Epigrams (1616)

Edited by Colin Burrow

Introduction

The first known edition of the Epigrams appeared in the folio of Jonson’s Works in 1616. Most of the material in the collection had never been printed before, although a few of the poems it contains had previously appeared as dedicatory pieces (e.g. 110, 111, 130, 131, 132). Something similar to the collection which has come down to us may well have been ready for publication by 1612, and an edition, now lost, may have appeared in that year. In May 1612 the printer John Stepneth entered in the Stationers’ Register ‘A booke called, ben johnson his Epigrams’ (Arber, 3.485). Although such entries were sometimes made to block other printers from publishing a work, in this case Stepneth probably intended to print the volume, and may have done so: a poem by an unidentified ‘R. C.’ (Literary Record, Electronic Edition) refers to the Epigrams volume as a ‘pamphlet’ (a description which could only be a deliberate insult if it referred to the lavish folio volume), and Drummond of Hawthornden lists Jonson’s epigrams among the ‘bookes red be me anno 1612’ (Laing, 1857, 75). Drummond may have been referring to a manuscript version, although no complete or even extensive collections of the Epigrams survive in manuscript. Stepneth died later in 1612, and this event may have prevented publication of the proposed volume. If an edition of the Epigrams did appear c. 1612, however, it may not have included the final poem ‘On the Famous Voyage’, which was probably composed after 1612 (although this dating depends on an identification of its central characters that is not beyond dispute; see headnote, page 190 below). Fleay (1891, 1.319) claimed that ‘There is no date in [the Epigrams] that can be definitely assigned later than 1611’; but it may still be the case that poems which cannot definitely be dated were in fact composed or revised after that date: the most plausible date for Epigr. 67 is 1614, two years after Stepneth’s putative edition. If there was an edition in 1612, it is very likely that Jonson modified and augmented it for the edition of 1616.

Whatever the date of its first printing, two things are certain about the Epigrams: it is a carefully arranged collection (Riddell, 1987), and it is a retrospective volume containing poems which are the ‘ripest of my studies’ (as Jonson terms them in his dedication) not only in the sense of being his ‘most developed and achieved works’, but in the sense of being ‘ready for harvest’. Indeed some of the poems in the collection were in danger of going mouldy: several allude to events from the previous decade, and others derive from the very early years of the seventeenth century: ‘To True Soldiers’ (Epigr. 108) derives from Poetaster (1601). The time lag between date of composition and date of publication could have made the poems feel musty, but often the belatedness of the few allusions to topical events in the poems adds to their satirical effect: a reader who in 1616 met the politiques in ‘The New Cry’ (Epigr. 92) who ‘of the Powder Plot . . . will talk yet’ would feel a delicious sense of superiority to Jonson’s victims: they are stuck in the world of 1605, a whole decade and more before the publication of Jonson’s folio. The delay between composition and publication of the poems in the volume may owe something to the fact that in June 1599 John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Richard Bancroft, Bishop of London, had sought to assert control over the presses, and had ordered ‘that no satires or elegies be printed hereafter’ (Arber, 3.677–8). Sir John Davies’s Epigrams, which were printed with Marlowe’s translations of Ovid’s Elegies, were among the volumes called in and burnt. This event may well explain why Jonson’s volume, when it eventually appeared, includes such a fulsome dedication to the Earl of Pembroke, one of whose tasks as Lord Chamberlain (an office to which he had been appointed in December 1615) was to oversee the censorship of theatres. By presenting his epigrams as a ‘chaste book’ (Epigr. 49.6) Jonson might have hoped to avoid any objections to the publication of the volume – although in seeking to make Martial chaste Jonson was not alone: Timothy Kendall, the first person to translate significant numbers of Martial’s epigrams into English, recorded that ‘I have left the lewd, I have chosen the chaste: I have weeded away all wanton and worthless words’ (Kendall, Flowers of Epigrams (1577), sig. a5).

The first few epigrams in Jonson’s volume signal an unmistakable debt to Martial, who composed fourteen books of epigrams in the reigns of Domitian and Nerva. Martial was fashionable in Jonson’s circle. He was also one of the authors recommended for study, no doubt in bowdlerized version, in the higher forms of Westminster school (Leach, 1911, 515). Jonson’s friend Thomas Farnaby was at work on his edition of Martial’s poems at exactly the same time as Jonson was completing his volume, and may well have encouraged and even aided the poet in his labours. But Jonson in 1612–16 needed Martial for a number of reasons. From Poetaster (1601) onwards he adopted as his own the self-defensive principles of Martial’s satire, which insists that it is attacking types of persons rather than individuals. In about 1612 Jonson probably also had an acute need for a model that would enable him to arrange his rather miscellaneous poetic output into a form that would make it have collective weight and potentially canonical status. His verse by that date consisted chiefly of a number of panegyrics, epitaphs, and dedicatory poems, combined with some powerful satirical attacks on urban types of humanity. Jonson turned to Martial (whose epigrams included epitaphs, panegyrics, and invitation poems) and Statius (whose Silvae consisted of epithalamia and panegyrics, and served as a structural model for Jonson’s Forest) in this period in order to give his oeuvre shape, and to construct from varied material an ordered book of verse (see R. C. Newton, 1982).

He aimed in this collection at roughly the scale of one of Martial’s volumes, most of which contain about a hundred poems, and entitled his collection Epigrams: I Booke as though to mark his intention of producing further books. He never did so. The closest thing to a second volume of epigrams is the collection of miscellaneous and chiefly panegyric pieces, which John Benson printed under the heading ‘Epigrams’ in 1640 — although it is extremely unlikely that Jonson had anything to do with the title of that volume. Jonson keenly emphasizes the Latinity of his ‘first book’ of Epigrams in order to insist also on its originality within the English epigram tradition. His attack on his ‘Mere English Censurer’ (Epigr. 18), as well as his disparaging comments on Sir John Davies, John Weever, and Sir John Harington in Informations, all seek to mark off his own pure, classical terrain from that of his major predecessors in the epigram tradition. In conversation with Drummond he dismissed the Latin epigrams of John Owen as ‘bare narrations’ (Informations, 167–8), and said of Sir John Davies that ‘a great many epigrams were ill because they expressed in the end what should have been understood by what was said’ (Informations, 296–7). Part of the tradition of the English epigram as Jonson inherited it, however, was the disparagement of earlier vernacular practitioners of the art: Sir John Davies had written an epigram to Heywood, in which he had said ‘Heywood which in Epigrams did excel, / Is now put down since my light muse arose.’ Jonson follows Davies in noisily proclaiming his own novelty. Critics (notably E. B. Partridge, 1973) have sometimes been too ready to accept Jonson’s description of the volume on its own terms: frequently he is praised for having been the first Englishman to produce a carefully arranged collection of Martialian verse, which moves from attacks on nameless generic individuals to panegyrics on named members of the nobility. In fact other English writers had already followed Martial in producing volumes of epigrams of about a hundred pieces which addressed both the named and the nameless, although they had not arranged them quite as carefully as Jonson was to do. The most diligent in this respect is Thomas Freeman, whose first book of Rub and a Great Cast. Epigrams (1614), consists of exactly a century of epigrams. Panegyrics to named individuals are also not unknown in epigram books: Freeman praises Foulk Knottesford and his father, Samuel Daniel, and Donne, Chapman, and Shakespeare. Weever also intersperses his epigrams with epitaphs and occasional panegyrics.

It is true, though, that Jonson’s book is not like its predecessors in several respects: the compression of his syntax, and the way his poems reverberate in the mind after their endings because of their compression, are elements which Jonson brought to the English epigram. His voice is sharper than that of any of his predecessors: he can set a variety of lengths of clause against varied positions of caesura in order to create poems which speak with a variety of tonalities, from the dogged internal parallelism of the comically imperfect marriage of Giles and Joan (Epigr. 42) to the comically relentless mantra of Lieutenant’s Shift’s ‘God pays’ (Epigr. 12). By comparison with Jonson, Sir John Harington (whose epigrams circulated widely in manuscript, and were printed in 1615, 1618, and 1625) can seem simply to jog along, filling lines with metre rather than charging them with colloquial energy. Jonson is also not afraid to attempt to attack and outdo his English rivals on their own turf: Sir John Davies had translated Martial 9.35, a poem on a braggart soldier, and had added to it topical allusions which transplanted the poem from Rome to England, in about 1594 (Davies, Poems, ed. Krueger and Nemser (1975), Epigram 40). Jonson attempts a much freer version of the same poem in Epigr. 107, which transforms the gossip of Captain Hungry into frenzied Eurobabble: ‘Keep your names / Of Hanau, Scheiterhuysen, Popenheim, / Hans-spiegle, Rotenberg, and Boutersheim’. With ‘Butterburg’ and ‘Shithouse’ Jonson’s transplantation of Martial has generated a range of places that are purely and marvellously fantastical.

Critics have frequently and rightly stressed the weight of the word ‘name’ in Jonson, and frequently and correctly too have dwelt on Jonson’s penchant for the solid, the centred, and the gathered self (notably Greene, 1970); but the epigram volume also gives us that other great Jonsonian signature: the bubble of fantasy that begins by appearing stable and centred, but which then peels away from all things real to become its own location. Hungry’s ‘names’ of Schieterhuissen and Boutersheim are names and no more, and Jonson relishes their multiplication. In Epigr. 101, the greatest set-piece imitation of Martial in the collection, Jonson’s offer of a solid and digestible meal to his unnamed friend grows gradually from its humble origins in Martial into a fantasy feast worthy of Sir Epicure Mammon: ‘I’ll tell you of more, and lie, so you will come: / Of partridge, pheasant, woodcock, of which some / May yet be there, and godwit, if we can.’ That poem ends with an anxious insistence that there will be no spies at the feast, who might carry the words exchanged between the friends at the dinner off to hostile interpreters. If Jonson’s Epigrams show the value of the ‘centred self’, and if they value people most highly if their noble names reflect their true nature, they also recognise that words can become delightfully and also dangerously their own world. Jonson’s early engagement with Martial may well have been determined partly by a need to develop a self-defensive hermeneutics which would justify and defend general satire; his later imitations of Martial continue to register a fear that words can be misread and aggressively misinterpreted. His imitations of Martialian epigram frequently generate worlds which are anything but centred, and which are dangerously not quite within their author’s control (see Loewenstein, 1986).

As E. B. Partridge (1973) showed many years ago now, Jonson’s collection carefully counterpoints epigrams of praise to named individuals against poems to nameless creatures, who represent types of vices, or whose very physical being is compromised by their immersion in grubby doings. So the unnamed victim of ‘On Something that Walks Somewhere’ (Epigr. 11) becomes an ‘it’, whose identity is lost in clothes and affected manners. ‘On Groin’ creates a character with no more than a generic name who sells his land for his mistress, and who ‘doth still occupy his land’ (Epigr. 117.2, masking in a modish pun on ‘occupy’ the explicitness of Martial 12.16: pedicas, Labiene, tres agellos, ‘you bugger three fields, Labienus’). A centred life, a centred self, a form of renown that is based on the substantive actions of the addressees of the poems rather than on their titles, reputation, or rank: these things the Epigrams repeatedly praise. And yet to see the Epigrams collection as an orderly sequence designed to present these values as simple goods is misleading. Sir Thomas Roe is indeed urged in Epigr. 98 to foster his ‘gathered self’, and William Roe in Epigr. 128 is instructed to digest his experiences abroad into his own substance; but the collection itself had an extended and disparate genesis, and contains poems that delight in the decentred and the grotesque.

In this respect one of the most significant facts about the volume is that it does not contain the poem that most completely expresses its ethics and implied poetics. Jonson’s poem to John Selden, which became Und. 14 and was first printed in 1614 as part of the preliminary matter to Titles of Honour, states the principles underlying his praise of named individuals in the Epigrams more clearly than any poem that actually appears in the collection printed in 1616: it explains that hyperbolic praise might be aimed at making the recipient of such praise become deserving of it, and it also praises Selden for having gathered his virtue into himself. The poem would have fitted so well into the structure and the concerns of the Epigrams that its absence from it might well be taken as additional evidence that the collection was more or less in final form before 1614: the Selden poem may well have been composed after, and to codify, the principles on which Jonson had sought to make a miscellany of his earlier verse into a carefully structured and morally weighted volume. There are in the case of most other poems which Jonson did not collect in the 1616 folio clear reasons for his not wishing to reprint them: his dedicatory poem to Ralegh’s History of the World (1614), which became Und. 24, was an embarrassment given Ralegh’s imprisonment; Und. 30 (to Cecil) was too much of an occasional piece to fit comfortably into this collection; and Und. 49 perhaps was too readily identifiable as an attack on Cecilia Bulstrode to be publishable at this date. Early experiments with elegy and ode would also not sit comfortably among the Epigrams. The poem to Selden, is, however, probably a crystallization of the ideas and concerns which had grown as Jonson prepared the volume of Epigrams for the press.

Jonson found room instead for the concluding poem in the sequence, ‘On the Famous Voyage’, a cloacal fantasy in which a classical epic voyage fuses with the contemporary fashion for epigrams that tell stories. It is not clear in this poem whether Jonson is satirizing the more diffuse, narrative style of contemporary epigrammatists such as Sir John Harington, or is exploiting their idiom. Either way he certainly here displays his own fascination with the bits and pieces of effluvia which flow through the centre of London. The poem’s blend of the classical and the topical, of the slightly rotten and the very rotten, is not out of keeping with the rest of the collection, in which classical allusions repeatedly feed fantasies on topical themes; indeed the poem provides the indigestible answer to the prospect of civil nutritious feeding in ‘Inviting a Friend to Supper’ (Epigr. 101). The Epigrams volume is a carefully ordered sequence, which shows Jonson’s mastery as a poet of the book; it is also a miscellany which is pulled frequently off course by its fascination with the divergent and stubbornly ungatherable elements of contemporary urban life.

The likelihood is that each poem in the collection had a distinct compositional history, which is now largely irrecoverable. Extant manuscripts of individual epigrams survive in miscellanies, many of which date from after Jonson’s death. Epigr. 124, on the death of the mysterious Elizabeth, L. H., is often found, sometimes adapted, among manuscript collections of funerary verse. Epigr. 42, on Giles and Joan, was also a favourite among seventeenth-century compilers of poetical miscellanies. This suggests that Jonson’s poems to ‘nameless’ and unidentifiable addressees were more popular than his poems to named individuals. There is no evidence that Jonson circulated groups of epigrams, or anything approaching a sequence of poems, in manuscript prior to publication. Autograph versions of his poems to Robert Cecil (Epigr. 43 and 63) and to Horace Vere (Epigr. 91) survive on single sheets. Clearly at this stage of his career Jonson presented manuscript copies of poems to influential patrons; it may well also be the case that in the period up to 1616 he kept tight control over the manuscript circulation of poems that did not have a particular addressee. He certainly revised poems for inclusion in the volume. The poems to Cecil were lightly but carefully revised for print, and probably other poems were also worked over carefully in the years before their publication. Manuscript versions of Epigr. 101 (‘Inviting a Friend to Supper’) and of Epigr. 120 (‘Epitaph on Solomon Pavy’) preserve what are indisputably early versions, despite the fact that these are not in Jonson’s own hand. A comparison between these manuscript versions (details of which are given in the collation) and the text printed in 1616 shows the kinds of careful revision that Jonson probably undertook for most poems in the volume.

The printed edition includes only a selective collation of manuscript versions, which highlights probable authorial revisions. A full collation of extant manuscript versions can be found in the electronic edition.

 

 Epigrams: The First Book

TO THE GREAT EXAMPLE OF HONOUR AND VIRTUE
THE MOST NOBLE  WILLIAM, EARL OF PEMBROKE,
   LORD CHAMBERLAIN,  etc.

My Lord,

While you cannot change your merit, I dare not change your title;  it was

that made it, and not I. Under which name I here offer to Your  Lordship the

 ripest of my studies, my Epigrams; which, though they carry  danger in the sound,

do not therefore seek your shelter. For when I made them I had nothing in my 5

conscience to expressing of which I did need a cipher. But if I be fallen into those

times wherein, for the likeness of vice and  facts, everyone thinks  another’s ill

deeds objected to him, and that in their ignorant and guilty mouths the common

voice is (for their security) ‘Beware the poet’, confessing therein so much love

to their diseases, as they would rather  make a party for them than be either rid 10

or told of them, I must expect, at Your  Lordship’s hand, the protection of truth

and liberty, while you are constant to your own goodness. In thanks whereof, I

return you the honour of leading forth so many  good and great names as my verses

mention on the better part, to their remembrance with posterity. Amongst whom

if I have praised, unfortunately, anyone that  doth not deserve, or if all answer not 15

in all  numbers the pictures I have made of them, I hope it will be forgiven me,

that they are no ill pieces, though they be not like the persons. But I foresee a

nearer fate to my book than this: that the vices therein will be  owned before the

virtues (though there I have avoided all particulars, as I have done names) and

that some will be so ready to discredit me, as they will have the impudence to belie 20

themselves. For, if I meant them not, it is so. Nor can I hope otherwise. For why

should they  remit anything of their riot, their pride, their self-love, and other

 inherent graces, to consider truth or virtue? But, with the  trade of the world,  lend

their long ears against men they love not, and hold their dear  mountebank or

jester in far better condition than all the study or  studiers of humanity? For such 25

I would rather know them by their  vizards, still, than they should publish their

faces at their peril in my theatre, where  Cato, if he lived, might enter without

scandal.

Your  Lordship’s most faithful honourer,

Ben Jonson. 30

Epigrams

 1

To the Reader

Pray thee take care, that tak’st my book in hand,

To read it well: that is,  to understand.

2

To My Book

It will be looked for, book, when some but see

Thy title,  ‘Epigrams’, and  named of me,

Thou shouldst be bold, licentious, full of  gall,

Wormwood, and sulphur; sharp, and toothed withal;

Become a  petulant thing, hurl ink and wit 5

As madmen stones, not caring whom they hit.

 Deceive their malice who could wish it so.

And by thy wiser temper let men know

Thou art not covetous of least self-fame

Made from the hazard of  another’s shame, 10

Much less with lewd,  profane, and beastly phrase,

To catch  the world’s  loose laughter or vain gaze.

 He that  departs with his own honesty

For vulgar praise doth it too dearly buy.

3

  To My Bookseller

Thou that mak’st gain thy end, and wisely well

Call’st a book good or bad as it doth sell,

Use mine so too: I give thee leave. But crave

For the luck’s sake it thus much favour have:

To lie upon thy stall till it be sought; 5

Not offered as it  made suit to be bought;

Nor have my title-leaf  on posts or walls,

 Or in cleft sticks, advancèd to make calls

For  termers, or some clerk-like serving man,

 Who scarce can spell th’hard names; whose knight less can. 10

If, without these vile arts it will not sell,

Send it to  Bucklersbury: there ’twill, well.

4

  To King James

How, best of kings, dost thou a sceptre bear!

How, best of poets, dost thou laurel wear!

But  two things rare the Fates had in their store,

And gave thee both, to show they could no more.

For such a poet,  while thy days were green, 5

Thou wert, as chief of them are said t’have been.

And such a prince thou art, we daily see,

 As chief of those still promise they will be.

Whom should my muse then fly to, but the best

Of kings for grace, of poets for my  test? 10

5

  On the Union

 When was there contract  better driven by Fate?

 Or  celebrated with more  truth of state?

The world  the temple  was,  the priest  a king,

The  spousèd pair two  realms,    the sea the ring.

6

To Alchemists

If all you boast of your great art be true,

 Sure, willing poverty lives most in you.

7

On the New Hot-House

Where lately harboured many a famous whore,

A  purging bill, now fixed upon the door,

Tells you it is a  hot-house: so it ma’

And still be a whore-house.    They’re synonyma.

8

On a Robbery

 Ridway robbed Duncote of three hundred pound;

Ridway was ta’en, arraigned, condemned to die;

 But for this money was a courtier found,

 Begged Ridway’s pardon: Duncote now doth cry,

Robbed both of money and the law’s relief, 5

The courtier is become the greater thief.

9

  To All to Whom I Write

May none whose scattered names honour my book

For strict degrees of rank or title look;

’Tis ’gainst the manners of an epigram:

And I, a poet here,  no herald am.

10

To My Lord Ignorant

Thou call’st me  ‘poet’ as a term of shame,

 But I have my revenge made in thy name.

11

  On   Something that Walks Somewhere

 At court I met it, in clothes  brave enough

To be a courtier, and looks grave enough

To seem  a statesman.  As I near it came

It  made  me a great face; I asked  the name.

‘A  Lord’, it cried, ‘    Buried in flesh and blood, 5

And  such from whom let no man hope least good,

For I will do none; and as little ill,

For I will dare none.’  Good lord, walk dead still.

12

On Lieutenant   Shift

Shift, here in town not meanest among  squires

That haunt  Pict-Hatch, Marsh-Lambeth and Whitefriars,

Keeps himself with  half a man, and defrays

The charge of that state with this charm:  ‘God pays’.

By that one spell he lives, eats, drinks, arrays 5

Himself: his whole  revenue is ‘God pays’.

The  quarter-day is come; the hostess says

She must have money: he returns ‘God pays’.

The tailor brings a suit home, and he it  ’ssays,

Looks o’er the bill, likes it, and says ‘God pays’. 10

He steals to  ordinaries; there he plays

At dice his borrowed money: which God pays.

Then takes up fresh  commodity for days;

Signs to new  bond; forfeits, and cries ‘God pays’.

That lost, he keeps his chamber, reads  Essays, 15

Takes  physic, tears the  papers; still God pays.

 Or else by water goes, and so to plays,

Calls for his  stool, adorns the stage: God pays.

To every cause he meets, this voice he brays:

His only answer is to all ‘God pays’.20

Not his poor  cockatrice but he betrays

Thus; and for his lechery  scores ‘God pays’.

But see! th’old bawd hath served him  in his trim,

Lent him a  pocky whore. She hath paid him.

13

To Doctor Empiric

 When men a dangerous disease did ’scape

Of old, they gave a cock to Aesculape;

Let me give two: that doubly am got free

 From my disease’s danger, and from thee.

14

To William   Camden

Camden, most reverend head, to whom I owe

All that I am in arts, all that I  know

(How nothing’s that?) to whom my country owes

The great  renown and name wherewith she goes:

 Than thee the age sees not that thing more grave, 5

More high, more holy, that she more would crave.

 What name, what skill, what faith hast thou in  things!

What sight in searching the most antique springs!

What weight, and what authority in thy speech!

Man scarce can make that doubt, but thou canst teach. 10

 Pardon free truth, and let thy modesty,

Which conquers all, be once  o’ercome by thee.

Many  of thine  this better could than I,

But  for their powers accept my  piety.

15

On Court-Worm

 All men are worms; but this no man. In silk

’Twas brought to court first wrapped, and white as milk,

Where, afterwards, it grew a  butterfly,

Which was a  caterpillar.  So ’twill die.

