which furnishes us with luxuries and necessaries which we have not got. We
want our carrying trade, upon which we so largely depend, to be unrestricted in its
extent. All this is necessary to our prosperity; but adopt this confederation scheme,
and we will hedge ourselves
in as if it were, and shut ourselves out from the markets that are now open to us.
We were in
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PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
fact going to adopt the Japanese policy, who,
for a thousand years, lived within themselves
until civilization compelled them to open up
their markets to the world. That is a policy I
do not think is suited to Nova Scotia; and that
is the reason I am so much against it.
If there is anything worth protecting in
Nova Scotia, surely it is our shipping, and
foreign commerce, and yet we would render
this useless by going into Confederation. The
very name of Nova Scotia is worth keeping—
a country that owns one-eighth of the shipping
of the British Empire is surely worthy of a
name amongst the nations of the world. The
shipping of Nova Scotia is to be found in every
part of the world, and their sails whiten the
seas in every portion of the globe. That important interest represents in value no
less
than eight millions of dollars, and yet we are
called to adopt a policy detrimental to so valuable a branch of our provincial prosperity.
The
only true policy for a commercial country, is
free and unrestricted trade. That is the policy
of Great Britain. The more trade is unfettered, the more it will expand; and yet we
are
about to adopt a restrictive policy, and to shut
ourselves out from the markets of the world.
Canada, from her inland position, can never
become a large manufacturing country—and
she is a great agricultural country—she can
supply us with all the whiskey we want, but
we can do without that; and if we want it, the
best way is to get it at the cheapest rate. She
can supply us with most of the eatables we
want, and some of the wearing apparel, and
can give employment to our labor; but the
best way, in a new country, is to employ it
within our own Province. There is no doubt
that the lumber trade of Canada gives employment to our shipping, but they get no
better
price for it than anywhere else. They can go
anywhere and get good prices; and as I said
before, the carrying trade of Nova Scotia
extends over the world. I cannot see why
Novascotians are not satisfied with the progress
they are making- our manufacturing interest
is advancing as rapidly as can be expected in
a new country withouth any protection at all.
Our public works—if the government manage
them prudently and carefully, and do not enter upon them too rashly - will contribute
to
the general prosperity. In fact, every branch
of industry is in a sound condition. Then
why alter this state of things, and ruh blindly
into a union with Canada? The hon. Prov.
Secretary, in his speech, complained of an
article in theMorning Chronicle on the subject
of the defence of this country. I cannot say
that the scheme there propounded met my
views, and I am not desirous that any English
acts of parliament should be passed to interfere with our rights and liberties. What
did
the delegates propose to do? If their wishes
had been carried out, they intended to go to
England to tie up the people of these North
American colonies, by an English act of parliament, for all time to come, and to compel
them to submit to the scheme.
Mr. KILLAM- It is very strange if I am mistaken. Was it not proposed that the leading men should
go to England?
Hon. PROV. SEC.- It was proposed that the scheme propounded by the delegates should be first submitted
to the local legislatures
and an address be passed asking the British
parliament to confirm the action that had
been taken.
Mr. KILLAM—If it is not one of the articles
of agreement it was generally understood that
such was to be the case. It has been urged
that the great Intercolonial Railway is going
to make us a great country, that Halifax is go—
ing to be the entrepĂ´t of the whole continent.
Now, sir, when I saw the grass growing on the
Grand Trunk of Canada, and reflected that for
six months of the year there is no business
doing upon it, I confess that I was not very
sanguine as to the necessityof this work as a
commercial undertaking. Nor would it be of
any advantage in time of war—running as it
would within ten or twelve miles of the United
States territory, it would be easy for them to
destroy it, and they might take Upper Canada
before we could hear of it except by way of the
United States. It was useless then to talk
about that being of any advantage to us either
commercially or politically. If Canada wants
it, let her have it—in the meantime let us go on
'with our own public works. If the government
can show a feasible plan to connect with the
New Brunswick border, and the state of finan—
ces will admit of it, I shall not oppose it; although I should prefer that the Pictou
road
should be built first, as I think that will sufficiently tax our energies and resources
for
some time to come.
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