16

To   Brain-Hardy

Hardy, thy brain is valiant, ’tis confessed;

Thou more, that with it every day dar’st jest

Thyself into fresh brawls: when  called upon,

Scarce thy week’s swearing  brings thee  off of one.

So in short time th’art in arrearage grown 5

Some hundred quarrels, yet dost thou fight none;

Nor need’st thou; for those few, by oath released,

Make good what thou dar’st do in all the rest.

Keep thyself there, and think thy valour right:

 He that dares damn himself, dares more than fight. 10

17

  To the Learned Critic

May others fear, fly, and traduce thy name,

As guilty men do  magistrates; glad I,

That wish my poems a  legitimate fame,

 Charge them, for crown, to thy sole censure    hie.

And but a sprig of bays given by thee 5

Shall outlive garlands stol’n from the  chaste tree.

18

To My   Mere English Censurer

To thee my way in epigrams seems new,

When both it is the old way and the true.

Thou say’st that cannot be, for thou hast seen

 Davies and Weever, and the best have been,

And mine come nothing like. I hope so. Yet, 5

As theirs did with thee, mine might credit get,

If thou’ldst but use thy faith as thou didst then

When thou wert wont t’  admire not censure men.

Prithee believe still and not judge so fast:

Thy faith is all the knowledge that thou hast. 10

19

On Sir Cod the Perfumed

That  Cod can get no widow,  yet a knight,

I  scent the cause: he woos with an  ill sprite.

20

  To the Same Sir Cod

Th’expense in odours is a most vain sin,

Except thou couldst, Sir Cod, wear them within.

21

On Reformed Gamester

Lord, how is Gamester changed! His hair  close-cut!

His neck fenced round with ruff! His eyes half-shut!

His clothes  two fashions  off and poor! His sword

 Forbid his side! And nothing but  the  Word

Quick in his lips! Who hath this wonder wrought? 5

 The late ta’en bastinado. So I thought:

What several ways men to their calling have!

The body’s  stripes, I see, the soul may save.

22

  On My First Daughter

Here lies, to each her parents’ ruth,

Mary, the daughter of their youth:

 Yet, all heaven’s gifts being heaven’s due,

It makes the  father, less, to rue.

At six  months’ end she parted hence 5

 With safety of her innocence;

 Whose soul heaven’s Queen (whose name she bears)

In comfort of  her mother’s tears,

Hath placed amongst her virgin train:

 Where, while that severed doth remain, 10

This grave  partakes the fleshly birth.

 Which cover lightly, gentle earth.

23

  To John   Donne

Donne, the delight of  Phoebus and each muse,

 Who, to thy one, all other brains refuse;

Whose every work of thy most  early wit

Came forth  example, and remains so yet:

 Longer a-knowing than most  wits do live, 5

And which no affection praise enough can give!

 To it, thy language, letters, arts, best life,

Which might with half mankind  maintain a strife.

All which I meant to praise, and yet I would,

But  leave because I cannot as I should! 10

24

  To the Parliament

There’s reason good that you  good laws should make:

Men’s manners  ne’er were viler  for your sake.

25

On Sir Voluptuous Beast

While Beast instructs his fair and innocent wife

In the past pleasures of his sensual life,

Telling the motions of each  petticoat,

And how his  Ganymede moved, and how his  goat,

 And now her (hourly) her own cuckquean makes 5

In varied shapes, which for his lust she takes:

What doth he else but say ‘Leave to be chaste,

Just wife, and,  to change me, make  woman’s haste.’

26

On the Same Beast

Than his chaste wife, though Beast now  know no more,

   He adulters still: his thoughts lie with a whore.

27

  On   Sir John Roe

In place of  scutcheons that should deck thy hearse,

Take better ornaments: my  tears and verse.

If any sword could save from Fate’s, Roe’s could;

If any muse outlive their spite, his can;

If any  friend’s tears could  restore, his would; 5

 If any pious life e’er lifted man

To heaven, his hath. Oh happy state! Wherein

We, sad for him, may glory and not sin.

28

On Don Surly

 Don  Surly, to aspire the glorious name

Of a great man, and to be thought the same,

Makes serious use of all  great trade he knows.

He speaks to men with a  rhinocerote’s nose,

Which he thinks great, and so reads verses too: 5

And that is done as he saw great men do.

H’ has  tympanies of business in his face

And can forget men’s names with a great grace.

He will both argue and discourse in oaths,

Both which are great. And laugh at ill-made clothes 10

(That’s greater yet) to cry his own up  neat.

He doth at meals alone his pheasant eat,

Which is main greatness. And at his  still board

He drinks to no man: that’s, too, like a lord.

He keeps another’s wife, which is a  spice 15

Of solemn greatness. And he dares, at dice,

Blaspheme God greatly. Or some poor  hind beat

That breathes in his dog’s way: and this is great.

Nay more, for greatness’ sake he will be one

May hear my Epigrams, but like of none. 20

Surly, use other arts; these only can

Style thee a most great fool, but no great man.

29

To Sir   Annual Tilter

Tilter, the most  may  ’dmire thee, though not I;

And thou, right guiltless, mayst plead to it ‘Why?’

For thy late sharp device. I say ’tis fit

All brains at times of triumph should run wit.

 For then our water conduits do run wine; 5

‘But that’s put in’, thou’lt say. Why, so is thine.

30

To Person Guilty

Guilty, be wise; and though thou know’st the crimes

Be thine I tax, yet do not  own my rhymes:

’Twere madness in thee to betray thy fame

And person to the world,  ere I thy name.

31

On   Bank the Usurer

Bank feels no lameness of his knotty  gout;

His moneys    travel for him in and out:

And though the soundest legs go every day,

He toils to be at  hell as soon as they.

32

On Sir John   Roe

What  two brave perils of the private sword

Could not effect, not all the furies do

That  self-divided Belgia did afford;

 What not the envy of the seas reached to,

The cold of Moscow, and fat Irish air, 5

 His often change of clime (though not of mind)

What could not work; at home in his  repair

Was his blest fate, but our hard lot to find.

Which shows wherever death doth please t’appear,

Seas,  serenes, swords, shot, sickness, all are there. 10

33

To the Same

 I’ll not offend thee with a vain tear more,

Glad-mentioned Roe: thou art but  gone before,

Whither the world must follow. And I, now,

Breathe to expect my when and  make my how.

Which if most gracious heaven grant like thine, 5

Who wets my grave  can be no friend of mine.

34

Of Death

He that fears death, or mourns it in the  just,

Shows of the resurrection little trust.

35

  To King James

Who would not be thy subject, James, t’obey

A prince that rules    by example more than sway?

Whose manners draw more than thy powers constrain;

And in this short time of thy  happiest reign

Hast purged  thy realms, as we have now no cause 5

 Left us of fear, but first our crimes, then laws.

Like aids ’gainst treasons who hath found before?

 And than in them, how could we know God more?

First thou  preservèd wert, our king to be,

 And since, the whole land was preserved for thee. 10

36

  To the Ghost of Martial

 Martial, thou  gav’st far nobler epigrams

To thy  Domitian than I can my James;

But  in my royal subject I pass thee:

Thou  flattered’st thine,  mine cannot flattered be.

37

On     Cheverel the Lawyer

No cause nor client fat will Chev’rel  leese,

But as they come, on both sides he takes fees,

And pleaseth both. For while he  melts his grease

For this,  that wins for whom he holds his peace.

38

To Person Guilty

Guilty, because I bade you  late be wise,

And to conceal your ulcers did advise,

You laugh when you are  touched, and long before

Any man else you clap your hands and roar,

And cry ‘Good! Good!’ This quite perverts my sense, 5

And lies so far from wit, ’tis impudence.

Believe it, Guilty, if you lose your shame

I’ll lose my modesty, and  tell your name.

39

On Old   Colt

For all night sins with others’ wives, unknown,

Colt now doth daily penance in his own.

40

On   Margaret Radcliffe

M arble, weep, for thou dost cover

A dead beauty underneath thee,

R ich as nature could bequeath thee:

G rant then, no rude hand remove her.

A ll the gazers on the skies 5

R ead not in fair heaven’s story

 E xpresser truth, or truer glory

T han they might in her bright eyes.

R are as wonder was her wit,

A nd like nectar ever flowing; 10

T ill time, strong by her bestowing,

C onquered hath both life and it;

L ife, whose grief was out of fashion

I n these times. Few so have rued

F ate in a brother. To conclude, 15

F or wit,  feature, and true passion,

E arth, thou hast not such another.

41

On   Gypsy

Gypsy, new bawd, is turned physician,

And gets more gold than all the  College can:

Such her  quaint practice is, so it allures,

 For what she gave, a whore, a bawd she cures.

42

  On Giles and Joan

Who says that Giles and Joan at discord be?

Th’ observing neighbours no such mood can see.

Indeed, poor Giles repents he married ever;

But that his Joan doth too. And Giles would never,

By his free will, be in Joan’s company. 5

No more would Joan he should. Giles riseth early,

And having got him out of doors is glad.

The like is Joan. But, turning home, is sad.

And so is Joan. Oft-times, when Giles doth find

Harsh sights at home, Giles wisheth he were blind. 10

All this doth Joan. Or that his   long-yarned life

Were quite out-spun. The like wish hath his wife.

The children that he keeps Giles swears are none

Of his begetting. And so swears his Joan.

In all affections she concurreth still. 15

If now with man and wife  to will and nill

The self-same things a note of concord be,

I know no couple better can agree!

43

    To   Robert, Earl of Salisbury

What need hast thou of me, or of my muse,

Whose actions so themselves do celebrate?

 Which, should thy country’s love to speak refuse,

Her foes enough would fame thee in their hate.

  ’Tofore, great men were glad of poets; now, 5

I, not the worst, am covetous  of thee.

Yet dare not to my thought  least hope allow

Of adding to thy  fame; thine may to me,

When in my   book men read but  Cecil’s name,

And what I write thereof find far and free 10

 From servile flattery (common poets’ shame)

As thou stand’st clear of the necessity.

44

On   Chuff, Banks the Usurer’s Kinsman

Chuff, lately rich in name, in  chattels, goods,

And  rich in issue to inherit all,

Ere  blacks were bought for his own funeral

 Saw all his race approach the blacker floods.

 He meant they thither should  make swift repair 5

When he made him executor, might be heir.

45

  On My First Son

Farewell, thou child of my  right hand, and joy;

My sin was too much  hope of thee, loved boy.

Seven years  thou wert  lent to me, and I thee pay,

Exacted by thy fate, on the  just day.

Oh, could I   lose all father now! For why 5

Will man lament the state he should envy?

To have so soon ’scaped world’s and flesh’s  rage,

And, if no other misery, yet age?

 Rest in soft peace, and, asked, say here doth lie

 Ben. Jonson his best piece of poetry. 10

For  whose sake, henceforth, all his vows be such,

  As what he loves may never like too much.

46

To Sir Luckless Woo-All

Is this the Sir, who, some  waste wife to win,

A  knighthood bought to go a-wooing in?

’Tis Luckless, he that took up one on  band

To pay at’s day of marriage. By my hand

The  knight-wright’s cheated then: he’ll never pay. 5

Yes, now he wears his knighthood every day.

47

To the Same

Sir Luckless, troth, for luck’s sake  pass by one:

He that woos every widow will get none.

48

On     Mongrel Esquire

His  bought arms Mong’ not liked; for his first day

Of bearing them in field, he   threw ’em away,

And hath no honour lost, our  duellists  say.

49

To   Playwright

Playwright me reads, and still my verses damns:

He says I want the  tongue of epigrams;

I have no  salt. No bawdry he doth mean.

For witty, in his language, is obscene.

 Playwright, I loathe to have thy manners known 5

In my chaste book: profess them in thine own.

50

To Sir   Cod

 Leave, Cod, tobacco-like, burnt gums to take,

Or fumy  clysters, thy moist lungs to bake:

 Arsenic would thee fit for society make.

51

To King James,
Upon the Happy False Rumour of his Death, the Two
and Twentieth Day of March,  1607

That we thy loss might know, and thou our love,

Great  heaven did well to give  ill fame free wing,

Which, though it did but panic terror prove,

And far beneath  least pause of such a king,

Yet give thy jealous subjects leave to  doubt, 5

Who this thy ’scape from rumour  gratulate

No less than if from peril; and, devout,

Do beg thy care unto thy  after-state.

For we, that have our eyes still in our ears,

Look not upon thy dangers, but our fears. 10

52

To Censorious   Courtling

 Courtling, I rather thou shouldst utterly

Dispraise my work than praise it  frostily:

When I am read thou feign’st a weak applause

As if thou wert my friend,  but lacked’st a cause.

 This but thy judgement fools:  the other way 5

Would both thy folly and thy spite betray.

53

To   Old-End Gatherer

Long gathering Old-End, I did fear thee wise

When, having  pilled a book which no man buys,

Thou wert content  the author’s name to lose;

But when,  in place, thou didst the patron’s choose,

It was as if thou printed hadst an oath, 5

To give the world  assurance thou wert both,

And that, as Puritans at baptism do,

Thou art the  father and the witness too.

For, but thyself,  where out of motley’s he

Could save  that line to dedicate to thee? 10

54

On     Cheverel

Chev’rel cries out my verses libels are,

And threatens the  Star Chamber and the  Bar.

What are thy  petulant  pleadings, Chev’rel, then,

That quit’st the cause so oft, and rail’st at men?

55

  To   Francis Beaumont

How I do love thee, Beaumont, and thy muse,

That unto me dost such  religion use!

How I do fear myself, that am not worth

The least indulgent thought thy pen drops forth!

At once thou mak’st me happy, and unmak’st, 5

And giving largely to me, more thou tak’st.

What fate is mine that so itself bereaves?

What art is thine,  that so thy friend deceives?

 When even there, where most thou praisest me,

For writing better, I must envy thee. 10

56

  On   Poet-Ape

Poor Poet-Ape, that would be thought our chief,

Whose works are e’en the  frippery of wit,

From  brokage is become so bold a thief,

As we, the robbed,  leave rage and pity it.

At first he made low  shifts, would pick and  glean, 5

Buy the  reversion of old plays; now grown

 To a little wealth and credit in the scene,

He takes up all, makes each man’s wit his own.

And, told of  this, he slights it. Tut, such crimes

The sluggish, gaping auditor devours; 10

He marks not whose ’twas first: and after-times

May judge it to be his, as well as ours.

Fool, as if  half-eyes will not know a fleece

From locks of wool, or  shreds from the whole  piece?

57

  On Bawds and Usurers

If, as their ends, their fruits were so the same,

  Bawdry and usury were one kind of game.

58

  To Groom Idiot

Idiot, last night I prayed thee but forbear

To read my verses; now I must  to hear.

For, off’ring with thy smiles my wit to grace,

Thy ignorance  still laughs in the wrong place.

And so my sharpness thou no less disjoints 5

Than thou didst  late my sense,   losing my points.

So have I seen at Christmas sports  one lost,

And,  hoodwinked, for a man embrace a post.

59

  On Spies

Spies, you are  lights in state, but of base stuff,

Who, when  you’ve burnt yourselves down to the snuff,

Stink, and are thrown away. End fair enough.

60

  To William, Lord Monteagle

Lo, what my country should have done (have raised

An  obelisk or column to thy name,

Or, if she would but modestly have praised

Thy  fact, in brass or marble writ the same)

I, that am glad of thy great  chance, here do! 5

And, proud my work shall outlast common deeds,

Durst think it great, and worthy wonder, too;

But thine, for which I do’t, so much exceeds!

My  country’s parents I have many known,

But saver of my country thee alone. 10

61

To Fool, or Knave

Thy  praise or dispraise is to me alike:

One doth not  stroke me, nor the other strike.

62

To Fine   Lady Would-Be

Fine Madam Would-Be,  wherefore should you fear,

That love to make so well, a child to bear?

The world reputes you barren; but I know

Your ’pothecary and his  drug says no.

Is it the pain affrights? That’s soon forgot. 5

Or your complexion’s loss? You have a  pot

That can restore that. Will it hurt your feature?

To make amends  you’re thought a wholesome creature.

What should the cause be? Oh, you live at court,

And there’s both loss of time and loss of sport 10

In a great belly. Write, then, on thy womb

‘Of the not  born, yet buried, here’s the tomb.’

63

    To   Robert, Earl of Salisbury

Who can consider thy right courses run,

With what thy  virtue on the  times hath won,

And not thy fortune; who can clearly see

The judgement of the king so shine in thee;

 And that thou seek’st reward of thy each act, 5

Not from the public voice, but private fact;

Who can behold all envy so  declined

By constant suff’ring of thy  equal mind

And can to these be silent, Salisbury,

Without his, thine, and all time’s injury? 10

Cursed be  his muse  that could lie dumb or hid

To  so true worth,  though  thou thyself forbid.

64

To the Same,
Upon the Accession of the
  Treasurership to Him

Not glad, like those that have new hopes or suits,

With thy new place, bring I these early fruits

Of love, and what the  golden age did hold

A  treasure: art, contemned in th’age of gold.

Nor glad as those that  old dependants be, 5

To see thy  father’s rites new laid on thee.

Nor glad for fashion. Nor to show a  fit

Of flattery to thy titles. Nor of wit.

But I am glad to see that time survive,

Where merit is not sepulchred alive; 10

 Where good men’s virtues them to honours bring,

And not to dangers; when so wise a king

Contends t’have  worth enjoy, from his regard

As her own conscience, still the same reward.

These (noblest Cecil) laboured in my thought, 15

Wherein what wonder, see, thy name hath wrought:

That whilst I meant but thine to gratulate

 I’ve sung the greater fortunes of our state.

65

To My   Muse

Away, and leave me, thou thing most abhorred,

That hast betrayed me to a  worthless lord,

Made me commit  most fierce idolatry

To a great image through thy  luxury.

Be thy next master’s more unlucky muse, 5

And, as  th’hast mine, his hours and youth abuse.

Get him the time’s long grudge, the court’s ill-will,

And, reconciled, keep him suspected still.

Make him lose all his friends; and, which is worse,

Almost all ways to any better course. 10

With me thou leav’st an happier muse than thee,

And which thou brought’st me, welcome poverty.

She shall instruct my  after-thoughts to write

Things manly, and not smelling parasite.

But I repent me: stay. Whoe’er is raised 15

For worth he has not, he is  taxed, not praised.

66

To   Sir Henry Cary

That neither fame nor love might wanting be

To greatness, Cary, I sing that and thee.

Whose house, if it no other honour had,

In only thee might be both great and glad;

Who, to upbraid the sloth of this our time, 5

Durst valour make, almost, but not a crime.

Which deed I know not whether were more high,

Or thou more happy, it to justify

Against thy fortune: when no foe, that day,

Could conquer thee, but chance, who did betray. 10

Love thy great loss, which a renown hath won,

To live when  Broick not stands, nor Ruhr doth run.

Love honours, which of best example be

When they cost dearest, and are done most free:

Though every fortitude deserves applause, 15

 It may be much or little in the cause.

He’s valiant’st that dares fight, and not for pay;

 That virtuous is, when the reward’s away.

67

To   Thomas, Earl of Suffolk

 Since men have left to do praiseworthy things,

Most think all praises flatteries. But truth brings

That sound and that authority with her name,

As to be raised by her is only fame.

 Stand high, then, Howard, high in eyes of men, 5

High in thy blood, thy place, but highest then

 When, in men’s wishes, so thy virtues wrought

As all thy honours were  by them first sought,

And thou designed to be the same thou art,

Before thou wert it, in each good man’s heart. 10

Which, by no less confirmed than thy king’s choice,

Proves that is God’s, which was the  people’s voice.

68

On   Playwright

Playwright, convict of public wrongs to men,

Takes private beatings, and begins again.

Two kinds of valour he doth show at once:

Active in’s brain, and passive in his bones.

69

To   Pertinax Cob

Cob, thou nor soldier, thief, nor fencer art,

Yet by thy  weapon liv’st! Th’hast one good part.

70

To   William Roe

 When Nature bids us leave to live, ’tis late

Then to begin, my Roe: he makes a state

In life, that can employ it, and takes hold

On the true causes, ere they grow too old.

 Delay is bad, doubt worse,  depending worst; 5

 Each best day of our life escapes us first.

Then, since we (more than many) these truths know,

Though life be short, let us not make it so.

71

On   Court-Parrot

To pluck down mine, Poll sets up new wits still;

Still, ’tis his luck to praise me ’gainst his will.

72

To   Courtling

I grieve not, Courtling, thou art started up

 A chamber-critic, and dost dine and sup

At Madam’s table, where thou mak’st all wit

Go high or low, as thou wilt value it.

’Tis not thy judgement breeds the prejudice: 5

Thy person only, Courtling, is the vice.

73

To Fine Grand

What is’t,  Fine Grand, makes thee my friendship fly,

Or take an epigram so fearfully,

As ’twere a challenge or a borrower’s letter?

The world must know your greatness  is my debtor.

 In primis, Grand, you owe me for a jest 5

I lent you, on mere acquaintance, at a feast.

Item, a tale or two some fortnight after,

That yet maintains you and your house in laughter.

Item, the  Babylonian song you sing;

Item, a fair Greek  poesy for a ring, 10

With which a learnèd Madam you belie.

Item, a charm surrounding fearfully

Your  partie per pale picture, one half drawn

In solemn  cypress, the other  cobweb lawn.

Item, a  gulling imprese for you at tilt. 15

Item, your mistress’ anagram i’your hilt.

Item, your own, sewed in your mistress’ smock.

Item, an epitaph on my lord’s cock

In most vile verses, and cost me more pain

Than had I made ’em good, to fit your  vein. 20

Forty things more, dear Grand, which you know true,

For which, or  pay me  quickly, or I’ll pay you.

74

To   Thomas, Lord Chancellor   Egerton

Whilst thy weighed judgements, Egerton, I hear,

And know thee then a judge  not of one year;

Whilst I behold thee live with purest hands;

That no  affection in thy voice commands;

That still thou’rt  present to the better cause; 5

And no less wise than skilful in the laws;

Whilst thou  art certain to thy words, once gone,

As is thy conscience, which is always one:

 The Virgin, long since fled from earth I see

T’our times returned, hath made her heaven in thee. 10

75

On   Lip the Teacher

I cannot think there’s that antipathy

 ’Twixt puritans and players as some cry;

Though Lip at Paul’s  ran from his text away

T’inveigh ’gainst plays, what did he then but play?

76

On   Lucy, Countess of Bedford

This morning, timely rapt with holy fire,

I thought to form unto my zealous muse

What kind of creature I could most desire,

To honour, serve, and love, as poets use.

I meant to make her fair, and free, and wise, 5

Of greatest blood, and yet more good than great;

I meant the  day-star should not brighter rise,

Nor lend like  influence from his  lucent seat.

I meant she should be courteous,  facile, sweet,

 Hating that solemn vice of greatness, pride. 10

I meant each softest virtue there should meet,

Fit in that softer bosom to reside.

Only a learnèd and a manly soul

I purposed her, that should, with even powers,

The  rock, the spindle, and the shears control 15

Of destiny, and spin her own free hours.

Such when I meant to feign, and wished to see,

 My muse bade ‘Bedford’ write, and that was she.

77

  To One That Desired Me Not to Name Him

Be safe, nor fear thyself so good a fame

That any way my book should speak thy name:

For, if thou shame ranked with my friends to go,

 I’m more ashamed to have thee thought my foe.

78

To   Hornet

Hornet, thou hast thy wife dressed for the  stall,

To draw thee custom; but herself gets all.

79

To   Elizabeth, Countess of Rutland

 That poets are far rarer births than kings

Your noblest father proved; like whom, before

 Or then or since, about our muses’ springs,

Came not that soul  exhausted so their store.

Hence was it that the Destinies decreed 5

(Save that most masculine issue of his brain)

No male unto him, who could so  exceed

Nature, they thought, in all that he would feign.

At which she,  happily displeased, made you:

On whom, if he were living now, to look, 10

He should those rare and absolute  numbers view

As he would burn, or better far, his book.

80

Of Life and Death

The  ports of death are sins; of life, good deeds,

Through which our merit leads us to our  meeds.

How  wilful-blind is he then that would stray,

And hath it in his powers to make his way!

This world death’s  region is, the other, life’s: 5

And here it should be one of our first strifes

So to  front death as men might judge us past it.

 For good men but see death; the wicked taste it.

81

To     Prowl the   Plagiary

Forbear to tempt me, Prowl; I will not show

A line unto thee till the world it know,

Or that  I’ve  by two good sufficient men

To be the  wealthy witness of my pen:

For all thou hear’st thou swear’st thyself didst do. 5

Thy wit lives by it, Prowl, and belly too.

Which, if thou leave not soon (though I am loath)

I must  a libel make, and cozen  both.

82

On   Cashiered   Captain   Surly

Surly’s old whore in her new silks doth swim:

 He cast, yet keeps her well! No; she keeps him.

83

To a Friend

To  put out the word ‘ whore’ thou dost me woo,

 Throughout my book. Troth, put out ‘woman’ too.

84

To   Lucy, Countess of Bedford

Madam, I told you late how I repented:

I asked a lord a  buck and he denied me,

And, ere I could ask you, I was  prevented:

For your most noble offer had supplied me.

Straight went I home; and there most like a poet 5

I fancied to myself what wine, what wit

 I would have spent; how every muse should know it,

And  Phoebus’ self should  be at eating it.

O madam, if your  grant did thus  transfer me,

Make it your gift. See whither that will bear me. 10

85

To   Sir Henry Goodere

Goodere,  I’m glad and grateful to report

Myself a witness of thy few days’ sport:

Where I both learned why wise men hawking follow,

And why that bird was  sacred to Apollo.

She doth instruct men by her gallant flight 5

That they to knowledge so should   tower upright,

And never  stoop but to strike ignorance;

 Which if they miss, they yet should re-advance

To former height, and there in circle tarry

Till they be sure to make the fool their quarry. 10

 Now, in whose pleasures I have this discerned,

What would his serious actions me have learned?

86

To the Same

When I would know thee, Goodere, my thought looks

Upon thy well-made choice of  friends and books;

Then do I love thee, and behold thy ends

In making thy friends books, and thy books friends:

Now I must give thy life and deed the voice 5

Attending such a study, such a choice.

Where, though’t be love that to thy praise doth move,

It was  a knowledge that begat that love.

87

On   Captain Hazard the Cheater

Touched with the sin of false play in his  punk,

Hazard a month forswore his, and grew drunk

Each night, to drown his cares. But when the gain

Of what   she’d  wrought came in and waked his brain,

Upon th’account hers grew the  quicker trade. 5

Since when he’s sober again, and all  play’s made.

88

  On English Monsieur

Would you believe, when you this monsieur see,

That his whole body should speak French, not he?

That so much scarf of France, and hat, and feather,

And shoe, and tie, and garter should come hither

And land on one whose face durst never be 5

Toward the sea further than  half-way tree?

That he, untravelled, should be French so much,

As Frenchmen in his company should seem Dutch?

Or had his father, when he did him  get,

The  French disease, with which he labours yet? 10

Or hung some  monsieur’s picture on the wall,

By which his dam conceived him, clothes and all?

Or is it some French statue? No: ’t doth move,

And stoop, and cringe. Oh then it needs must prove

The new French tailor’s  motion, monthly made, 15

Daily to turn in  Paul’s and help the trade.

89

To   Edward   Alleyn

If Rome so great, and in her wisest age,

Feared not to boast the glories of her stage,

As skilful  Roscius and grave Aesop, men

Yet crowned with honours, as with riches then;

Who had no less a trumpet of their name 5

Than  Cicero,  whose every breath was fame:

How can so great example die in me,

That, Alleyn, I should pause to publish thee?

Who  both their graces in thyself hast more

Out-stripped than they did all that went before; 10

And present worth in all dost so contract

As others  speak, but only thou dost act.

Wear this renown. ’Tis just that who did give

So many poets life, by  one should live.

90

On Mill, My Lady’s Woman

When Mill first came to court, the  unprofiting fool,

Unworthy such a mistress, such a school,

Was  dull, and long, ere she would  go to man:

At last ease, appetite, and example  wan

The  nicer thing to taste her lady’s page; 5

And, finding good security in his age,

Went on; and  proving him still, day by day,

Discerned no difference of his years or  play.

Not though that hair grew brown which once was amber,

And he, grown youth, was called   to’s lady’s chamber. 10

Still Mill  continued. Nay, his face growing worse,

And he  removed to gent’man of the horse,

Mill was the same. Since, both his body and face

Blown up, and he ( too unwieldy for that place)

Hath got the  steward’s chair; he will not tarry 15

Longer a day, but with his Mill will marry.

And it is hoped that she, like  Milo,  wull,

 First bearing him a calf, bear him a bull.

91

  To   Sir Horace Vere

Which of thy names I take, not only bears

A Roman sound, but Roman virtue wears,

 Illustrous  Vere, or Horace; fit to be

Sung by a Horace or a muse as  free;

Which thou art to thyself, whose fame was won 5

In th’eye of Europe, where thy deeds were done,

When on thy trumpet  she did sound a  blast,

Whose  relish to eternity  shall last.

I  leave thy acts, which should I  prosecute

Throughout might flatt’ry seem; and to be mute 10

 To any one  were envy, which would live

Against my grave, and Time could not forgive.

I speak thy other graces, not less shown,

Nor less in practice, but less marked, less known:

 Humanity and piety, which are 15

As noble in great chiefs as they are  rare:

And best become the valiant man to wear,

 Who more should seek men’s reverence than fear.

92

The New Cry

Ere  ‘Cherries ripe!’ and ‘Strawberries!’ be gone,

Unto the cries of London I’ll add one:

‘Ripe  statesmen, ripe!’ They grow in every street.

 At six-and-twenty, ripe. You shall ’em meet

And have ’em yield no savour but of state. 5

Ripe are their ruffs, their cuffs, their beards, their gait,

And grave as ripe,  like mellow as their faces.

They know  the states of Christendom, not the places,

Yet have they seen the maps, and bought ’em too,

And understand ’em as most  chapmen do. 10

The counsels,  projects, practices they know,

And what each prince doth for intelligence owe

And unto whom. They are the  almanacs

For  twelve years yet to come, what each state lacks.

They carry in their pockets  Tacitus 15

And the  Gazetti, or  Gallo-Belgicus,

 And talk reserved,  locked up, and full of fear;

Nay, ask you how the day goes in your ear;

 Keep a Star Chamber sentence close twelve days,

And whisper what a proclamation says. 20

They meet in sixes, and at every mart

Are sure to   con the catalogue by heart;

Or every day someone at  Rimee’s looks,

Or Bill’s, and there he buys the names of books.

They all get  Porta for the sundry ways 25

To write in cipher, and the several keys

To   ope the character.  They’ve found the  sleight

With  juice of lemons, onions, piss, to  write,

To break up seals and  close ’em. And they know

If  the States  make peace, how it will go 30

With England. All forbidden books they get.

And of  the Powder Plot they will talk yet.

At naming the  French king their heads they shake,

And at the Pope and Spain  slight faces make.

Or  ’gainst the bishops, for the brethren rail, 35

Much like those brethren, thinking to prevail

With ignorance on us, as  they have done

On them: and therefore do not only shun

Others more modest, but  contemn us too,

That know not so much  state (wrong) as they do. 40

93

To   Sir John Radcliffe

How like a column, Radcliffe, left alone

For the great mark of virtue ( those being gone

Who did, alike with thee, thy house up-bear),

Stand’st thou, to show the times what you all were?

 Two bravely in the battle fell, and died, 5

Upbraiding rebels’ arms and barbarous pride:

And two, that would have fall’n as great as they,

The  Belgic fever ravishèd away.

Thou, that art all their valour, all their spirit,

And thine own goodness to increase thy merit, 10

Than whose I do not know a  whiter soul,

Nor could I, had I seen all Nature’s  roll,

Thou yet remain’st unhurt in peace or war,

Though not unproved;  which shows thy fortunes are

Willing to expiate the fault in thee 15

Wherewith, against thy blood,  they offenders be.

94

  To   Lucy, Countess of Bedford,
With
  Master Donne’s Satires

Lucy, you  brightness of our sphere, who are

Life of the muses’ day, their  morning-star!

If works (not th’authors) their own grace should  look,

Whose poems would not wish to be your book?

 But these, desired by you, the maker’s ends 5

 Crown with their own. Rare poems ask rare friends.

Yet satires, since the most of mankind be

Their  unavoided subject, fewest see;

 For none e’er took that pleasure in sin’s sense

But when they heard it taxed took more offence. 10

 They, then, that living where the matter is bred

Dare for these poems, yet, both ask and read,

And like them too, must needfully, though few,

Be of the best: and ’mongst those, best are you.

Lucy, you brightness of our sphere, who are 15

The muses’  evening-, as their morning-star.

95

To   Sir Henry Savile

If,  my religion safe, I durst embrace

That stranger doctrine of  Pythagoras,

I should believe the soul of Tacitus

In thee, most weighty Savile, lived to us:

So hast thou  rendered him in all his bounds 5

And all his  numbers, both of sense and sounds.

But when I read that special piece  restored,

Where Nero falls and Galba is adored,

 To thine own proper I ascribe then more,

And  gratulate the breach I grieved before, 10

Which fate, it seems, caused in the history

Only to boast thy merit in  supply.

Oh, wouldst thou add like hand to  all the rest!

 Or, better work, were thy glad country blest

To have her story woven in thy thread! 15

 Minerva’s loom was never richer spred.

For who can master those great parts like thee,

 That liv’st from hope, from fear, from faction free;

That hast thy breast so clear of present crimes

Thou need’st not shrink at voice of after-times, 20

 Whose knowledge claimeth at the helm to stand,

But wisely thrusts not forth a forward hand,

No more than  Sallust in the Roman state!

 As, then, his cause, his glory emulate.

 Although to write be lesser than to do 25

It is the next deed, and a great one too.

We need a man that knows the several graces

Of history, and how to  apt their places;

Where brevity, where splendour, and where  height,

 Where sweetness is required, and where weight. 30

 We need a man can speak of the intents,

The counsels, actions, orders, and events

Of state, and  censure them; we need his pen

Can write the  things, the causes, and the men.

But most we need his  faith ( and all have you) 35

That dares nor write things false, nor hide things true.

96

To   John Donne

Who shall doubt, Donne,  whe’er I a  poet be,

When I dare send my  Epigrams to thee?

That so alone canst judge,  so alone dost make;

And in thy censures evenly dost take

 As free simplicity to disavow 5

As thou hast best authority t’allow.

Read all I send, and if I find but one

Marked by thy hand, and with the  better stone,

My title’s sealed. Those that for claps do write,

Let   puisnes’, porters’, players’ praise delight, 10

And, till they burst, their backs, like asses, load:

A man should seek  great glory, and not broad.

97

On the New   Motion

See you  yond motion? Not the old  fa-ding,

Nor  Captain Pod, nor yet the  Eltham thing,

But one more rare, and in the  case so new:

His cloak with  orient velvet quite lined through,

His rosy  ties and garters so o’er-blown, 5

By his each glorious  parcel to be known!

He wont was to encounter me aloud,

Where’er he met me; now he’s dumb or proud.

Know you the cause?  H’as neither land nor lease,

Nor  bawdy stock, that travails for  increase, 10

Nor office in the town, nor place in court,

Nor  ’bout the bears, nor  noise to make lords sport.

He is no favourite’s favourite, no dear trust

 Of any madam’s, hath  need o’ squires and must.

Nor did  the King of Denmark him salute 15

When he was here. Nor hath he got a  suit

Since he was gone, more than the one he wears.

Nor are the queen’s most honoured maids  by th’ears

About his form. What then so swells each limb?

Only his clothes have  over-leavened him. 20

98

To   Sir Thomas Roe

Thou hast begun well, Roe,  which  stand well too,

And I know nothing more thou hast to do.

 He that is  round within himself and straight

Need seek no other strength, no other height;

 Fortune upon him breaks herself, if ill, 5

And what would hurt his virtue makes it still.

That thou at once, then, nobly mayst defend

With thine own course the judgement of  thy friend,

Be always to thy gathered self the same,

And study  conscience more than thou wouldst fame. 10

 Though both be good, the latter yet is worst,

And  ever is ill got without  the first.

99

To the Same

That thou hast kept thy love, increased thy will,

Bettered thy trust to letters;  that, thy skill;

 Hast taught thyself worthy thy pen to tread,

And that to write things worthy to be read:

How much of great example wert thou, Roe, 5

 If time to facts, as unto men, would owe?

 But much it now avails what’s done, of whom:

The self-same deeds, as diversely they come

From place or fortune, are made high or low,

 And even the praiser’s judgement suffers so. 10

Well, though thy name less than our great ones’ be,

Thy fact is more: let truth encourage thee.

100

On   Playwright

Playwright, by chance hearing some toys  I’d writ,

Cried to my face they were th’  elixir of wit.

And I must now believe him: for today

Five of my jests, then stol’n,  passed him a play.

101

  Inviting a Friend to Supper

Tonight,  grave sir, both my poor house and I

Do equally desire your company;

Not that we think us worthy such a guest,

But that your worth will dignify  our feast,

With those that come,  whose grace may make that  seem 5

Something, which else  could hope for no esteem.

 It is the fair acceptance, sir, creates

The entertainment perfect,  not the  cates.

Yet shall you have, to  rectify your palate,

 An olive, capers, or some better salad, 10

 Ush’ring the mutton; with a short-legged hen,

If we can get her, full of eggs, and then

Lemons and wine for sauce: to these a cony

Is not to be despaired of for our money;

And, though fowl now be scarce, yet there  are clerks, 15

 The sky not falling,  think we may have larks.

 I’ll tell you  of more, and  lie, so you will come:

Of partridge, pheasant, woodcock, of which some

May yet be there,  and  godwit, if we can:

 Knat, rail, and ruff too. Howsoe’er,  my man 20

Shall read a piece of Virgil, Tacitus,

Livy, or of  some better book to us,

Of which we’ll speak our minds amidst our meat;

   And I’ll profess no verses to repeat.

 To this, if aught appear which I  know not of 25

That  will the pastry, not my paper show of.

Digestive cheese  and fruit there sure will be;

But that which most doth take  my muse and me

 Is a pure cup of rich  Canary wine,

Which is the  Mermaid’s now, but shall be mine:30

 Of which had  Horace or Anacreon tasted,

Their lives,  as do their lines, till now had lasted.

Tobacco, nectar,  or the  Thespian spring

Are all but  Luther’s beer to this I sing.

Of this we will sup free, but moderately,35

And we will have no      Poley  or Parrot  by,

 Nor shall our cups make any guilty men:

But, at our parting, we will be as when

We innocently met. No simple word

That shall be uttered at our mirthful board 40

Shall make us sad next morning, or affright

The  liberty  that we’ll enjoy tonight.

102

To   William, Earl of Pembroke

I do but name thee, Pembroke, and I find

It is an epigram on all mankind,

 Against the bad, but of, and to  the good:

Both which are asked to have thee understood.

Nor could the age have missed thee, in this strife 5

Of vice and virtue, wherein all great life,

Almost, is  exercised; and scarce one knows

To which, yet, of the sides himself he owes.

 They follow virtue for reward today,

Tomorrow vice, if she give better pay: 10

And are so good and bad just at a price,

As nothing else  discerns the    virtue or vice.

 But thou, whose noblesse keeps one stature still,

And one true posture, though besieged with ill

Of what ambition, faction, pride can raise, 15

Whose life ev’n they that envy it must praise;

 That art so reverenced, as thy coming in

But in the view doth interrupt their sin:

Thou must  draw more, and they that hope to see

The commonwealth still safe, must  study thee. 20

103

To   Mary, Lady Wroth

How well, fair crown of your fair sex, might he

That but the twilight of your sprite did see,

And noted for what flesh such souls were framed,

Know you to be a Sidney, though unnamed?

And, being named, how little doth  that name 5

Need any muse’s praise to give it fame?

Which is, itself, the  imprese of the great,

And glory of them all but to repeat!

Forgive me, then, if  mine but say you are

A Sidney: but in that extend as far 10

As loudest praisers, who perhaps would find

 For every part a character assigned.

My praise is plain, and, wheresoe’er professed,

Becomes none more than you, who need it least.

104

To   Susan, Countess of Montgomery

Were they that named you prophets? Did they see

Even  in the dew of grace what you would be?

Or did our times require it, to behold

A new Susanna, equal to  that old?

Or, because some scarce think that story true, 5

 To make those faithful, did the fates send you?

And to your scene lent no less dignity

Of birth, of match, of form, of chastity?

Or, more than born for the comparison

Of former age, or glory of our  own, 10

Were you advancèd past those times to be

The light and mark unto posterity?

Judge they that can. Here I have raised to show

A picture which the world  for yours must know,

And like it, too, if they look equally. 15

If not, ’tis fit for you some should envy.

105

To   Mary, Lady Wroth

 Madam, had all antiquity been lost,

All history sealed up and fables  crossed,

That we had left us, nor by time nor place,

Least mention of a nymph, a muse, a grace,

But even their names were to be made anew, 5

Who could not but create them all from you?

He that but saw you wear the  wheaten hat

Would call you more than  Ceres, if not that:

And, dressed in shepherd’s ’tire, who would not say

You were the bright  Oenone,  Flora, or  May? 10

If dancing, all would cry th’ Idalian queen

Were leading forth  the Graces on the green:

And, armèd to the chase, so bare her bow

 Dian’ alone, so hit and hunted so.

There’s none so dull that for your  style would ask, 15

That saw you put on  Pallas’ plumèd casque;

Or, keeping your due state, that would not cry

There  Juno sat, and yet no peacock by.

So are you Nature’s  index, and restore,

 I’yourself, all treasure lost of th’age before. 20

106

To   Sir Edward Herbert

If men get name for some one virtue, then

What man art thou, that art so many men,

All-virtuous Herbert! On whose every part

Truth might spend all her voice, Fame all her art.

Whether thy learning  they would take, or wit, 5

 Or valour, or thy judgement seasoning it,

Thy standing upright to thyself, thy ends

 Like straight, thy piety to God and friends:

Their latter praise would still the greatest be,

And yet, they all together, less than thee. 10

107

  To   Captain Hungry

Do what you come for, Captain, with your news,

That’s sit and eat: do not my ears abuse.

I  oft look on false coin, to know’t from true,

Not that I love it more than I will you.

Tell the  gross Dutch those grosser tales of yours, 5

How great you were with their  two emperors,

And yet are with  their princes. Fill them full

Of your  Moravian horse,  Venetian bull.

Tell them what parts  you’ve ta’en, whence run away,

What states you’ve gulled, and which yet keeps  you in pay. 10

Give them your services and embassies

 In Ireland, Holland, Sweden (pompous lies),

In Hungary, and Poland, Turkey too;

What at Leghorn, Rome, Florence, you did do:

And in some year all these together heaped, 15

For which there must more sea and land be leaped,

If but to be believed you have the hap,

Than can a flea  at twice skip i’the map.

Give your young statesmen (that first make you drunk,

And then lie with you closer than a  punk, 20

For news) your  Villeroys and  Silleries,

 Janins, your  Nuncios, and your  Tuileries,

Your  archduke’s agents, and your  Beringhams,

That are your words of credit. Keep your names

Of  Hanau, Scheiterhuysen, Popenheim, 25

Hans-spiegle, Rotenberg, and Boutersheim

For your next meal: this you are sure of. Why

Will you part with them here unthriftily?

Nay, now you puff,  tusk, and draw up your chin,

Twirl the poor chain you run a-feasting in. 30

Come, be not angry: you are Hungry; eat.

Do what you come for, Captain: there’s your meat.

108

  To True Soldiers

Strength of my country, whilst I bring to view

Such as are miscalled captains, and wrong you

And your high names, I do desire that thence

Be nor put on you, nor you take offence.

I swear by your true friend, my muse, I love 5

Your great profession; which I once did  prove,

And did not shame it with my actions then

No more than I dare now do with my  pen.

He that not trusts me, having vowed thus much,

But’s angry for the captain still, is  such. 10

109

To   Sir Henry Neville

Who now calls on thee, Neville, is a muse

That serves nor fame nor titles, but doth choose

Where virtue makes them both, and that’s in thee:

Where all is fair, beside thy  pedigree.

Thou art not one  seek’st miseries with hope, 5

Wrestlest with dignities, or feign’st a scope

Of service to the public when the end

Is private gain, which hath long guilt  to friend.

Thou rather striv’st the matter to possess

And elements of honour, than the  dress; 10

To make thy  lent life good against the Fates:

And first to know thine own state,    than the State’s.

To be the same in  root thou art in height,

And that thy soul should give thy flesh her weight.

Go on, and doubt not what posterity, 15

Now I have sung thee thus, shall judge of thee.

Thy deeds unto thy name will prove new wombs,

Whilst others toil for titles to their tombs.

110

  To Clement Edmondes,
On his Caesar’s Commentaries Observed and Translated

Not Caesar’s deeds, nor all his honours won

 In these west parts; nor, when that war was done,

The name of Pompey for an enemy,

 Cato’s to boot, Rome and her liberty,

All yielding to his fortune; nor, the while, 5

To have engraved these acts with his own  style,

And that so strong and deep  as’t might be thought

 He wrote with the same spirit that he fought,

 Nor that his work lived in the hands of foes

Unargued then, and yet hath fame from those; 10

Not all these, Edmondes, or what else put  to,

Can so speak ‘Caesar’ as thy labours do.

For where his person lived  scarce one just age

And that midst  envy and parts, then fell by  rage:

His deeds too dying,  but in books (whose good 15

How few have read, how fewer understood!)

Thy learnèd hand and true Promethean art

(As by a new creation) part by part,

In every counsel, stratagem, design,

Action, or engine worth a note of thine, 20

 To all future time, not only doth restore

His life, but makes that he can die no more.

111

  To the Same, on the Same

 Who, Edmondes, reads thy book, and doth not see

What th’antique soldiers were, the modern be?

Wherein thou show’st how much the latter are

 Beholding to  this master of the war;

And that in action there is nothing new, 5

More than to vary what our elders knew:

Which all but ignorant captains will confess,

 Nor to give Caesar this makes ours the less.

Yet thou, perhaps, shalt meet some tongues will  grutch

That to the world thou shouldst reveal so much, 10

And thence  deprave thee and thy work. To those

Caesar stands up, as from his urn late rose,

By thy great  help, and doth proclaim by me,

They murder him again that envy thee.

112

  To a Weak Gamester in Poetry

With thy small  stock, why art thou vent’ring still

At this so subtle sport, and play’st so ill?

Think’st thou it is mere fortune that can win?

Or thy  rank setting? That thou dar’st put in

Thy all at all; and whatsoe’er I do 5

Art still at that, and think’st to  blow  me up too?

I cannot for the stage a drama lay,

Tragic or comic, but thou writ’st the play.

I leave thee there, and, giving way, intend

An epic poem; thou hast the same end. 10

I modestly quit that, and think to write

 Next morn an ode: thou mak’st a song ere night.

I pass to elegies; thou meet’st me there.

To satires, and thou dost pursue me. Where,

Where, shall I scape thee? In an epigram? 15

Oh, thou criest out, that is thy  proper game.

Troth, if it be, I pity thy ill luck,

That both for wit and sense so oft dost  pluck

And never art encountered, I confess;

Nor scarce dost  colour for it, which is less. 20

 Prithee, yet save thy  rest, give o’er in time:

There’s no vexation that can make thee  prime.

113

To   Sir Thomas Overbury

So Phoebus makes me worthy of his bays

As but to speak thee, Overbury, is praise:

So where thou liv’st thou mak’st life understood!

Where what makes others great doth keep thee good!

I think the fate of court thy coming craved 5

That the wit there and manners might be saved.

For since, what ignorance, what pride is fled!

And letters and humanity in the stead!

Repent thee not of thy fair precedent

 Could make such men and such a place repent. 10

 Nor  may any fear to lose of their degree,

 Who in such ambition can but follow thee.

114

To     Mistress Philip Sidney

I must believe some miracles still be,

When Sidney’s name I hear, or face I see:

For Cupid, who at first took vain delight

In mere  out-forms, until he lost his sight,

 Hath changed his soul and made his object you: 5

Where, finding so much beauty met with virtue,

He hath not only gained himself his eyes,

But, in your love, made all his  servants wise.

115

On the Town’s   Honest Man

You wonder who this is, and why I  name

Him not aloud that boasts so good a fame,

Naming so many, too! But this is one

Suffers no name but a description:

 Being no vicious person, but the  Vice 5

About the town, and known too  at that price.

A subtle thing that doth affections win

By speaking well o’the  company  it’s in.

Talks loud and bawdy, has a gathered deal

Of news and noise, to   sow out a long meal. 10

Can  come from Tripoli, leap stools, and wink,

Do all that  ’longs to the  anarchy of drink,

 Except the duel. Can sing songs and  catches,

Give everyone his dose of mirth; and watches

Whose name’s unwelcome to the present ear, 15

And him it  lays on, if he be not there.

 Tells of him all the tales itself then makes;

But, if it shall be questioned, undertakes

It will deny all, and forswear it too;

 Not that it fears, but will not have to do 20

With such a one. And therein keeps its word.

’Twill see its sister naked, ere a sword.

At every meal where it doth dine or sup

The  cloth’s no sooner gone, but it gets up,

And, shifting of its faces, doth play more 25

 Parts than th’Italian could do with his door.

Acts  old Iniquity, and, in the fit

Of miming, gets th’opinion of a wit.

Executes men  in picture.  By defect

From friendship, is its own  fame’s architect. 30

An  engineer in slanders of all fashions,

That, seeming praises, are yet accusations.

Described it’s thus. Defined would you it have?

Then: the Town’s Honest Man’s her  arrant’st knave.

116

To Sir   William Jephson

Jephson, thou man of men, to whose  loved name

All gentry yet owe part of their best flame!

So did thy  virtue inform, thy wit sustain

That age, when thou stood’st up the master-brain:

Thou wert the first mad’st merit know her strength, 5

And those that lacked it to suspect at length

’Twas not  entailed on title; that some word

Might be found out as good, and not  ‘My Lord’.

 That nature no such difference had impressed

In men, but every  bravest was the best; 10

 That blood not minds, but minds did blood adorn:

And to live great was better than great born.

These were thy knowing arts: which who doth now

Virtuously practise must at least allow

 Them in, if not from, thee; or must commit 15

A desperate  solecism in truth and wit.

117

  On   Groin

Groin, come of age, his state sold  out of hand

 For’s whore: Groin doth still  occupy his land.

118

  On Gut

Gut eats all day and lechers all the night,

So all his  meat he  tasteth over, twice:

And, striving so to double his delight,

He makes himself a thoroughfare of vice.

Thus in his belly can he change a  sin: 5

Lust it comes out, that gluttony went in.

119

To   Sir Ralph   Shelton

Not he that flies the court for want of clothes,

 At hunting rails, having no gift in oaths,

Cries out ’gainst  cocking, since he cannot bet,

Shuns  press, for two main causes, pox, and debt,

With me can merit more than  that good man, 5

Whose dice not doing well,  to a pulpit ran.

No,  Shelton, give me thee, canst want all these,

But dost it out of judgement, not  disease;

Dar’st breathe in any air and with safe skill,

Till thou canst find the best, choose the least ill. 10

 That to the vulgar canst thyself apply,

Treading a better path, not contrary,

And, in their errors’ maze, thine own way know:

 Which is to live to conscience, not to show.

 He that but living half his age, dies such, 15

Makes the whole longer, than ’twas given him, much.

120

    Epitaph on   Solomon Pavy,
A Child of Queen Elizabeth’s Chapel

Weep with me all  you that read

This little story:

And know, for  whom a tear you shed,

Death’s self is sorry.

 ’Twas a child that so did thrive 5

In grace and feature,

 As Heaven and Nature  seemed to strive

 Which owned the creature.

Years he numbered scarce thirteen

When  Fates turned cruel. 10

Yet   three filled zodiacs  had he been

 The stage’s jewel;

 And did act (what now we moan)

Old men so duly,

 As, sooth, the  Parcae thought him one, 15

He  played so truly.

 So, by error, to his fate

They all consented;

But viewing him since ( alas, too late)

They have repented. 20

 And have sought (to give new birth)

In  baths to steep him;

But, being so much too good for earth,

Heaven vows to keep him.

121

To   Benjamin Rudyerd

Rudyerd, as lesser dames to great ones  use,

My  lighter comes to kiss thy learnèd muse,

Whose better studies while she emulates,

 She learns to know long difference of their states.

Yet is the office not to be despised, 5

If only love should make the action prized:

Nor he for friendship to be thought unfit

That strives his manners should  precede his wit.

122

To the Same

 If I would wish, for truth and not for show,

The agèd  Saturn’s age and rites to know;

If I would strive to bring back times, and  try

The world’s pure gold, and wise simplicity;

If I would virtue set, as she was young, 5

And hear her speak with one, and her first, tongue;

If holiest friendship, naked to the  touch,

I would restore, and keep it ever such,

I need no other arts, but study thee:

Who prov’st all these  were, and again may be. 10

123

To the Same

Writing thyself, or judging others’  writ,

I know not which   thou’st most,  candour or wit;

But both thou’st so, as who affects the state

Of the best writer and judge should emulate.

124

Epitaph on   Elizabeth, L. H.

Wouldst thou hear what man can say

In a little? Reader, stay.

Underneath this stone doth lie

As much beauty as could die;

Which in life did harbour give 5

To more virtue than doth live.

If at all she had a fault,

Leave it buried in this vault.

One name was Elizabeth,

 The other let it sleep with death: 10

 Fitter where it died to tell,

Than that it lived at all. Farewell.

125

To   Sir William   Uvedale

Uvedale, thou  piece of the first times, a man

Made for what nature could, or virtue can,

Both whose dimensions, lost, the world might find

Restorèd in thy body and thy mind!

 Who sees a soul in such a body set 5

Might love the treasure for the cabinet.

But I, no child, no fool, respect the kind,

The full, the flowing graces there enshrined;

Which (would the world not miscall’t flattery)

I could adore  almost t’idolatry. 10

126

To his Lady, then     Mistress Cary

Retired, with purpose your fair worth to praise,

’Mongst Hampton shades and Phoebus’ grove of  bays

I plucked a branch; the jealous god did frown

And bade me lay th’usurpèd laurel down,

Said I wronged him, and (which was more) his love. 5

I answered ‘Daphne now no pain can  prove.’

Phoebus replied: ‘Bold head, it is not she:

Cary my love is; Daphne but my tree.’

127

To   Esmé, Lord  Aubigny

Is there a hope that man would thankful be,

If I should fail in gratitude to thee,

To whom I am so bound, loved Aubigny?

No; I do therefore call posterity

Into the debt, and reckon on her head 5

How full of want, how swallowed up, how dead

I and this muse had been, if thou hadst not

Lent timely succours, and new life begot.

So all reward or name that  grows to me

By her attempt shall still be owing thee. 10

And than this same I know no  abler way

To thank thy benefits: which is, to pay.

128

To   William Roe

Roe (and my joy to name)  thou’rt  now to go

 Countries and climes, manners and men to know,

T’extract and choose the best of all these known,

And  those to turn to blood and make thine own:

May winds as soft as breath of kissing friends 5

Attend thee hence; and there may all thy ends,

As the beginnings here, prove purely sweet,

And perfect in a  circle always meet.

So when we, blest with thy return, shall see

Thyself, with thy first thoughts brought home by thee, 10

We each to other may this voice inspire:

‘This is that good  Aeneas, passed through fire,

Through seas, storms, tempests, and embarked for hell,

Came back untouched. This man hath   travelled well.’

129

  To   Mime

That not a pair of friends each other see,

But the first question is, when one saw thee?

That there’s no journey set or thought upon

To   Brentford,  Hackney,  Bow, but thou  mak’st one;

That scarce the town designeth any feast 5

To which thou’rt not a week  bespoke a guest;

That still  thou’rt made the supper’s  flag, the drum,

The very call, to make all others come:

Think’st thou, Mime, this is great? Or that they strive

Whose noise shall keep thy miming most alive, 10

Whilst thou dost raise some player from the grave,

Out-dance the  babion, or out-boast the  brave;

Or ( mounted on a stool) thy face doth hit

On some new gesture that’s imputed wit?

Oh, run not proud of this. Yet take thy due: 15

Thou dost  out-zany  Cokely,  Pod, nay,  Gue,

And thine own  Coryate too. But (wouldst thou see)

Men love thee not for this: they laugh at thee.

130

  To   Alfonso Ferrabosco, on his Book

To urge, my loved Alfonso, that bold fame

 Of building towns, and making wild beasts tame,

Which music had; or speak her known effects,

 That she removeth cares, sadness ejects,

 Declineth anger,  persuades clemency, 5

Doth sweeten mirth, and heighten piety,

And is  to a body, often, ill-inclined,

No less a sovereign cure than to the mind;

T’allege that greatest men were not ashamed

Of old even by her practice to be famed; 10

To say, indeed, she were the soul of heaven,

That the   eighth sphere, no less than planets seven,

Moved by her order, and the ninth more high,

Including all, were  thence called harmony:

I yet had uttered nothing on thy part, 15

When these were but the praises of the art.

But when I have said ‘The proofs of all these be

 Shed in thy songs’, ’tis true, but short of thee.

131

  To the Same

When we do give, Alfonso, to the light

A work of ours, we  part with our own right;

For then all mouths will judge, and their own way:

The learn’d have no more privilege than the lay.

 And though we could all men, all censures hear, 5

We ought not give them taste we had an ear.

For if the hum’rous world will talk at large,

They should be fools, for me, at their own charge.

Say this or that man they to thee prefer;

Even those for whom they do this know they err: 10

And would (being asked the truth) ashamèd say

They were not to be named  on the same day.

Then  stand unto thyself, not seek without

For fame, with breath soon kindled, soon blown out.

132

  To  Master   Joshua Sylvester

If to admire were to commend, my praise

Might then both thee, thy work, and merit raise;

But as it is (the child of ignorance

And utter stranger to all air of France)

How can I speak of thy great pains, but err, 5

Since they can only judge that can  confer?

Behold! The reverend shade of Bartas stands

Before my thought, and (in thy right) commands

That to the world I publish, for him, this:

  ‘Bartas doth wish thy English now were his.’ 10

So well in that are his  inventions wrought

As his will now be the translation thought,

Thine  the original, and France shall boast

No more those maiden glories she hath lost.

133

  On the Famous Voyage

No more let Greece her bolder fables tell

 Of Hercules or Theseus going to hell,

 Orpheus, Ulysses; or the Latin muse

With tales of  Troy’s just knight, our faiths abuse:

We have a   Shelton and a   Heydon got, 5

Had power to act what they to feign had not.

All that they boast of  Styx, of Acheron,

Cocytus, Phlegeton,  our have proved  in one;

The filth, stench, noise; save only what was there

Subtly distinguished was confusèd here. 10

Their  wherry had no sail, too; ours had  none:

And in it two more horrid knaves than  Charon.

Arses were heard to croak instead of frogs;

And for one  Cerberus, the whole coast was  dogs.

Furies there wanted not: each  scold was ten. 15

And for the cries of ghosts, women and men

Laden with plague-sores, and their sins, were heard,

Lashed by their consciences, to die afeared.

Then let the former age with this content  her;

She brought the poets forth, but ours th’ adventer. 20

The Voyage Itself

 I sing the brave adventure of two wights,

And pity ’tis I cannot call ’em knights:

One was; and he for brawn and brain right able

To have been stylèd of King Arthur’s table.

The other was a  squire of fair degree, 25

But in the action greater man than he;

Who gave, to take at his return from hell,

His  three for one. Now,  lordings, listen well.

 It was the day,  what time the powerful moon

Makes  the poor Bankside creature wet it’  shoon 30

In it’ own hall; when these (in worthy scorn

Of those that put out moneys on return

From Venice, Paris, or some inland passage

Of six times to and fro without embassage,

Or  him that backward went to Berwick, or which 35

Did dance the  famous morris unto Norwich)

At  Bread Street’s Mermaid, having dined, and merry,

Proposed to go to Holborn in a wherry:

 A harder task than either his to Bristo’,

Or his to Antwerp. Therefore, once more,  list ho! 40

A dock there is, that callèd is  Avernus,

Of some,  Bridewell, and may in time concern us

All, that are readers: but, methinks, ’tis odd

That all this while I have forgot some god

Or goddess to invoke, to stuff my verse; 45

And with both  bombard style and phrase rehearse

The many perils of this port, and how

  Sans help of  Sybil or a golden bough,

Or magic sacrifice they passed along!

 Alcides, be thou succouring to my song. 50

Thou hast seen hell (some say) and know’st all nooks there,

Canst tell me best how every Fury looks there,

And art a god, if fame thee not abuses,

Always at hand to aid the merry muses.

Great  Club-Fist, though thy back and bones be sore 55

Still with thy former labours,  yet, once more,

Act a brave work, call it thy last  adventry:

But hold my torch, while I describe the entry

To this dire passage.  Say thou stop thy nose,

’Tis but light pains: indeed  this dock’s no rose. 60

In the first jaws appeared that ugly monster

 Yclepèd Mud, which, when their oars did once stir,

Belched forth an air as hot as at the  muster

Of all your night tubs, when the carts do cluster,

Who shall discharge first his  merd-urinous load: 65

 Thorough her womb they make their famous road

Between two walls, where, on one side to scar men,

Were seen your ugly centaurs ye call  car-men,

 Gorgonian scolds and  harpies: on the other

Hung stench, diseases, and old filth their mother, 70

With famine, wants, and sorrows many a dozen,

The least of which was to the plague a cousin.

But they unfrighted pass, though many a privy

Spake to ’em louder than  the ox in Livy,

And many a sink poured out her rage  anenst ’em; 75

But still their valour and their virtue fenced ’em,

And on they went, like  Castor brave and Pollux,

Ploughing the  main. When see (the worst of all lucks)

They met the second prodigy would fear a

Man, that had never heard of a  Chimaera. 80

One said it was bold  Briareus or the  beadle

(Who hath the hundred hands when he doth meddle);

The other thought it  Hydra, or the rock

Made of the  trull that cut her father’s lock;

But, coming near, they found it but a  lighter, 85

So huge, it seemed, they could by no means  quite her.

‘Back!’ cried their brace of Charons; they cried ‘No;

No going back; on still, you rogues, and row.’

‘How  hight the place?’ A voice was heard:  ‘Cocytus.’

‘Row close then, slaves.’ ‘Alas, they will beshite us.’ 90

‘No matter, stinkards, row!’ ‘What croaking sound

Is this we hear? Of frogs?’ ‘No; guts  wind-bound

Over your heads: well, row!’ At this a loud

Crack did report itself, as if a cloud

Had burst with storm, and down fell  ab excelsis 95

Poor Mercury, crying out on  Paracelsus,

And all his followers, that had so abused him:

And in so shitten sort so long had used him:

For (where he was the god of eloquence

And subtlety of metals) they dispense 100

His spirits now in pills, and  eke in potions,

Suppositories,  cataplasms, and lotions.

‘But many moons there shall not wane’, quoth he,

‘(In the mean time let ’em imprison me)

But I will speak (and know I shall be heard) 105

Touching this cause, where they will be afeared

To answer me.’ And sure, it was th’intent

 Of the grave fart late let in parliament,

Had it been seconded, and not in fume

Vanished away: as you must all presume 110

Their Mercury did now. By this the  stem

Of the hulk touched, and, as  by Polypheme

The sly Ulysses stole in a sheepskin,

The well-greased wherry now had got between,

And bade her farewell  sough unto the  lurden: 115

Never did bottom more betray her burden:

The meat-boat of  Bears’ College, Paris Garden,

Stunk not so ill, nor, when she kissed,  Kate Arden.

Yet one day in the year for sweet ’tis voiced

And that is when it is the Lord Mayor’s  foist. 120

By this time had they reached the Stygian pool

By which the masters swear when, on the  stool

Of worship, they their nodding chins do hit

Against their breasts. Here several ghosts did flit

About the shore, of farts but late departed, 125

White, black, blue, green, and in more forms out-started

Than all those atomi ridiculous

Whereof old  Democrite and  Hill Nicholas,

One said, the other swore, the world consists.

These be the cause of those thick frequent mists 130

Arising in that place, through which who goes

Must try  th’unusèd valour of a nose:

And that ours did. For yet no  nare was tainted,

 Nor thumb, nor finger to the stop acquainted,

But open and unarmed encountered all; 135

Whether it languishing stuck upon the wall,

Or were precipitated down the jakes,

And, after,  swam abroad in ample flakes,

Or that it lay, heaped like an usurer’s mass,

All was to them the same: they were to pass, 140

And so they did, from Styx to Acheron,

The ever-boiling flood; whose banks upon

Your  Fleet Lane furies and hot cooks do dwell,

That with still-scalding steams make the place  hell.

The sinks ran grease and hair of  measled hogs, 145

The heads,  houghs, entrails, and the hides of dogs:

For, to say truth, what scullion is so nasty

To put the skins and offal in a pasty?

Cats there lay divers had been flayed and roasted,

And, after mouldy grown, again were toasted; 150

 Then, selling not, a dish was ta’en to mince ’em,

But still it seemed the rankness did  convince ’em;

For here they were thrown in  wi’ the melted pewter,

Yet drowned they not. They had  five lives in future.

But ’mongst these  Tiberts, who  d’you think there was? 155

Old  Banks the juggler, our  Pythagoras,

Grave tutor to the learnèd horse; both which,

Being beyond sea burnèd for one witch,

Their spirits transmigrated to a cat;

And now above the pool a face right fat 160

With great grey eyes, are lifted up, and mewed.

 Thrice did it spit, thrice dived. At last it viewed

Our brave   heroës with a milder glare,

And, in a piteous tune, began: ‘How dare

Your dainty nostrils (in so hot a season, 165

When every clerk eats artichokes and  peason,

Laxative lettuce, and such  windy meat)

’Tempt such a passage? When each privy’s seat

Is filled with buttock, and the walls do sweat

Urine and plasters? When the noise doth beat 170

Upon your ears of discords so unsweet,

And outcries of the damnèd in  the Fleet?

Cannot the  plague-bill keep you back? Nor bells

Of loud  Sepulchre’s with their hourly knells,

But you will visit grisly  Pluto’s hall? 175

Behold where Cerberus, reared on the wall

Of  Holborn (  three sergeants’ heads) looks o’er,

And stays but till you come unto the door!

Tempt not his fury; Pluto is away,

And  Madam Caesar, great  Proserpina, 180

Is now from home. You lose your labours quite,

Were you Jove’s sons, or had  Alcides’ might.’

They cried out ‘Puss!’ He told them he was Banks,

That had so often showed ’em merry pranks.

They laughed at his laugh-worthy fate. And passed 185

The triple head without a  sop. At last,

Calling for  Rhadamanthus that dwelt by,

A soap-boiler, and  Aeacus him nigh,

Who kept an ale-house, with my little  Minos,

An ancient  purblind  fletcher with a high nose; 190

They took ’em all to witness of their action:

And so went bravely back, without protraction.

In memory of which most liquid deed

The city since hath raised a  pyramid.

And I could wish for their eternized sakes 195

My muse had ploughed with  his that sung A-JAX.

Epigrams: The First Book There is no evidence that Jonson ever intended to print a second volume, although the collection of shorter poems printed after Jonson’s death in BensonQ has the running-title ‘Epigrams’, and in Benson12mo. is described on a separate title-page as ‘Epigrams to Several Noble Personages in this Kingdom’.
Dedication WILLIAM, EARL OF PEMBROKE William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke (1580–1630), was Sir Philip Sidney’s nephew and a significant literary patron; see Heinemann (1975), and on the patronage of the Sidney family in general Brennan (1988). Jonson dedicated Cat. to him, and he is the addressee of Epigr. 102.
] TITLE EPIGRAMMES. |1.| BOOKE. F1 ; EPIGRAMMES. F1 (half title) [Dedication] LORD] F1 (L.)
LORD CHAMBERLAIN Pembroke took the office in Dec. 1615, and was consequently responsible for theatrical censorship. He probably assumed the office while the 1616 folio was in the press (M. Butler, 1993a). Given that the publication of epigrams and satires was specifically prohibited in June 1599 (see introduction), Jonson may have mentioned this office in order to emphasize that his volume enjoyed influential protection.
etc.] F1 (&c.)
2–3 it . . . made it i.e. your merit gave rise to your title.
3 Lordship] F1 (Lo:)
4 ripest . . . studies Cf. Epistle to EMI (F).
4 danger in the sound (1) The title Epigrams was dangerous after the ban of 1599; (2) some poems appear to attack identifiable individuals.
7 facts crimes.
7–8 another’s . . . him Cf. Volp., Epist., and Bart. Fair, Ind. 101–8. ‘Application’ of a general satire to a specific individual had concerned Jonson since Poet. (1601), and had acquired urgent personal significance by the time of his imprisonment in 1605. See Letter 3. Cf. Martial’s claim in 10.33.10: parcere personis, dicere de vitiis, ‘to spare the persons, to speak of vices’. Sir John Davies, as reported by Sir John Harington, said in a more homely manner ‘of his Epigrams, that they were made like doublets in Birchen lane, for every one whom they will serve’ (Harington, A New Discourse, ed. Donno, 1962, 184). There may be an echo of Tacitus, Annals, 4.33: reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent, ‘you will find those who think they are accused because of the similarity of their bad manners to those of others’.
10 make . . . them plead their cause. Cf. Alch., Prol. 13–14.
11, 29 Lordship’s] F1 (Lo:)
13 good and great names Names are used throughout the collection as indicators of moral natures, and poems to named individuals are almost exclusively poems of praise. See E. B. Partridge (1973).
15 doth not deserve Cf. Und. 14.19–22 and Epigr. 65.
16 numbers precise respects.
18 owned acknowledged.
22 remit give up (OED, †2).
23 inherent graces essential properties or ornaments. ‘Graces’ is ironic.
23 trade habitual custom.
23–4 lend their long ears listen like asses to gossip.
24 mountebank quack or clown.
25 studiers of humanity The studia humanitatis in Italian universities meant the study of classical works and rhetoric.
26 vizards disguises (i.e. the generalized masks under which Jonson attacks vice).
27 Cato Marcus Portius Cato (95–46 bc), famed for his rigid virtue. Valerius Maximus 2.10.8 records Cato left the Floralia of 55bc because in his presence ‘the people blushed to ask that the actresses be stripped naked’ (an anecdote also found in Seneca, Epistles, 97.8). Jonson inverts Martial, 1.Pref.: non intret Cato theatrum meum, aut si intraverit, spectet, ‘let Cato keep out of my theatre; or if he comes in, let him watch’.
29 Lordship’s] F1 (Lo:)
1 The first four epigrams mark Jonson’s debt to Martial, Book 1, which opens with poems to the reader (1.1, 1.2), to his book (1.3) and to Domitian (1.4). In the editions that Jonson read, these poems were usually entitled Ad lectorem, Ad lectorem, ubi libri venales, Ad librum suum, and Ad Caesarem. Jonson also imitated the distinction made in most early modern editions of Martial (including that by his friend Thomas Farnaby of 1615) between epigrams entitled ad (to) a person or thing, which usually either praise or address them, and epigrams in (on the subject of, or against), which often attack their victims.
2 to understand to interpret with care. As is usual in Jonson, ‘understanding’ is contrasted with superficial interpretation.
2 2 ‘Epigrams’ Jonson is keen to present earlier English epigram books such as Weever’s Epigrams and Sir John Davies’s Epigrams (?1590) as biting and salacious, and his own as chaste. He consistently exaggerates the distinction.
2 named of me Jonson’s name had been associated with barbed epigrams by 1601. See Poet., Apol. Dial. 68–75.
3–4 gall . . . sulphur Proverbially bitter: bile, the plant Artemisia absinthium, proverbial for its bitter taste, and the acrid-smelling fumes of sulphur (which were often associated with hell).
5 petulant insolent, immodest. OED cites Marston’s Scourge of Villainy (1599), 3.11.2, as its first usage; for Jonson the word had a particular association with satire, as at Discoveries, 196.
7 i.e. Prove false (OED, Deceive 3b) the malicious interpreters who misrepresent you in this way. Cf. Martial, 1.Pref.7–8: absit a iocorum nostrorum simplicitate malignus interpres, ‘let the malicious interpreter leave my jests alone’, a tag used on the title-page of Poetaster.
10 another’s shame Martial, 7.12.4: et mihi de nullo fama rubore placet, ‘nor do I desire fame from anybody’s blush’.
11 profane, and beastly phrase Satire and epigram had been banned in June 1599. Jonson attempts at the start of his book to distance himself from charges of obscenity.
12 the world’s ‘The world’ is usually a term of contempt in Jonson, as at Poet., Apol. Dial. 142.
12 loose laughter Cf. Horace, Satires, 1.4.82–3 and Discoveries, 1866–8.
13–14 Cf. Martial, 1.Pref.6: mihi fama vilius constet, ‘I would not have fame at such a price.’
13 departs with surrenders (with perhaps a hint of the archaic sense ‘bids farewell to’, OED, 12a).
3 Perhaps originally written to the bookseller John Stepneth (or Stepney) in 1612. Stepneth published Alch. in that year and had owned the right to print Epigrams by virtue of his entry in the Stationers’ Register on 15 May 1612 (Arber, 3.485). He died later in 1612. Martial, 1.2.7–8, tells his readers to buy copies of his book at the shop of the librarius Secundus. Cf. West, Wit’s ABC, 1.5–8 Liber ad Lectorem ‘The Book to the Reader’: ‘Sometime I shall be nailed unto a post, / And sometime rashly torn, pinched, scratched, and crossed: / Reader therefore in kindness let me woo thee / To free me hence; sixpence will not undo thee.’
6 made suit sought, like a wooer or a petitioner for a patron’s favour.
7 on posts on poles set in the ground to display advertisements. By 1600 the phrase ‘poet of the post’ was used as of writers who sought vulgar display (OED, Post n.1, 2a).
8–9 Cf. Campion, Observations, sig. A4v, ‘The Writer to his Book’: ‘Whither thus hastes my little book so fast? / To Paul’s Churchyard. What? In those cells to stand, / With one leaf like a rider’s cloak put up / To catch a termer?’
9 termers people who hang around in London during the legal term (usually used of disreputable idlers).
10 i.e. the servant is barely literate, but his master is less so.
12 Bucklersbury A street that ran from the corner of Cheapside, and that ‘on both the sides throughout is possessed of grocers and apothecaries’ (Stow, Survey of London, ed. Kingsford, 1908, 1.260). Cf. Wiv., 3.3.79, and Dekker and Webster, Westward Ho, 1.2.39–41: ‘Go into Bucklesbury and fetch me two ounces of preserved melons: look there be no tobacco taken in the shop when he weighs it.’ There the poems would be used to wrap medicines or groceries. Cf. Everard Guilpin, Skialetheia, 70.10–11: ‘I know they are rude, harsh, and unsavoury rhymes, / Fit to wrap plasters and odd unguents in’; Horace, Epistles, 2.1.269–70; Martial, 3.2.3–5, 4.86; Poet., Apol. Dial. 158–9; Und. 43.51–4, and Discoveries, 425–7.
4 James I (1566–1625) was proclaimed King of England, France, and Ireland on 24 Mar. 1603. His Essays of a Prentice in the Divine Art of Poesie appeared in Edinburgh in 1584, and His Majesty’s Poetical Exercises at Edinburgh in 1591.
3 two things rare Solus aut rex aut poeta non quotannis nascitur, ‘only either a king or a poet is not born every year’, attributed to Florus, De qualitate vitae (‘Concerning the Quality of Life’), ix. Cf. EMI (F), 5.5.32–3 and n., Discoveries, 1728–9. The thought is echoed in Holland, Cypress Garland, sig. C1v: ‘Not every day, nor every year I trow it, / Is either born a king, or yet a poet.’
5 while . . . green while you were young. In 1584, when Essays of a Prentice appeared, James was eighteen. In the preface to his Poetical Exercises James professes that he ‘composed these things in my very young and tender years’ (1–2).
8 Cf. Pliny, Panegyricus, 24.1 on Trajan: talis . . . quales alii principes futuros se tantum pollicentur, ‘you are the kind of prince that others only promise that they will be in the future’.
10 test means of trial, touchstone of excellence.
5 James Ⅵ and I declared at the opening of Parliament on 19 Mar. 1603 that ‘the Union of these two princely houses [of York and Lancaster], is nothing comparable to the Union of two ancient and famous kingdoms [England and Scotland] . . . Hath not God first united these two kingdoms both in language, religion, and similitude of manners? Yea, hath he not made us all one island, compassed with one sea, and of itself by nature so indivisible as almost those that were borderers themselves on the late borders, cannot distinguish, nor know or discern their own limits . . . What God hath conjoined then, let no man separate. I am the husband, and all the whole isle is my lawful wife; I am the head, and it is my body’ (James I, Political Works, ed. McIlwain, 271–2). James proclaimed himself King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland on 20 Oct. 1604; see Bindoff (1945). It is likely the poem was composed around 1603–4, since like the majority of royal tracts on the union from that period it ignores awkward questions such as the naturalization of Scots, and the repeal of hostile laws, which remained unresolved well into 1607; see B. Galloway (1986), 30–57 and Notestein (1971), 211–54. Cf. Hym., 374–81. Cf. Samuel Daniel’s ‘Panegyric Congratulatory’ of 23 Apr. 1603: ‘No borders, but the Ocean and the shore; / No wall of Adrian serves to separate / Our mutual love, nor our obedience.’ By Mar. 1607 the image of marriage had soured: ‘Union is a marriage: would he not be thought absurd that for furthering of a marriage between two friends of his, would make his first motion to have the two parties laid in bed together, and perform the other turns of marriage?’ (James I, Political Works, ed. McIlwain, 293). Readers in 1612–16 might have responded ruefully to its optimism. It is possible that some at least of the MS variants are authorial, although miscellanists are often freer with short poems (which can be transcribed from memory).
5 1 When . . . contract] F1; Never was bargain JnB 413, JnB 414; Never was marriage JnB 415; Was euer contract JnB 416, JnB 417, JnB 417.8 subst., JnB 419, JnB 422.5; Never was Union JnB 417.5, JnB 421
1 better driven by] F1; driven by better JnB 416, JnB 422.5; driven to better JnB 416.5
2 Or] F1; Nor JnB 414, JnB 415, JnB 417.5, JnB 421
2 celebrated] F1; solemnized JnB 416, JnB 422.5
2 truth of] F1; nuptiall JnB 413, JnB 414, JnB 416.5; Royall JnB 416, JnB 422.5; nuptialls JnB 417.5; termes of JnB 419
3 the temple] F1; a temple JnB 413; spectator JnB 414
3 was] F1; is JnB 413, JnB 414, JnB 416, JnB 417, JnB 417.8, JnB 422.5
3 the priest a king] F1; the Sea the ring JnB 419
3 a] F1; the JnB 412, JnB 415, JnB 416, JnB 417, JnB 417.8, JnB 420, JnB 422.5
4 spousèd] F1; married JnB 415, JnB 416, JnB 416.5, JnB 417, JnB 417.5, JnB 417.8 subst., JnB 419, JnB 421, JnB 422.5; espoused JnB 422
4 realms] F1; Nations JnB 417
4 the sea the ring] F1; the Priest a king JnB 419
4 the sea Cf. James I’s proclamation in 1604: the island of Britain has ‘but one common limit or rather guard of the ocean sea, making the whole a little world within itself’ (Larkin and Hughes, 1973, 95).
6 2 i.e. ‘if you really can change base metals to gold, you must want to be poor’. For Jonson’s attitudes to alchemists, see Alch. and Merc. Vind.
7 2 purging bill A ‘bill’ could mean an ‘advertisement’ and a ‘physician’s prescription’.
3 hot-house The word means both ‘a brothel’ (OED, 2) and a place where patients could bathe in sweating tubs (which was one of the usual cures for venereal disease).
7 4 They’re] F1 (Th’are)
4 They’re synonyma They mean the same thing. The Latin plural form of ‘synonym’ was widely used in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
8 1 Ridway . . . Duncote The names have not been explained, though are unlikely to be those of identifiable individuals. ‘Ridway’ might suggest highway robbery (‘ride away’) and ‘Duncote’ might just suggest ‘dun-kite’ or moor-buzzard, a bird noted for its rapacity. ‘Dun’ (OED, v. 3) meaning ‘to make repeated and persistent demands upon’ is a new word in the early seventeenth century, so the name might also suggest persistent scrounging.
3 But because this money was used to buy the services of a courtier.
4 Begged Ridway’s pardon Who sought a pardon for Ridway.
9 Cf. the Preface to the Reader in Weever, Epigrams, sig. A7: ‘If you look for some reasons because I keep no order in the placing of my Epistles and Epigrams, let this suffice, I write Epigrams, and there is an old saying Non locus hominem, sed homo locum, &c: – The placing gives no grace / Unto the man, but man unto the place.’
4 no herald not someone concerned with precise ordering of people according to their rank. Cf. Sidney, New Arcadia, ed. Skretkowicz, 12–13: ‘I am no herald to enquire of men’s pedigrees. It sufficeth me if I know their virtues.’
10 1 poet ‘Commonly whoso is studious in the art [of poetry] . . . they call him in disdain a “fantastical”, and a light-headed or fantastical man (by conversion) they call a “poet”’ (Puttenham, Art of English Poesie, ed. Willcock and Walker, 18). Jonson tended to reserve the term for august writers, as opposed to poetasters and mere playwrights. Cf. Discoveries, 202–3.
2 Both the name ‘lord’, which for Jonson was a pejorative term if it were a title independent of merit, and in the pseudonym ‘Ignorant’.
11 JnB 408 probably represents an early authorial version; see Marotti (1995), 146–7.
Something Cf. ‘Towards me did run / A thing more strange than on Nile’s slime the sun / E’er bred . . . / A thing which would have posed Adam to name’, Donne, Satires, 4.17–20.
11 1 At] F1; In JnB 408
1 brave splendid.
3 a statesman a person intimately involved in government. The word entered the language in the 1590s, and was often used of politique or would-be politique schemers. See Epigr. 92.3.
3 As . . . came] F1; as towards me it came JnB 408
4 made . . . face i.e. looked grandly at me.
4 me] F1; not in JnB 407
4 the] F1; it JnB 407, JnB 409
5 Lord Cf. Informations, 260 and Epigr. 116.8.
5 Buried] F1; clothed JnB 408
5 Buried . . . blood Cf. ‘a soul drowned in a lump of flesh’ (Donne, Paradoxes and Problems, ‘Character of a Dunce’, 59).
6 such . . . least] F1; such a one from whom expect no JnB 408
8 Good . . . dead] F1; Lord walke great there JnB 408
12 Shift The name unites ‘trick’ (OED, 3a) and ‘a fraudulent or evasive device’ (OED, 4a) with ‘a way of getting a living’ (OED, 3e), and turns the name on the victim via the sense ‘a joke’ (OED, 3b). Cf. the character of this name in EMO.
1 squires pimps (OED 1†e). Shift in EMO is ‘squiring a cockatrice [whore]’ (Characters, 97).
2 Pict-Hatch . . . Whitefriars Places of ill-repute in London. Cf. EMI (F), 1.2.78; Alch., 2.1.62; Volp., 4.2.51.
3 half a man a servant shared with someone else.
4 ‘God pays’ Martial frequently gives his satirical victims a catchphrase, which he then turns on the victim at the end of the poem (as in 7.10). For a similar use of the device, see Guilpin, Skialetheia, Epigram 68. Shift does not pay his part-time servant regularly or well.
6 revenue The word is stressed on the second syllable (as usually in this period).
7 quarter-day ‘One of the four days fixed by custom as marking off the quarters of the year, on which tenancy of houses usually begins and ends, and the payment of rent and other quarterly charges falls due. In England and Ireland the quarter-days are Lady Day (Mar. 25), Midsummer Day (June 24), Michaelmas (Sept. 29), and Christmas (Dec. 25)’ (OED).
9 ’ssays essays, tries on.
11 ordinaries taverns, eating houses.
13 commodity worthless goods (such as lute-strings), given by usurers to their debtors as part of the loan, at a high notional price. This was a means of avoiding the strict laws limiting interest to 10 per cent: the debtor would have to repay the full value of the loan, including the amount notionally covered by the ‘commodities’, plus interest. See Alch., 2.1.14.
14 bond A ‘penal bond’ was one in which failure to comply with its terms would lead to a forfeit.
15 Essays A modish form: the first edition of Bacon’s Essays appeared in 1597; the essays of William Cornwallis appeared in 1600, and Florio’s translation of Montaigne appeared in 1603. Jonson was dismissive of the eclecticism of the form in Discoveries, 520–7.
16 physic medicine.
16 papers in which drugs were wrapped.
17 The majority of public theatres were on the South Bank of the Thames; since it was possible to cross by the bridge, a modicum of extravagance (similar to taking a cab) is implied by taking a boat.
18 stool It cost an additional 6d at the Blackfriars to sit on a stool onstage. This was a position often taken up by dressy young men. Cf. Cynthia (Q), Praeludium, 106–16.
21 cockatrice whore.
22 scores marks down his debt on his account (OED, 10a).
23 in his trim in his own fashion.
24 pocky infected with venereal disease.
13 1–2 Those cured of diseases in Ancient Greece offered a cock to Aesculapius, the god of medicine. In Phaedo, 118, Plato’s Socrates says just before his death. ‘Crito, we owe a cock to Aesculapius. Pay it and do not neglect it’; i.e. to die was to have all ills cured.
14 Camden William Camden (1551–1623) was a master at Westminster School, 1575–97, where he taught Jonson, and later became Clarenceux king-of-arms. Jonson dedicated EMI (F) to him. His antiquarian works included Britannia (1586), which was reprinted in folio in 1607, and which Camden intended to revise up until his death. It is unlikely this poem was conceived as a dedicatory piece for Britannia, since all the poems printed in the volume are Latin, although it might have been intended for Philemon Holland’s translation of 1610 and for some reason never used. Camden appended a collection of ancient epigrams to Remains Concerning Britain (1605), 9–18 (sigs. b1-c1v), and wrote ‘In short and sweet poems, framed to praise or dispraise, so some other sharp conceit which are called Epigrams, as our countrymen now surpass other nations, so in former times they were not inferior’ (sig. b1).
14 2 know] H&S; know. F1
4 renown and name Later editions of Camden’s preface to Britannia list Britannici nominis Gloria, ‘the glory of the British name’ (Camden, Britannia, 1607, sig. π4; Camden, Britain, 1610, sig. π4v), as one of his motives for his antiquarian research. He gives an exhaustive account of the etymology of the name ‘Britannia’ in 1610, 4–5, and in 1607, 3–4. He discusses Britanniae nomen, ‘the name of Britain’, in 1610, 23–8 and in 1607, 17–21. Britannia popularized the name ‘Britain’ shortly before James I had styled himself King of Britain in 1604, although earlier tracts (e.g. John Major, Historia Majoris Britanniae, 1521, and John Bale, Illustrium majoris Britanniae scriptorum summarium, 1548, ‘the summary of famous writers of Great Britain’) had given it some currency. Holland, Cypress Garland, sig. A4v called Camden a ‘founder’ of Great Britain along with James. ‘Name’ also puns on ‘reputation (for learning)’.
5–6 Cf. Pliny, Epistles, 4.17.4: Obversatur oculis ille vir quo neminem aetas nostra graviorem sanctiorem subtiliorem tulit, ‘He [Titius Aristo] comes before my eyes, that man than whom our age has produced none graver, holier, nor more subtle.’
7–9 Cf. Pliny, Epistles, 1.22.2,3: Quam peritus ille et privati iuris et publici! quantum rerum, quantum exemplorum, quantum antiquitatis tenet! Nihil est quod discere velis, quod ille docere non possit . . . Iam quanta sermonibus eius fides, quanta auctoritas, quam pressa et decora cunctatio! ‘How skilled was he both in private and public law! How many affairs [lit. things], how many examples of good and ill, how much of antiquity he retains in mind! There is nothing you might want to learn that he could not teach . . . And again how much loyal worth was in his conversation, how much authority, and how weighty and worthy is his slow deliberation.’
7 things public affairs. The lame rhyme is a result of Jonson’s attempt to turn ‘things’ into an English equivalent for the Latin res (affairs of state, property, things).
11–12 Cf. Claudian, De Consulatu Stilichonis, 2.329: tandem vince tuum, qui vincis cuncta, pudorem, ‘you who conquer all, at last conquer your own modesty’.
12 o’ercome] Wh; ouer-come F1
13 of thine i.e. of your pupils.
13 this better could could explain this better.
14 for instead of.
14 piety sense of devoted duty. (Latinate meaning.)
15 1 All men are worms Job, 25.5–6 (Geneva): ‘Behold, he will give no light to the moon, and the stars are unclean in his sight. How much the more man, a worm, even the son of man, which is but a worm?’; and Psalms, 22.6: ‘But I am a worm, and not a man; a shame of men, and the contempt of the people.’ ‘Worm’ in this period could mean ‘silkworm’.
3 butterfly Plays on the just emergent sense of ‘A vain, gaudily attired person (e.g. a courtier who flutters about the court)’ (OED, 2a fig.).
4 caterpillar ‘A rapacious person; an extortioner; one who preys upon society’ (OED, 2 fig.)
4 So Presumably this means that the courtier will be wrapped in a silk winding-sheet when he dies as he was wrapped in silk swaddling when he was born.
16 Brain-Hardy ‘Brave Brains’; but the analogy with ‘foolhardy’ undercuts this sense before the poem has even begun.
3 called upon challenged (OED, 23f).
4 brings . . . one enables you to carry through even one of your threats.
16 4 off of] F1 (of, of)
10 Cf. Plutarch’s Lysander, Lives, 8.4: ‘he who overreaches his enemy by means of an oath, confesses that he fears that enemy, but despises God’, and Sir John Davies, Epigram 28, ‘In Sillam’, 17–18: ‘Whom fear of shame could never yet affright, / Who dares affirm that Silla dares not fight?’ (Poems, ed. Krueger and Nemser).
17 The critic is unlikely to be a specific person (although see Epigr. 96). Donaldson (OSA) identifies with Pembroke; Brady (1983) suggests Donne.
2 magistrates Cf. the Dedication of Cat. to William, Earl of Pembroke; for the association of critics with the magistracy, cf. Bart. Fair, Ind. 175.
3 legitimate Cf. Horace, Epist., 2.2.109–10, where legitimum carries the sense ‘true to the best laws of criticism’.
4 Charge . . . crown (1) Assign them to test if they deserve a ‘crown’ or poetic garland of laurel; (2) submit them to your absolute authority for trial.
17 4 hie] F1 (hye)
4 hie go. F1’s ‘hye’ might alternatively be modernized as ‘high’.
6 chaste tree the laurel (‘bays’). Daphne fled Apollo, the god of poetry, and escaped his advances by turning into a laurel; hence her tree is chaste.
18 Mere, English i.e. he understands only English, and is unaware of classical examples of the Epigram. Martial frequently attacks ignorant critics, e.g. in Epigrams, 2.77, 4.49, and 6.65, as does Freeman, Rub and a Great Cast, sigs. E2 and F1-F1v; but Jonson’s chief example lies in the traditions of English epigram which he is satirizing: Sir John Davies claimed (Epigram 29, ‘In Haywodum’) ‘Haywood which did in Epigrams excel, / Is now put down since my light muse arose.’ Trimpi (1962a), 169 suggests that the target of this epigram may be ‘R.C’, who attacked Jonson in The Times’ Whistle: Or a New Dance of Seven Satires (132). The date of this volume is, however, uncertain.
4 Davies and Weever The Epigrams of Sir John Davies (1569–1626) appeared c. 1590 and those of John Weever (1575 or 1576–1632) in 1599, many of them having been written at Cambridge in the mid-1590s: by 1612–16 the censurer is distinctly out of fashion. Weever had praised Jonson and Marston in his Epigrams (sig. F8v), but attacked both poets in The Whipping of the Satyre (1601); see Honigmann (1995), 39–40, 47–9.
8 admire wonder at (unthinkingly). Jonson often uses the verb in a pejorative sense.
19 1 Cod (1) testicles or scrotum; (2) civet or musk-bag (hence he stinks).
1 yet a knight although he is a knight. In 1603 James I created 906 knights.
19 2 scent] F1 (sent)
2 ill sprite (1) evil spirit; (2) a bad smell, bad breath; (3) poor sexual vigour.
20 Martial, 2.12, satirizes a man who always smells of perfume, and who therefore must stink.
21 1 close-cut in the fashion of a puritan. Cf. EMO, Ind. 40–1; Bart. Fair, 3.6.22–4.
3 two fashions off two seasons of fashion out of date.
21 3 off] F2; of F1
4 Forbid] F1; (Forbidd’)
4 the Word quotations from the Bible.
4 Word] F1 (word)
6 The . . . bastinado His recent beating with a stick. Sometimes a bastinado was applied to the soles of the feet, so there may be a pun on ‘soul’ in line 8.
8 stripes blows with a weapon; with a play on the biblical usage to mean ‘a stroke of divine judgement’ (OED, 2b), as in Psalms, 89.31–2 (Authorized Version): ‘If they break my statutes, and keep not my commandments: Then will I visit their transgression with the rod, and their iniquity with stripes.’
22 A ‘Maria Johnson’ (baptismal records were in Latin, so this would be ‘Mary’ in English) was baptized on 8 Feb. 1601 in St Martin-in-the-Fields, a church with which Jonson had strong links (Cain, 2007). There is no reference to her burial six months later (i.e. in August 1601), but that is the most probable date for this poem, which would therefore belong to Jonson’s Catholic period (1598–1610). Cain notes that nocturnal, unregistered, Catholic burials after the private performance of a Catholic rite were not uncommon, even for children who were baptized into the Church of England. References to the Virgin might be expected in a poem to a child called Mary, although Jonson affords her an intercessionary role which might have been considered heterodox by church-going Englishmen in the period 1590–1612. For critical accounts, see Lauinger (1989), and (exhaustively) Booth (1998), 100–20. Scaliger, in Poetices, 170, includes epitaphs and elegies within the branch of epigrams concerned with praise and blame.
3 all . . . due The notion that one owed God a death was a commonplace of the period, and the notion that life is but lent is one to which Jonson frequently recurs: see Epigr. 45.3, Epigr. 109.11, Forest 3.106, Und. 83.80. The metrical awkwardness of the line is expressive: perhaps the second ‘heaven’ is disyllabic, while ‘being’ is elided into a monosyllable.
4 father, less, F1’s punctuation is retained: the father mourns less, but is also diminished by the mourning.
22 5 months’] F1 (moneths)
6 With her innocence unsullied (see OED, Safety 1†c). Jonson tends to associate forms of ‘safe’ with being saved (e.g. Forest 11.116). ‘Safety’ can also mean ‘the means or instrument of safety’ (OED, †3 and Booth, 1998, 105).
7–9 Cummings (2000b), 80 compares Revelations, 14.4–5: ‘And in their mouth was found no guile: for they are without fault before the throne of God.’
8 her mother’s (1) Mary’s mother’s; (2) the Virgin’s mother-like tears (for she too has lost a child).
10 The soul is temporarily severed from the body at death, to be reunited with it at the resurrection of the body.
11 partakes enjoys a share of (and perhaps ‘consumes’, OED, Partake 1b).
12 An appeal to the earth lightly to cover the body of the deceased is a commonplace of epitaphs. Cf. Martial, 5.34.9–10: mollia non rigidus caespes tegat ossa, nec illi, / terra, gravis fueris: non fuit illa tibi, ‘let the turf that covers her soft bones be not hard; nor, earth, be heavy to her: she was not heavy upon you’; and 9.29.11; 11.14.
23 Reprinted in Donne’s Poems in 1650, 1654, and 1669.
1 Donne John Donne (1572–1631) was a friend of Jonson from the late sixteenth century. He wrote verses for Volp. in 1607; see Bald (1970), 193–7. He had enjoyed the patronage of Lucy, Countess of Bedford, from c. 1607, as had Jonson from c. 1599 (see Forest 12.65–8). Jonson expressed less flattering views of Donne in Informations, 31–4 and 80–3. See also Epigr. 96.
1 Phoebus Apollo, God of poetry.
2 i.e. The muses will not assist other poets’ brains, since they all are occupied assisting Donne’s.
3 early ripe at an early date (anticipating the first citation for OED, 3d by twenty years). Cf. Und. 70.125, ‘Somerset (4.222-3), line 7, and for a similar opinion of Donne, see Informations, 82–3.
4 example as an exemplum, or permanently valuable instance of a truth.
5 Longer a-knowing A skilled practitioner for longer.
23 5 wits] F1 State 2; with F1 State 1
7 To it In addition (to your wit).
8 maintain a strife contend (in a competition of wit).
10 leave leave off.
24 In May 1604 the Venetian ambassador noted ‘the Parliament is full of seditious subjects, turbulent and bold, who talk freely and loudly about the independence and authority of Parliament’ (CSPV, 1603–07, p. 150). By May/June 1604 the Commons formulated an Apology, which outlined their grievances against the King. This is the most likely date for the poem, although a later date cannot be excluded. James complained on 21 Mar. 1609 that the Commons was in danger of becoming ‘a place for Pasquils [satires], and . . . grievances may be cast in amongst you, as may contain treason or scandal against me or my posterity’ (Political Works, ed. McIlwain, 314) and claimed that ‘many a man will in your house propound a grievance out of his own humour . . . and yet the country that employs him may perhaps either be of a contrary mind, or (at least) little care for it’ (Political Works, ed. McIlwain, 316). To readers in 1612 or 1616 the poem might also have recalled the fractious parliament of 1610, which refused to grant supply to the King. See E. R. Foster (1966), 1.xv–xix.
1 good laws Cf. ‘For as a parliament is the honourablest and highest judgement in the land . . . if it be well used, which is by making of good laws in it; so it is the unjustest judgement-seat that may be, being abused to men’s particulars’ (James I, Political Works, ed. McIlwain, 19).
24 2 ne’er] F1 State 2; nere F1 State 1
2 for your sake Probably ‘because of you’ (men are imitating the manners of Parliament), perhaps also registering a number of pejorative early senses of ‘sake’: ‘dispute’ and ‘accusation’.
25 3 petticoat underskirt; by 1600 it was voguish slang for ‘woman’.
4 Ganymede The cup-bearer of Jove. Slang for passive (and usually younger) homosexual partner by 1600.
4 goat Cf. Donne, Satires, 4.127–8: ‘Who wastes in meat, in clothes, in horse, he notes; / Who loves whores, who boys, and who goats.’ Accusations of bestiality frequently accompanied accusations of homosexuality in this period.
5–6 His wife dresses up in a variety of forms, with which, in imagination, he commits adultery. This makes her a female cuckold (cuckquean). Cf. Volp., 3.7.220–32 and n.
8 to change me By making her change her form, her husband encourages her to exchange him for a new partner.
8 woman’s haste As a woman hurries to change sexual partners; cf. Tilley W673, W674.
26 1 know Sexual slang for ‘have intercourse with’. G. Williams (1994) notes this sense continues into the late seventeenth century (pace OED).
2 Cf. Matthew, 5.28 (Geneva and Authorized Version): ‘But I say unto you, that whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her hath committed adultery with her already in his heart’; hybridized with Seneca, De Constantia, Moral Essays, 2.7.4: si quis cum uxore sua tanquam cum aliena concumbat, adulter erit, ‘If a man lies with his wife as if she were another woman, he will be an adulterer.’
26 2 He adulters] F1 (He’adulters)
27 Dated Jan. 1606 in Ribeiro (1973), 164. Puttenham defined epitaphs as ‘but a kind of Epigram only applied to the report of the dead person’s estate and degree, or of his other good or bad parts . . . and is an inscription such as a man may commodiously write or engrave upon a tomb in few verses’ (Puttenham, Art of English Poesie, ed. Willcock and Walker, 56).
1 Sir John Roe (1581 – Jan. 1606). The eldest son of William Roe, who owned the manor of Higham Bensted and surrounding property in Walthamstow. After matriculating at Oxford in 1597 he travelled to Moscow and served in the Low Countries and Ireland (Epigr. 32.5), where it is likely he was knighted. On 8 Oct. 1605 he escaped capture near the river Ruhr after having been one of only four men to charge against 400 Italian troops. See Epigr. 66n. He was a close friend: he died of the plague in Jonson’s arms (Informations, 113–16, 139–41). Jonson presented him with a copy of Casaubon’s edition of Persius (1605). Roe composed a poem to Jonson after the two of them were removed from a performance (possibly) of Daniel’s The Vision of the Twelve Goddesses in Jan. 1604; see Literary Record, Electronic Edition.
1 scutcheons armorial inscriptions. Jonson repeatedly insists on the value of virtue over heredity and heraldic insignia. See McCanles (1992), 46–101, and Und. 84.8.11.
2 tears and verse Jonson follows early seventeenth-century fashion in insisting that unornamented grief best suits funerary verse; see Pigman (1985), 85–95.
27 5 friend’s] F1 (friends)
5 restore Senses range from ‘bring (a person or part of the body) back to a healthy or vigorous state’ (OED, 4c) to ‘replace (mankind) in a state of grace’ (OED, 4a).
6–7 If any . . . hath Orthodox Calvinist theology would deny that good works could influence salvation; hence Jonson’s cautious ‘if’, which would protect him against charges of Catholicism.
28 1 Don Originally a Spanish title given to men of great rank; in the theatre of the 1590s it was almost universally used ironically. Surly, who dresses as a Spaniard in Alch., is often called ‘Don’.
1 Surly The word is first found in the 1560s, and by 1610 has overtones of ‘lordly, imperious, arrogant’, rather than its later sense of ‘gloomily morose’. The name recurs in Alch., and in Epigr. 82, where it is associated with social climbing.
3 great trade Almost an oxymoron: ‘great’ refers to social standing or moral worth; ‘trade’, however, is lowly. ‘Great’ is one of the most frequent non-function words in the Epigrams, and frequently carries a pejorative overtone of pomposity or unearned superiority.
4 rhinocerote’s curled in a sneer. The word may be pronounced in the Latinate way as five syllables, with the final ‘e’s’ pronounced as ‘ease’, which makes the line an alexandrine. Alternatively it may be elided to ‘rhino’srots’, although had Jonson intended this pronunciation he would probably have indicated the elision. Compare Martial, 1.3.5–6: in Rome iuvenesque senesque / et pueri nasum rhinocerotis habent, ‘young men and old and even boys have noses like a rhino’.
7 tympanies Usually, swellings located in the stomach, attributed to a failure of digestion: so Surly has lumps of undigested business visible in his face.
11 neat elegant.
13 still board silent table. (He eats and drinks without the conversation which was for Jonson an emblem of civil life.)
15 spice i.e. an expensive affectation.
17 hind rustic servant.
29 Annual Tilts were held each year on the King’s accession day (24 Mar.). Fleay (1891), 1.317 suggests 1610 as a possible date for the poem, since in that year Sir Richard Preston entered ‘in a pageant, which was an elephant with a castle on the back; and it proved a right partus elephantis [elephant’s labour; anticlimax]; for it was as long a coming till the running was well entered into’ (Nichols, Progresses (James I), 1828, 2.287). However, the excesses of courtier’s ornamentation were the subject of parody from the 1590s on, as in the tournament described by Nashe in The Unfortunate Traveller (Nashe, Complete Works, 2.271–7).
29 1 may ’dmire] F1 (may’admire)
1 ’dmire as often in Jonson: ‘wonder at (unthinkingly)’.
5 On great occasions fountains in London would be made to run with wine, as at the state entry of James I: ‘not a conduit betwixt the Tower and Westminster but runs wine, drink who will’ (Nichols, Progresses (James I), 1828, 1.415).
30 2 own acknowledge (i.e. accept the identification; perhaps also ‘claim to be the author of them’).
4 ere . . . name This makes a threat of future exposure out of Jonson’s promise to tax vices rather than persons.
31 Bank ‘Financial institution’ in the modern sense; also perhaps ‘The table or counter of a money-changer or dealer in money’ (OED, 1†).
1 gout Usurers in this period are frequently represented as suffering from gout. See C. T. Wright (1934), 181–3, and Mag. Lady, 3.4.37–41. ‘Knotty’ derives from Horace’s nodosa cheragra ‘knotty gout’, Epistle, 1.1.31.
31 2 travel] F1 (trauaile)
2 travel Plays on the sense ‘travail, labour’, with a suggestion that money labours to breed more money (as at Epigr. 97.10).
4 hell Perhaps with a reference to the former debtor’s prison under Westminster Hall, which was known as ‘hell’. Cf. Middleton, A Trick to Catch the Old One, 4.5.2–3: ‘Let the usurer cram him, in interest that excel, / There’s pits enow to damn him before he comes to hell.’ Also a tavern frequented by lawyers; see Chalfant (1978), 93.
32 Roe See headnote to Epigr. 27.
1 two brave perils Presumably Roe engaged in two duels. Details do not survive.
3 self-divided Belgia The Low Countries were frequently used as types of discord, as in ‘Ode (Pancharis)’, 2.413–17, line 85. Since the treaty of Utrecht, 23 Jan. 1579, the northern Low Countries were theoretically united against Spain; however, only weeks before, the Southern provinces had become reconciled with Philip Ⅱ of Spain under the Union of Arras. Discord between the largely Protestant North and the predominantly Catholic South continued until after 1606, the date of this poem. John Throckmorton reported that Roe was ‘sore hurt in the head’ (quoted in Ribeiro, 1973, 163) at Flushing in Oct. 1605.
4–5 i.e. neither the cold of Russia (details of Roe’s travels are not known) nor the damp of Ireland (where Roe probably fought in 1601 under Charles Blount, Baron Mountjoy (Ribeiro, 1973, 158)), could bring about his death (and the word is delayed until line 9). The syntax of lines 6–7 is inverted: ‘what his frequent change of climate could not bring about’.
6 Cf. Horace, Epistles, 1.11.27: caelum, non animum, mutant, qui trans mare currunt, ‘those who journey across the sea change the skies rather than their mind’, and compare Epigr. 128.1–4, to Roe’s brother.
7 repair usual dwelling, but with overtones of conviviality via the sense ‘concourse or confluence of people in or at a place’ (OED, 3).
10 serenes ‘A light fall of moisture or fine rain after sunset in hot countries . . . formerly regarded as a noxious dew or mist’ (OED). Cf. Volp., 3.7.183.
33 1 Jacobean epitaphs frequently emphasized the vanity of tears. See Epigr. 27.2n.
2 gone before Echoes the Service for the Burial of the Dead: ‘Give us faith to see in death the gate of eternal life, so that in quiet confidence we may continue our course on earth, until, by your call, we are reunited with those who have gone before; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.’ This gives a ring of certainty to the classical source usually cited: Seneca, De Consolatione ad Marciam, Moral Essays, 6.19.1: Iudicemus illos abesse et nosmet ipsi fallamus, dimisimus illos, immo consecuturi praemisimus, ‘Let us consider that the dead are merely absent, and let us deceive ourselves; we have sent them on their way – indeed we have sent them ahead and shall soon follow’, and Ad Polybium de Consolatione, Moral Essays, 11.9.9: Omnibus illo nobis commune est iter. Quid fata deflemus? Non reliquit ille nos sed antecessit, ‘the way there is the same for us all. Why do we bemoan his fate? He has not left us, but has gone before.’
4 make my how Preparing for a good death was a central element in the ars moriendi tradition.
6 can . . . mine is not in sympathy with my philosophy and fails to rejoice in my good death.
34 1 just virtuous (with a resonance from OED, 1: ‘righteous in the sight of God; justified’).
35 Probably composed in early 1604, although not before the opening of Parliament on 19 Mar. The celebratory mood would have suited the festivities surrounding James’s coronation on 15 Mar. 1604.
35 2 by example] F1 (by’example)
2 by . . . sway ‘A good king will frame all his actions to be according to the law; yet is he not bound thereto but of his good will, and for good example-giving to his subjects’, James I, Political Works, ed. McIlwain, 63. Cf. Panegyre, 125–7, Haddington, 173ff., and Oberion, 260–1. Claudian, Panegyricus De Quarto Consulato Honorii Augusti, 299–301: componitur orbis / regis ad exemplum, nec sic inflectere sensus / humanos edicta valent quam vita regentis, ‘The world shapes itself after its ruler’s example, nor can laws influence men’s minds as much as their monarch’s life.’ Extracts from Claudian’s panegyrics figured prominently in the pageants greeting James I, and in Panegyre, written to mark the opening of Parliament.
4 happiest An overstatement even by the standards of panegyric: 1603–4 had seen a severe plague. In early 1604 the Commons were composing a list of grievances for their new monarch to address.
5 thy realms James proclaimed himself King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland on 20 Oct. 1604. The plural registers the continuing arguments over the union of England and Scotland.
6–7 Fleay (1891), 1.317 suggests an allusion to ‘new laws 1604 Mar.’; but since James’s first parliament was notable for its lack of legislation this is weak evidence as to the poem’s date.
8 Cf. ‘Monarchy is the true pattern of divinity’; ‘Kings were the authors and makers of the laws, and not the laws of the kings’: James I, Political Works, ed. McIlwain, 54, 62).
9 preservèd wert In 1603 Ralegh and Cobham were accused of plotting to overthrow the new king. Ralegh was imprisoned. In Aug. 1600 Alexander Ruthven and the Earl of Gowrie had captured James with the intent of killing him.
10 James’s coronation was delayed for almost a year as a result of a severe plague. Jonson flatteringly interprets the end of that plague as divine preservation of the realm for the new king.
36 The juxtaposition with the previous poem is pointed: Domitian was despotic and unpopular, and his panegyrists frequently had to tell half-truths similar to those offered in Epigr. 35. JnB 519, despite dating from the 1660s, may preserve authorial variants.
1 Martial Marcus Valerius Martialis was born c. 40 AD in Spain. He composed fourteen books of epigrams, which include several poems in praise of the Emperor Domitian. He also praised the later (and less unpopular) Emperors Nerva and Trajan. Jonson may simply have forgotten this, or he may deliberately be drawing attention to Martial’s flattery. Fragments of Martial figured in the pageants which greeted James I’s accession (Nichols, Progresses (James I), 1828, 1.378, 387, 388).
36 1 gav’st] F1; gaues JnB 519
2 Domitian Titus Flavius Domitianus (b. ad 51, murdered 18 Sept. 96). Although Domitian was flattered by Martial and Statius, Jonson would have also known the hostile senatorial tradition of writing about him, represented by Pliny and Tacitus. Domitian’s aggressive treatment of the senate may be at the back of Jonson’s mind in this collection, which is so conscious of tense relationships between the King and parliament (see Epigr. 24).
3 in my . . . thee] F1; all perceiue here in they disagree JnB 519
4 flattered’st] F1; flatters JnB 519
4 mine . . . be Both (flatteringly) ‘he is so good that no praise, however hyperbolic, would be flattery’, and ‘he refuses to listen to flatterers’. James I urged his son to choose servants who were free of ‘that filthy vice flattery, the pest of all princes, and wrack of republics’ (James I, Political Works, ed. McIlwain, 32). Cf. Informations, 255–6.
37 Cheverel] F1 (Chev’rill)
37 Cheverel Kid leather, which can stretch to fit any hand. OED cites Philip Stubbs, Anatomy of Abuses (1583): ‘The lawyers have such cheverel consciences.’ Cf. Epigr. 54. A ‘cheverel face’ is an index of hypocrisy in Guilpin, Skialetheia, sig. C7v.
1 leese lose (a regular Jacobean spelling).
3 melts his grease sweats (by speaking vigorously on one side of the case).
4 that . . . peace i.e. his eloquence is so ineffective that he loses the case. The client for whom he speaks is supposed to be happy that Cheverel has exerted himself on his behalf, despite losing him the case.
38 1 late recently (i.e. in Epigr. 30).
3 touched (1) alluded to, mentioned; (2) stung, physically struck.
8 tell your name See Epigr., Ded. 12n.
39 Colt ‘A lascivious fellow, wanton’ (OED, 2†c), with a flavour of deception via the sense of the verb ‘to befool, cheat’ (OED, Colt v. †2). Perhaps the ageing rake’s wife is unfaithful to him, or perhaps he must endure her nagging.
40 Margaret Radcliffe (or Ratcliffe). A maid of honour to Elizabeth I, and sister to Sir John Radcliffe (addressee of Epigr. 93). She died purportedly of grief on 10 Nov. 1599. Philip Gawdy recorded on 16 Nov.: ‘There is news besides of the tragical death of Mrs Ratcliffe the maid of honour, who ever since the death of Sir Alexander her brother hath pined in such strange manner, as voluntarily she hath gone about to starve herself, and by the two days together hath received no sustenance, which meeting with extreme grief hath made an end of her maiden modest days, at Richmond upon Saturday last, her Majesty being present, who commanded her body to be opened and found it all well and sound, saving certain strings striped all over her heart’ (BL Egerton MS 2804, fol. 127v–128; Isaac Herbert Jeayes, ed., Letters of Philip Gawdy of West Harling, Norfolk, and of London to Various Members of his Family 1579–1616 (The Roxburghe Club, 1906), p. 103). This was taken as evidence that she had died of a broken heart: see Neill (1988), 156. Alexander Ratcliffe was killed in Ireland in Aug. 1599. The poem is an acrostic, despite the contempt expressed for the form in Und. 43.39.
7 Expresser more exact, more perfect. The reading in JnB 404 (‘Expresse her’) shows scribal confusion over this unusual form.
16 feature beauty.
41 Gypsy ‘A contemptuous term for a woman, as being cunning, deceitful, fickle’ (OED, 2b). OED dates this sense to 1632, but it is clearly active by Ant. (1.1.10 and 4.12.28), which was composed before 1608.
2 College The College of Physicians (founded in 1518).
3 quaint curious, with a play on the slang sense ‘cunt’.
4 The syphilis she gave as a whore she cures with hot-tub treatment.
42 The MSS of this popular poem (collated in the electronic edition) are poor transcriptions ultimately deriving from the printed text. The poem may derive from an epigram by John Parkhurst, 1511?–75 (Whipple, 1925, 398 n.23; first printed in Parkhurst’s Ludicra, pp. 18–19, and reprinted in Latin with a translation by Robert Vilvain in his Enchiridium, fol. 151), as well as (distantly) from Martial, 12.58 and (more closely) 8.35: Cum sitis similes paresque vita, / uxor pessima, pessimus maritus, / miror non bene convenire vobis, ‘Since the two of you are alike and equal in your way of life, the worst possible wife and the worst possible husband, I’m amazed you don’t suit one another.’ It was imitated by Herrick in ‘Jack and Jill’.
42 11 long-yarned] F1 (long yearn’d)
11 long-yarned The thread spun by the Fates is too long for him. OED fails to record this usage of ‘yarned’.
16 to will and nill to wish and not to wish.
43 The poem (discussed in R. C. Evans, 1987b) is likely to date from the peak period of Jonson’s work for Cecil, c. 1606–9. Jonson’s autograph copy, addressed to Cecil, is JnB 504, at Hatfield House. It is on the same leaf as Epigr. 63. See Text archive, Electronic Edition.
43 Autograph copy JnB 504 headed ‘To the most Worthy of his Honors. Robert, Earle of Salisbury. Epigramme’
1 Robert, Earl of Salisbury Robert Cecil (1563–1612), Secretary of State under Elizabeth and James, is also the addressee of Epigr. 63 and 64. He was created Earl of Salisbury on 4 May 1605. Fleay (1891), 1.317 suggested that this poem was composed to celebrate that event. On 20 May 1606 Cecil was made Knight of the Garter, and was active in negotiations between the King and Commons throughout the Parliament of 1604–5. Cf. Informations, 243–6. On Jonson’s relations with Cecil, see Wiltenburg (1988); for the poet’s gradual estrangement from him, see Sutton (2000). Knowles (2002) argues that Cecil’s household exercised a level of control over Jonson’s works which the poet came to resent.
3–4 Even if the nation should fail to praise your actions out of love, her enemies would give you fame by expressing their hatred of you.
5 ’Tofore] F1; Of old JnB 504
5 ’Tofore Heretofore.
6 of thee to have you as my patron and subject.
7 least] F1 (lest); least JnB 504
8 fame] F1; prayse JnB 504
9 book] F1; Verse JnB 504
9 book The MS ‘verse’ was revised to suit the epigram book; ‘Sarum’ (the Latin name of Salisbury) may have been changed for ‘Cecil’ because the former is the name of a title, the latter that of the man, and Epigr. are keen to praise their addressees for what is proper to themselves (names) rather than accidental (titles).
9 Cecil’s] F1; SARUM’s JnB 504
11–12 Cf. Pliny, Panegyricus, 1.6: tantum . . . a specie adulationis absit gratiarum actio mea quantum abest a necessitate, ‘my show of thanks will be as far from the appearance of flattery as it is from the need for it’. Cf. Epigr. 36.4 – a comparison which is in itself flattering to Cecil, since it conjoins him with the King.
44 Chuff A churl, and in the 1590s especially ‘a miser’ (OED, 2b). OED, n.2 ‘fat cheeks’ may register, as may ‘chough’, a jackdaw (which would suit the poem’s play on ‘black’, as well as establishing the character’s greed: jackdaws gather and hoard silver). Cf. EMO, Characters, 52. Bank appears in Epigr. 31.
1 chattels property apart from real estate.
2 rich in issue He had many children.
3 blacks Black cloth was given to members of the household of those who died for mourning garments.
4 He saw all his family go to the river Styx (die).
5–6 Obscure: presumably Chuff has made someone (perhaps Banks) an executor, who learns that he would be Chuff’s heir if his children were to die; he murders Chuff’s children for the sake of a legacy.
5 make swift repair go there quickly.
45 Benjamin Jonson died at the age of seven of the plague ‘when the King came to England’, (i.e. after Mar. 1603; probably late summer), Informations, 198–206. Jonson learnt of his death by letter, having had a premonitory vision of his son ‘with the mark of a bloody cross on his forehead, as if it had been cutted with a sword’, and may have been unable to attend the funeral because of the plague, as Scodel (1991), 92, suggests. Cummings (2000b), 80, suggests debts to Seneca, De Consolatione ad Marciam, 14.3, 12.4 and 12.2. For an exhaustive and finally negative critical account, see Booth (1998), 64–120. Earlier criticism discusses whether the consolation offered in the poem is Christian (Fike, 1969, W. D. Kay, 1971) or predominantly secular (Kronenfeld, 1978). Other criticism includes Winner (1982), Trimpi (1983), and Brady (1985), who relates the poem to Jonson’s ambivalent attitudes towards fathers. Bevan (1997) suggests a general debt to the Catechism in the Book of Common Prayer, and Niland and Evans (1994) propose that there is a debt to Quintilian, 6 prol.
1 right . . . joy Hebrew ‘Benjamin’ is glossed in the Geneva Bible as ‘son of the right hand, who was first called Benoni, the son of sorrow, dextrous, fortunate’ (1598), sig. ¶ 1v. Cf. Genesis, 35.18 (Authorized Version), ‘And it came to pass, as her soul was in departing (for she died) that she called his name Benoni: but his father called him Benjamin.’ Silberman (1990) suggests detailed debts to commentaries on this biblical passage, which shift emphasis from the sufferer Rachel, to the survivor, Jacob.
2 hope Camden Remains (1605), 29 notes that the most frequent ground for naming was ‘upon future good hope conceived by parents of their children’; see Scodel (1991), 98.
45 3 thou wert] F1 (tho’wert)
3 lent See Epigr. 22.3 and note. Cf. Epictetus, Enchiridion, 11: ‘Never say about anything “I have lost it”, but only “I have given it back.” Is your child dead? It has been given back. Is your wife dead? She has been given back.’ The topos was common in classical epitaph: see Lattimore (1942), 170–1.
4 just day due date. Day can mean ‘a day appointed, a fixed date, esp. for payment’ (OED, 9a). K. Walls (1977) suggests an inverted allusion to the seventh Sabbatical year in Deuteronomy, 15.1–2, in which debts were released: here they are called in.
5 lose] F1 (loose)
5 lose all father shake off fatherly feelings. The normal spelling of ‘lose’ as ‘loose’ in F1 suggests a secondary sense: ‘let loose all the emotions appropriate to a bereaved father’.
7 rage passion.
9 Rest in soft peace Cf. Hei, columna, mortuo levis mane, ‘Column be light on the dead’, from the epitaph by the sculptor Architeles for his son, in Lubinus, Florilegii variorum epigrammatum, 595. From this point the poem shifts from its opening elegiac mode towards epitaph (Scodel, 1991, 95).
10 Ben. Jonson The orthography and punctuation of F1 are here vital: the reader encounters first a name as it would appear on a monument, then realizes that the name is that of the father rather than that of the son. This effect is carried over from the previous line, in which the voice of son, poet-father, and tombstone blend into one.
11 whose Ben Jonson junior (‘Ben. Jonson his best piece of poetry’); but the pronoun identifies father and son for a moment as it appears to refer back to the father.
12 Cf. Martial, 6.29.8: quidquid ames, cupias non placuisse nimis, ‘Whatever you love, pray that it not please too much.’ Trimpi (1983) argues that the whole of Martial’s poem, on the death of a slave-boy, was on Jonson’s mind, and that the line suggests that fathers should not dote excessively on their children. The syntax forces an opposition between ‘loves’ and ‘like’, which is the reverse of what is expected: one would expect ‘likes’ to be the less intense, although it is made to carry a greater weight as the emotion which must be limited. The opposition strives to make ‘love’ mean ‘purely and altruistically adore’ and ‘like’ mean ‘please’ or ‘have a merely mortal attraction to’; but the inverted order nonetheless insists on the strength of ‘liking’. Beaurline (1966) argues that the line counsels against too much pride; W. D. Kay (1971) suggests that it registers ‘that man’s true blessedness transcends the limits of merely human relationships’. Both critics perhaps underplay the massive weight given to ‘liking’, or mortal affection, at the end of the poem.
12 As That.
46 1 waste left over, cast off. OED cites this usage only under 8 ‘of a person? worthless’. It is more likely, as Donaldson (OSA) suggests, that Sir Luckless is a widow-hunter like Winwife in Bart. Fair.
2 ‘Knighthood was the first dignity which the Crown openly allowed to be sold’ (Stone, 1965, 81). By 1604 fees to heralds and sergeants at arms in connection with the ceremony could amount to £60.
3 band bond (see Epigr. 12.14 note). He hopes to repay the debt with his wife’s fortune.
5 knight-wright Like ‘playwright’ (Epigr. 49.1), this is probably a Jonsonian coinage (unrecorded by OED). The word also occurs in ‘The Character of a Scot’, printed in 1652 but composed probably some time after 1603 (Donne, Paradoxes and Problems, 59). Cf. ‘sonnet-wright’ in Joseph Hall, Virgidemiarum, 4.2.84 in The Poems, ed. Davenport (1969).
47 1 pass by one allow at least one opportunity to go by.
48 Mongrel] F1 (Mvngril)
48 Mongrel cross-breed (and so low).
1 bought arms Sogliardo in EMO, 3.1.168, buys his arms for £30. Heralds commanded large fees for verifying that a person should be classed as armigerent.
2 threw . . . away He throws his arms away because he is a coward rather than because he does not like them. Throwing away a shield was in fact a great dishonour: see Spenser’s Faerie Queene, 5.11.46.
2 threw ’em] F1 (threw’hem)
3 duellists experts in duels. The year 1610 saw the publication of John Selden’s The Duello. In 1613 appeared A publication of his Majesty’s edict and severe censure against private combat and combatants. Jonson is probably seeking to exploit this royal hostility to duelling. Mongrel has lost no honour because he has none to lose.
3 duellists] F1 (Due’llists)
49 Playwright The word was in use as a contemptuous term for a ‘mere mechanical fashioner of plays, rather than true poet’ in Jonson’s circle from c. 1605: cf. Cygnus’s attack on ‘common playwrights’ in his verses on Sej. Cf. Epigr. 46.5n. Playwright has not been identified, although there is some similarity between his criticisms and those made in R. C.’s Times’ Whistle ed. Cowper (1871) (132–3): ‘thou shalt not find a dram / Of wit, befitting a true Epigram. / Perhaps some scraps of play-books thou maist see . . .’. See Trimpi (1962a), 168.
2 tongue of epigrams Cf. Martial, 1. Pref.11: epigrammaton linguam, ‘the tongue / language of epigram’, which in his case is licensed by its association with the Roman festival of the Saturnalia, in which sexual and social freedoms were permitted.
3 salt pungent wit (perhaps with an overtone of OED, n2 ‘sexual desire or excitement’ and G. Williams (1994) ‘lecherous’).
5–6 Martial more than once insists that his manners are not reflected in his poems: 1.4.8, Lasciva est nobis pagina, vita proba, ‘my page is lewd, my life is virtuous’, and 11.15.13, mores non habet hic meos libellus, ‘this little book does not have my morals’. Jonson reverses the proposition: his book is chaste, Playwright’s life less so.
50 Cod See Epigr. 19, Epigr. 20.
1–2 Tobacco was believed to have medicinal properties, as in EMI (F), 3.5.59–72. Cf. Sir John Davies, Epigram 36.34–6: ‘I would but say, that it the pox will cure: / This were enough, without discoursing more, / All our brave gallants in the town t’allure.’ Marbecke, Defence of Tobacco, 11 says it is ‘good to cure dropsies, and waterish diseases and rheums’, and denies that it is a poison (48). Jonson’s suggestion that it is absurd to smoke aromatic gums like tobacco may take its cue from James I, whose Counter-blast to Tobacco appeared in 1604.
2 clysters pipes used to administer an enema; here fumy because they bring smoke to the lungs.
3 Arsenic A deadly poison (also used in the cure of venereal disease).
51 1607 A rumour spread on 22 Mar. 1606 (Jonson’s date is incorrect: he probably became confused because the event occurred just at the end of the legal year, on 25 Mar.) that the King had been stabbed with a poisoned knife while he was hunting at Woking. A constable pursuing a man on horseback cried ‘traitor’ and this was thought to be directed at an assassin. The rumour of the King’s death spread so fast that on the same day James issued a proclamation that he was alive. The King ‘said he marvelled how so great a noise could grow of so small a cause, but being so, he could (as he said) make this use, viz. he understood the good affection of his people’ (Larkin and Hughes, 1973, 1.134). The rumour arose only four months after the Gunpowder Plot, and six days before the trial of Father Garnet for complicity in the plot.
51 2 heaven] F1 (heau’n)
2 ill fame erroneous rumour. ‘Ill’ plays OED, 7a (‘faulty, erroneous’) against OED, 1 (‘wicked’).
4 least pause of even the briefest of considerations by.
5 doubt fear.
6 gratulate greet with joy.
8 after-state future period of rule.
52 Courtling Petty courtier. OED attributes Jonson with the first usage of the word in Cynthia (F), 5.4.30, 452. Courtling is also the addressee of Epigr. 72.
1–2 Cf. the proverb ‘Faint praise is disparagement’ (Tilley, P538).
2 frostily This is the first citation of the adverb in OED.
4 but . . . cause but cannot find a reason to praise, despite being my friend.
5 This i.e. Damning with faint praise.
5 the other way i.e. openly finding fault.
53 Old-End Gatherer Stealer of left-overs of other people’s work; hence plagiarist. ‘Gatherer’ can mean ‘a collector of literary material, compiler’ (OED, 3), a term used with contempt from the 1580s. It could also mean ‘a money-taker at a theatre’ (OED, 1 c), which might add a further barb to the name if line 4 alludes to a playwright. The second edition of John Marston’s satirical Scourge of Villainy (1599) was prefixed by a dedication ‘To his most esteemed and best beloued Self’. Verse satire was a genre most frequently associated with accusations of plagiarism in this period. See Donne, Satires, 2.25–30, and Joseph Hall, Virgidemiarum, 4.2.83–4.
2 pilled plundered, ripped the goodness out of.
3 the author’s name to lose (1) not to present yourself as its author; (2) conveniently to forget who wrote it.
4 in place in its stead (i.e. he dedicated the book to himself in order to show who wrote it).
6 assurance The word was used of vows and betrothals in this period; so ‘a legal undertaking’.
8 father and the witness Cf. Bart. Fair, 1.3.100–1. Puritans objected to the term ‘godfather’, and preferred ‘witness’, as Hooker notes: ‘In the phrase of some kind of men they use to be termed witnesses, as if they came but to see and testify what is done. It savoureth more of piety to give them their old accustomed name of fathers and mothers in God’ (Hooker, Works, 2.300).
9 where out of motley’s who, other than a fool, is. Motley is a fool’s variegated clothes.
10 that . . . thee a line worth dedicating to you.
54 Cheverel] F1 (Chev’ril)
54 Cheverel See Epigr. 37 headnote.
2 Star Chamber A room in the Palace of Westminster used by the monarch’s Council when acting as a court of law. It need take no account of common law, but could not impose the death penalty. Its business might include libel and sedition.
2 Bar ‘The barrier or wooden rail marking off the immediate precinct of the judge’s seat, at which prisoners are stationed for arraignment, trial, or sentence’ (OED, 22a).
3 petulant insolent, rude. OED cites Volp., 3.4.7 as the first usage in this sense.
3 pleadings Supposedly formal statements of reasons for an action in law; Cheverel abandons these decorums (‘quits the cause’) and descends to abuse.
55 Reprinted in the first folio of Beaumont and Fletcher’s Comedies and Tragedies (1647), sig. e1, and there entitled ‘To Mr. Francis Beaumont (then living)’.
Francis Beaumont 1584–1616. Dramatist, was the author of dedicatory poems to Volp., and to Epicene, as well as a verse epistle to Jonson from the country. H&S suggest Epigr. 55 is a reply to this poem, which compliments Jonson as one who will ‘make smooth, and plain / The way of knowledge for me’ (lines 76–7). For the epistle by ‘F. B.’ ‘To Mr B: J:’ (c. 1615) see Literary Record, Electronic Edition. Contrast the compliments here with Informations, 112.
2 religion reverence, pious affection.
8 that . . . deceives that flatters me, your friend, so exaggeratedly?
9–10 thou . . . better F1’s punctuation (‘praisest me,’) is retained. It graciously leaves it uncertain who is ‘writing better’: either ‘you praise me for writing better’ or ‘I must envy thee for writing better’.
56 One of only six sonnets composed by Jonson. The others are ‘Breton’ (1.549), ‘Wright’ (2.501), Und. 68, and Staple, ‘Prologue for the Court’. For Jonson’s disparagement of the form, see Informations, 42–4. For his tendency to use typography and layout to blur the divide between sonnet and epigram, see Riddell (1988a).
1 Poet-Ape False imitator of true poets, first found in Sidney’s Apology (1973), 141. There is no reason to see an attack on an identifiable individual here, although Jonson uses the word in the context of his attack on Dekker in Poet., Ind. 35, which may have elicited a response from his victim in Satiromastix, 5.2.339: ‘All poets shall be poet-apes but you.’
2 frippery Both ‘cast-off garments’ and ‘second-hand clothes shop’.
3 brokage dealing in second-hand goods. (Usually contemptuous.)
4 leave . . . it Cf. the combination of pity and scorn in Donne, Satires, 3.1–2.
5 shifts fraudulent tricks.
5 glean gather ears of corn left behind by the reapers.
6 reversion When a temporary grant of land or office expired, possession would revert to the donor. It was possible to buy the reversion of an office from its original donor, and so eventually gain possession of an office that had belonged to someone else. This is what Poet-Ape does with plays.
56 7 To a] F1 (To’a)
9 this i.e. the fact that works he claims as his own belong to other people.
13 half-eyes half-shut eyes, or eyes with poor vision.
14 shreds Returns to the clothing imagery of line 2, via OED, 3: ‘A fragment or strip of textile material cut or torn off’.
14 piece ‘A production, specimen of handicraft, work of art’ (OED, 17a). The sense is just emerging c. 1600, and is used by Jonson in Staple, 5.1.103. See also ‘Rutter’ (6.698–9), lines 14–18.
57 Cf. the proverb ‘Usurers’ purses and women’s plackets are never satisfied’ (Tilley, U31), and Staple, 2.5.100. The point of the epigram is that bawdry breeds money for the bawd and children for the whore, while usury breeds only money.
2 Bawdry and (The words are elided.)
57 2 Bawdry and] F1 (Baudrie’, and)
58 Cf. Sir John Harington ‘To an Ill Reader’, Elegant and Witty Epigrams, sig. K4: ‘The verses, Sextus, thou dost read are mine; / But with bad reading thou wilt make them thine.’
2 to hear i.e. forbid you to hear (as well as to recite).
4 still continually.
6 late lately, previously.
58 6 losing] F1 (loosing)
6 losing my points missing out my punctuation. (F1’s ‘loosing’ allows a pun on ‘points’ in the sense ‘A tagged lace or cord, of twisted yarn, silk, or leather, for attaching the hose to the doublet’ (OED, 5): loosing the points would make the poet’s hose fall down.)
7 one lost a certain person bewildered.
8 hoodwinked blindfolded (in a game of hoodman blind, or blind man’s buff). The word was just acquiring its metaphorical sense of ‘tricked, beguiled’.
59 Jonson was visited by spies during his imprisonment in 1597. See Informations, 194–7, and Eccles (1937). The preoccupation runs through Epigr. 101.36–7, Forest 5.12, Und. 15. 163–4. The comparison of spies to spent torches is recalled in Und. 43.187–8 and EMI (F), 1.1.72–3.
1 lights i.e. sources of intelligence.
59 2 you’ve] F1 (you’haue)
60 William Parker, fourth Baron Monteagle (1575–1622), was a Catholic nobleman who in 1605 informed James I of his desire to become a Protestant. On 26 Oct. 1605 he received an anonymous warning of the Gunpowder Plot, which he immediately passed on to the King. He was granted a substantial pension by the crown, and was widely regarded as the saviour of King and Parliament. On about 9 Oct. Jonson had been at a Catholic supper party given by the conspirator Robert Catesby.
2 obelisk or column For the comparison of a poem to a material monument, see Forest 12.84–8.
4 fact deed.
5 chance good fortune.
9 country’s parents Plays on the Latin phrase pater patriae (lit. ‘father of the country’), which means ‘the saviour of one’s country’: Monteagle alone turns the English phrase into its Latin equivalent.
61 1 praise or dispraise Cf. Cat., ‘To the Reader in Ordinary’, 4–6.
2 stroke . . . strike The contrast between ‘stroke’ and ‘strike’ was proverbial: cf. John Davies of Hereford, The Muse’s Sacrifice, fol. 91v, ‘So, with remorse, revenge to execute; / So, stroke and strike at once.’
62 Lady Would-Be There is a character of this name (‘Social Climber’) in Volp.
1–2 wherefore . . . bear? i.e. ‘If you like sex as much as you do, why are you afraid of having a child?’ Cf. Epicene, 4.3.45–9.
4 drug Presumably ‘abortifacients’; possibly with an innuendo that the cure offered is sex.
6 pot (For cosmetics.)
62 8 you’re] F1 (yo’are)
12 born] F1 (borne)
63 Jonson’s autograph, reproduced in the electronic edition, records an early version.
63 Autograph copy JnB 505 headed ‘Another’ [following Epigr. 43], subscribed ‘Yo r Ho: vnprofitable Louer Ben: Ionson.’
1 Robert, Earl of Salisbury See Epigr. 43 headnote.
2–3 virtue . . . fortune Cf. Valerius Maximus on Cato the elder: magisque suo merito quam fortunae beneficio magnum, ‘he was great through his own merit rather than through the benefit of fortune’ (8.15.2). This draws on a basic principle of stoic ethics: that goods that are given by fortune are indifferent things, while qualities of real value derive from virtue. Cf. Sej., 3.88–90, Forest 11.2, and Und. 23.16–18.
2 times] F1; time JnB 505
5–6 Cf. Pliny, Epistles, 1.22.5: Ornat haec magnitudo animi, quae nihil ad ostentationem, omnia ad conscientiam refert recteque facti non ex populi sermone mercedem, sed ex facto petit, ‘[his virtue] is ornamented by his greatness of mind, which judges everything according to conscience and not at all according to mere show, and rightly seeks reward for a deed not from popular gossip, but from the deed itself.’
7 declined turned aside.
8 equal just.
11 his muse] F1; my voyce JnB 505
11 that could] F1; if it JnB 505
12 so] F1; such JnB 505
12 though . . . forbid even if you do not allow poets to praise you.
12 thou] F1; ⌜thou⌝ JnB 505
64 Treasurership Robert Cecil succeeded Thomas, Earl of Dorset, as Lord Treasurer on 6 May 1608.
3–4 golden age . . . age of gold The contrast between the golden age (a period of primal perfection) and the present (a period in which all value derives from gold) is a favourite theme also found in Forest 12.1–19. Cf. Lyly’s Midas; Gold. Age.
64 4 treasure: art,] this edn; treasure, art: F1
5 old long-standing.
6 father’s rites In July 1572 William Cecil, Lord Burghley, the father of Robert Cecil, succeeded William Paulet, first Marquis of Winchester, as Lord Treasurer. Cf. Und. 30.
7 fit (1) frenzy (OED, n.2 3b); (2) a part or section of a poem or song (OED, n.1 1).
11–12 Where  . . . dangers Cf. Pliny, Epistles 5.14.6: His ex causis ut illi sic mihi gratulor, nec privatim magis quam publice, quod tandem homines non ad pericula ut prius verum ad honores virtute perveniunt, ‘For these reasons I congratulate myself no less than him, both for public and private reasons: at last men come not to dangers, as before, but indeed to honours by means of virtue.’
13–14 worth . . . reward Wishful thinking: complaints about the unjust distribution of honours and offices were widespread in the early years of James’s reign.
18 I’ve] F1 (I’haue)
65 Muse ‘Usually the term muse represents that person who stimulates Jonson to say something about him. It refers to the subject described in the poem and sometimes to the mind that describes it, rather than to an impersonal and independent power which is to supply inspiration’ (Trimpi, 1962a, 100).
2 worthless lord The juxtaposition with Epigr. 63 and 64 may suggest that Salisbury is the target of this attack. He died in 1612, before the Epigrams appeared in F1. Cf. Informations, 274, and see Knowles (2002).
3 most fierce idolatry Cf. Alch., 4.1.39.
4 luxury licentiousness.
65 6 th’hast] F1 (thou’hast)
13 after-thoughts later compositions. (Cf. ‘after-state’ in Epigr. 51.8).
16 taxed, not praised criticized rather than praised. Undeserved praise is really a form of criticism. Cf. the defence of hyperbolic praise in Und. 14.19–22.
66 Sir Henry Cary Sir Henry Cary, First Viscount Falkland (?1575–1633) was the father of Sir Lucius Cary (see Und. 70). Cary was captured near the river Ruhr on 8 Oct. 1605 by a group of 400 Italian troops, after 1200 English and Dutch soldiers, under the command of Maurice of Nassau, had fled. He was one of four who stood firm, along with Sir John Roe (the addressee of Epigr. 27). He was held by Don Louis de Velasco. Fleay (1891), 1.318 dates this poem 1606 c. June, since Cary was then released. As the Earl of Clarendon (Hyde, History of the Rebellion, 1888, 3.181) writes, he then ‘instead of enriching himself by his great places, wasted a full fortune at court in those offices and employments by which other men use to obtain a greater’.
12 Broick . . . Ruhr ‘The Castle and river near where he was taken’ (Jonson’s note).
16 i.e. the true worth of fortitude lies in the magnitude or smallness of the cause to which it is devoted.
18 Cf. Cat., 3.2.24–7, perhaps with a distant reminiscence of Juvenal, Satires, 10.141–2: quis enim virtutem amplectitur ipsam, / praemia si tollas? ‘For who would love virtue herself if you stripped her of rewards?’
67 Thomas, Earl of Suffolk Thomas Howard, first Earl of Suffolk (1561–1626) was Lord Chamberlain of the household, 1603–14, and was appointed Lord High Treasurer on 11 July 1614, Whalley’s preferred date for the poem. Butler (1995a), 92, argues this would have reduced Jonson’s contact with him, which might have been frequent c. 1605 (when Jonson probably appealed to him for help during his imprisonment; see Letter 2) and Jan. 1606, when Hymenaei was performed at the wedding of his daughter, the Countess of Essex. Lines 11–12 appear to imply, however, that the poem was composed when Howard received high public office, and Jonson’s continuing intimacy with Lord Treasurer Weston and Lord Treasurer Cecil, despite their high office, is testified by Und. 30, 71, 73, and 75. This would point to c. 1614, since in the years 1605–6 the only major honour Howard received was the position of captain of the band of gentleman pensioners.
1–2 Since . . . flatteries Cf. Pliny, Epistles, 3.21.3: Nam postquam desiimus facere laudanda, laudari quoque ineptum putamus, ‘For once we stopped doing things that deserved a poet’s praise we began to think that to be praised was foolish.’ This is from Pliny’s letter on the death of Martial, the principal literary model of Jonson’s book.
5–6 Camden, Remains (1605), 120 derives the name ‘Howard’ from ‘High Warden or Guardian’, which would explain the repeated chime on ‘high’.
7–8 Cf. Claudian, De Consulatu Stilichonis, 1.49–50: taciti suffragia vulgi / iam tibi detulerant quidquid mox dedidit aula, ‘the silent vote of the common people had already given you all the honours that the court was shortly to provide’.
8 by them (1) by your virtues; (2) by men’s wishes. The ambiguity anticipates the final coincidence of virtue, popular support, and high office.
12 people’s voice Proverbial: Vox populi, vox dei (‘The voice of the people is the voice of God’, Tilley V95). Parliament’s ‘Apology’ to James I in June 1604 insisted that ‘the voice of the people in things of their knowledge is said to be as the voice of God’ (Petyt, Jus Parliamentarium, 1739, 243).
68 Playwright Possibly John Marston (1576–1634), whom Jonson claimed to have beaten (Informations, 117), presumably c. 1599. Marston and Jonson were sufficiently reconciled by 1605 for Marston to write a dedicatory poem to Sejanus, and the two had collaborated over Eastward Ho!, while in 1604 Marston dedicated The Malcontent to Jonson.
69 Pertinax Cob Obstinate (Latin ‘pertinax’) lump (or big man). Pertinax is Surly’s Christian name, in Alch.
2 weapon With a sexual sense ‘penis’ (G. Williams, 1994). Presumably Cob lives by entertaining mistresses with his penis (‘one good part’). Cf. mentula quem pascit, ‘a man whose cock feeds him’ (Martial, 9.63.2).
70 William Roe (1585–1667). The brother of Sir John Roe, addressee of Epigr. 27, 32, 33, and cousin of Sir Thomas Roe (Epigr. 98, 99). He was knighted in Jan. 1629. On 5 May 1610 Jonson appeared on his behalf in a lawsuit which resulted from his rash sale of property the moment he came of age (see Electronic Edition, Life Records, 39). Jonson had then known him for five years. This may explain why the poem urges him to begin to live promptly. Epigr. 128 is also addressed to him.
1–2 When . . . begin Cf. Seneca, De Brevitate Vitae, 3.5.8: Quam serum est tunc vivere incipere, cum desinendum est!, ‘How late it is then to start living when living must end!’
5 Cf. Seneca, De Brevitate Vitae, 9.1.5–9: Maxima porro vitae iactura dilatio est . . . Maximum vivendi impedimentum est expectatio, quae pendet ex crastino, perdit hodiernum, ‘The greatest waste of life is delay . . . and the greatest impediment to living is expectation, which, hanging on tomorrow, loses the present moment’.
5 depending waiting (for a great event) (OED, v.1 6,7).
6 Cf. Virgil, Georgics, 3.66–7: Optima quaeque dies miseris mortalibus aevi / prima fugit, ‘The best day of miserable mortals’ lives flees first’, discussed by Seneca in Epistles, 108.24–8. Cf. Martial, 1.15, 5.20.
71 Court-Parrot May allude to the work of Henry Parrot (fl. 1600–26), who published six books of epigrams. See F. B. Williams (1938) and Epigr. 101.36n. In Laquei ridiculosi: or springes for woodcocks (1613) Parrot may allude to Jonson’s early trade of bricklaying: ‘Put off thy buskins (Sophocles the great), / And mortar tread with thy disdainèd shanks’ (sig. G1v). In The Mousetrap (1606), Epigram 94 (misnumbered 97), Magus, a playgoer, ‘Said all was ill, both Fox and him that played it; / But was not he, think you, a goose that said it?’, which may praise Jonson’s Volpone ‘’gainst his will.’ See M. Eccles (1937), 388. However, this is a court parrot and Henry Parrot appears to have been only a member of an Inn of Court. ‘Sets up new wits still’ also implies that he praised or elevated others above Jonson (OED, Set v. 154a).
72 Courtling Also the addressee of Epigr. 52.
2 A chamber-critic A critic who gives opinions in private (the only example in OED).
73 1 Fine Grand] F1 (fine Grand)
73 4 is my debtor owes everything to me.
5 In primis In the first place. The epigram follows the standard structure of a bill of debt, in which each additional element is preceded by ‘Item’ (Latin for ‘also’).
9 Babylonian Babel-like; incomprehensible (OED does not cite this sense or any parallel). This is the first suggestion that the poet has lent or sold Fine Grand poems which he does not understand. Babel was frequently identified in the period with Babylon (see e.g. Spenser’s dedicatory poem to Lewkenor’s translation of The Commonwealth and Government of Venice).
10 poesy for a ring Rings given as gifts frequently had engraved on them a short motto or rhyme.
13 partie per pale A heraldic term for a field in a coat of arms that is divided into two equal parts. Here Fine Grand is painted in contrasting costumes on each side of the division. H&S cite Welbeck, 37–8ff., where grammatical terms are painted on either side of a cassock of black buckram.
14 cypress black. (Cypress branches were used at funerals as symbols of mourning.)
14 cobweb lawn finely woven white linen.
15 gulling imprese ‘An Imprese (as the Italians call it) is a device in picture with his Mot, or Word, borne by noble and learned personages, to notify some particular conceit of their own’ (Camden, Remains (1605), 158). A ‘gulling’ imprese is motto which plays a trick (an optical illusion or visual pun) on its reader.
20 vein characteristic style, with perhaps a pun on ‘vain’.
22 pay . . . pay recompense . . . punish (OED, 3b, c).
22 quickly, or] F1 (quickly’, or)
74 Thomas, Lord Chancellor Egerton (1540–1617). By 1616 he was the most senior lawyer in the country. He became Solicitor General in June 1581, Attorney General in June 1592, Lord Keeper in May 1596, Baron Ellesmere on 21 July 1603, and Lord Chancellor on 24 July 1603. He was active in negotiations in Parliament in 1606–7 over the Union of England and Scotland. He had played a prominent part in determining the right of Scots to hold land in England in Colvill’s case in 1607, and in 1613 he was one of those who committed Whitelock to the Tower for questioning the royal prerogative. In 1616 he was created Viscount Brackley, and was dubbed ‘Break-Law’ by Coke and his enemies. Readers of F1 would probably have taken Jonson’s praise of him as an oblique endorsement of the legal aspect of royal policy. He is also addressed in Und. 31 and Und. 32 and praised in Discoveries, 655.
74 Egerton] G; not in F1
2 not of one year Recalls Horace, Odes 4.9.39: consul non unius anni, ‘a consul not of one year’; cf. Cat., 2.1.394, Gypsies (Windsor), 351–2.
4 affection passion; partiality.
5 present to favourably attentive to.
7 art certain . . . gone abide by your judgements once they have been pronounced.
9 The Virgin Astraea, goddess of justice, fled from the earth at the end of the golden age. Her return to earth is described by Virgil in his praise of the Consul Pollio: iam redit et virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna, ‘now the virgin Astraea returns, and the Saturnian age of gold has come again’, Eclogues, 4.6. Elizabeth I, under whom Egerton enjoyed great favour, was frequently compared to Astraea.
75 Lip The name suggests vocal activity, as well as perhaps Latin lippus, blear-eyed.
2 ’Twixt puritans and players Throughout the 1580s and afterwards puritans such as Philip Stubbes inveighed against the stage. Donaldson (OSA) notes the puritans were often called ‘hypocrites’, which is the Greek word for actor (as at Bart. Fair, 5.5.27, 37). Their fame for extempore, inspired preaching is also satirized here.
3 ran from his text away abandoned the biblical source of his sermon, or perhaps his written text, suggesting that he has become like an actor who improvized his part.
76 Lucy, Countess of Bedford Lucy Harington (1581–1627) married Edward Russell, third Earl of Bedford in 1594, and became a lady of the Queen’s Bedchamber in 1603. A friend of Thomas Roe and Henry Goodyere (the dedicatees of Epigr. 85 and 98) and of the Earl of Pembroke (dedicatee of the whole volume), she was a patroness of Chapman, Daniel, Donne, Drayton, Florio, and John Davies of Hereford; Lewalski (1993), 95–123. A stroke left her partially paralysed in 1612, but she remained an active courtier until 1625. She danced in several of Jonson’s masques, including Blackness, Beauty, Hym., and Queens. She was ‘mistress of the feast’ for Lovers MM. A special dedication to her was printed in a presentation copy of Cynthia, and Jonson also addressed Epigr. 84 and 94 to her, as well as a version of ‘Ode (‘Splendour! O more than mortal’)’ (1.555). She wrote a poem on the death of Cecilia Bulstrode. For a portrait of her in masquing dress for Hymenaei, see Illustration 21.
7 day-star Lucifer (light-bringer), the planet Venus when it appears in the sky at dawn.
8 influence Fluid was supposed to flow from stars which ‘influenced’ sublunary life.
8 lucent Like ‘Lucy’, derived from Latin lux, light.
9 facile approachable (without any pejorative overtone). Jonson also uses the word to mean ‘fluent in composing’ in Volp., 3.4.91, which may be significant given that the Countess of Bedford enjoyed a reputation as a poet.
10 Cf. Claudian, De Consulatu Stilichonis, 2.160–2: quin ipsa Superbia longe / discessit, vitium rebus sollemne secundis / virtutumque ingrata comes, ‘since even pride itself is far removed from you, the customary vice of success, and the unwelcome companion of virtues’.
15 rock . . . shears ‘Rock’ is an archaic word for a distaff. These are the attributes of the three Fates: Clotho spins the thread of life with her distaff; Lachesis determines its length by winding it on to her spindle, and Atropos cuts off the thread of life with her shears.
18 Cf. Sidney, Astrophil and Stella, 3.12–14 (Cummings, 2000b, 81).
77 To name in the Epigrams is in general to praise a person or their conduct. See Dedication line 18, Epigr. 102.1–2, and E. B. Partridge (1973).
77 4 I’m] F1 (I’am)
78 Hornet He uses his wife like a honeypot to draw custom, and so ends up wearing the cuckold’s horns.
1 stall booth or table outside a shop. Hornet’s wife becomes a whore.
79 Elizabeth, Countess of Rutland (1584?–1612). The daughter of Sir Philip Sidney, she married Roger Manners, fifth Earl of Rutland, in 1599. She danced in Hym., making c. 1605–6 the most likely date for this epigram. Jonson described her as ‘nothing inferior to her father, Sir P. Sidney, in poesy’ (Informations, 159). She died without issue in Aug. 1612. She is addressed in Forest 12 and probably in Und. 50.
3–4 about . . . store Cf. Martial, 8.70.3–4: cum siccare sacram largo Permessida posset / ore, verecundam maluit esse sitim, ‘although he could have drained sacred Permessis with great gulps, he preferred that his thirst was modest’.
4 exhausted Plays on the etymology of the word: Latin exhaurire means ‘to drink up completely’.
7–8 exceed . . . feign Alludes to the most radical claim in Sidney’s Apology for Poetry: ‘Nature never set forth the earth in so rich tapestry as divers poets have done; neither with pleasant rivers, fruitful trees, sweet-smelling flowers, nor whatsoever else may make the too much loved earth more lovely. Her world is brazen, the poets only deliver a golden’ (ed. Shepherd, 100). The praise of Sidney’s daughter depends on a complimentary inversion of her father’s doctrine: she, the offspring of Sidney, surpasses poetry as he thought poetry could surpass nature.
9 happily fortunately (for us).
11 numbers proportions of your form (with a play on ‘metrical verses’). Cf. the description of Sir Kenelm Digby as ‘absolute in all numbers’ in the title to Und. 84.
80 1 ports doors.
2 meeds rewards (with possibly a pun on Elysian ‘meads’ or meadows). The theology has a Catholic flavour; see Epigr. 22, headnote.
80 3 wilful-blind] F1 (wilfull blind)
5 region administrative division of a country (OED, 5a).
7 front confront, oppose (OED, 3a).
8 Cf. Matthew, 16.28: ‘Verily I say unto you, There be some standing here, which shall not taste of death, till they see the Son of man coming in his kingdom.’
81 Prowl] F1 (Provle)
81 Prowl The verb can mean ‘To obtain (something) by stealth, cheating, or petty theft; to get in a clandestine way; to pilfer, to filch’ (OED, 2a).
Plagiary Plagiarist. OED cites Poet., 4.3.83 as the first usage of the word, although this passage is predated by Joseph Hall, Virgidemiarum, 4.2.83–4. Cf. Martial, 1.63: Ut recitem tibi nostra rogas epigrammata. Nolo. / Non audire, Celer, sed recitare cupis, ‘You ask if I would recite to you my epigrams. I won’t. You don’t want to hear, Celer, but to recite them.’ Recitare, as Jonson’s friend Farnaby noted, is ambiguous: An verebatur poeta ne epigrammata sua nondum edita, si apud Celerem iecitasset, memoriae mandata illa pro suis venditaret, ‘did the poet fear that his as yet unpublished poems, if they were handed over to Celer, would be committed to memory and sold as his own?’ (Martial, Epigrammaton libri, 1615, 32).
3 I’ve] F1 (I’haue)
3 by standing by.
4 wealthy witness A Latinism: testis locuples means literally ‘a wealthy witness’, but implies one who is completely reliable and of good standing (Cicero, De Officiis 3.2.10, and OLD 4).
8 a libel i.e. a defamatory epigram.
8 both both your wit and ‘belly’, or livelihood.
82 Cashiered Dismissed from military service.
82 Captain] F1 (Capt.)
Surly See Epigr. 28.
2 He cast Both ‘he, being cashiered’ (OED, ppl. a. 3) and ‘he discarded her like worn-out clothes’.
83 1 put out delete, expunge (OED Put v. 48e).
1 whore The word is used in Epigr. 7.1, 12.24, 26.2, 41.4, 82.1, 117.2, three times as frequently as the word ‘woman’, which is otherwise used in the Epigrams only at 25.8 and in the title of 90.
2 Troth . . . too i.e. all women are whores.
84 Lucy, Countess of Bedford See Epigr. 76 headnote. By 1614, after the deaths of her father and brother, she had inherited debts of £40,000; see Byard (1979), 28. Jonson enjoyed reciting this poem: see Informations, 64.
2 buck male deer (often given as part of the reciprocal exchanges of patronage). OED, n.8 does not record any use of the noun ‘buck’ before 1856 to refer to a unit of currency, which seems almost to be anticipated here. H&S cite a reference to ‘Sir Walter Raleighs buck warrants’, which guaranteed a payment, to gloss the usage, which may bridge the gap between a ‘deer’ and ‘an expectation of payment’.
3 prevented anticipated.
7 I . . . spent I would desire to be consumed.
8 Phoebus’ Phoebus Apollo’s, the god of poetry.
8 be . . . it be present at the feast.
9 grant promise (as distinct from its fulfilment in a gift).
9 transfer transport (playing on the legal sense ‘convey or make over (title, right, or property) by deed or legal process’, OED, 2).
85 Sir Henry Goodere (1571–1627). Knighted in 1599, he inherited an estate at Polesworth in the Forest of Arden in 1595, which Jonson presumably visited before he wrote this poem. Goodere became a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber in 1605, and took part in the Barriers after Hymenaei in Jan. 1606. He was a friend to poets: Drayton wrote an Ode to him, and Donne was a close friend, who wished him ‘hawks and fortunes of high pitch’ in 1608 (Letters to Certain Persons of Honour, 204).
85 1 I’m] F1 (Goodere] F1 (GOODYERE) I’am)
4 sacred to Apollo See Jonson’s note to Augurs, 280.
6 tower] F1 (toure)
6 tower soar high in order to be able to swoop down on the prey (a technical term in hawking).
7 stoop swoop down (a technical term in hawking).
8–9 A hawk that has lost its prey should reascend. Turberville, Book of Hunting, 186 describes a hawk that simply ‘turns tail’ and refuses to attack its prey as ‘a vile buzzard’.
11–12 Since his pleasures have taught me so much, what would I have learnt if I had seen him at work?
86 2 friends and books For the association, see Epigr. 94.6.
8 a knowledge i.e. the knowledge of your taste in books and friends.
87 Captain Hazard ‘Captain’ almost invariably implies contempt in Jonson (see Epigr. 107, 111.7, and compare Shakespeare’s 2H4, 2.4.135–44). Hazard is a game of dice; hence ‘cheater’ and the pun on ‘false play’, meaning both ‘infidelity’ and ‘cheating’.
1 punk whore.
87 4 she’d] this edn.; shee had F1
4 she’d F1 reads ‘shee had’. It is likely the compositor missed a mark of elision.
4 wrought (1) won at dice; (2) committed.
5 quicker livelier.
6 play’s made Presumably means ‘is going strong again’.
88 Variants in manuscripts of this poem (collated in the electronic edition) are probably scribal. Epigrams on the adoption of foreign fashions were not uncommon; see, e.g. Freeman, Rub and a Great Cast, sigs. C2-C2v, ‘In Marcellum’.
6 half-way tree A resting place on the way to the docks at Deptford. Richard Boothby (A True Declaration, 1644, 10) reports someone as ‘drunk at the Half-way Tree (a bating [resting] place)’ and falling asleep en route to the docks. There was a tavern in Rotherhithe only three miles from London bridge on the way to Deptford called the ‘Half-Way House’, which may have been the location of the half-way tree. English Monsieur never even reaches the nearest dock.
9 get beget.
10 French disease venereal disease.
11 monsieur’s picture In Heliodorus’s Ethiopean History (1587), the black mother of the white Chariclea conceives a white child ‘because I looked upon the picture of Andromeda naked while my husband had to do with me’ (fol. 53v).
15 motion puppet, dress-maker’s dummy (cf. Poet., 3.4.258–9 and 5.3.168, and Epigr. 97 title).
16 Paul’s The middle aisle of St Paul’s Cathedral was a place where fashionable people went to see and be seen. See EMO, 3.1.1–3.
89 Edward Alleyn (1566–1626). He played the lead in Marlowe’s Tamburlaine, Faustus, and The Jew of Malta. He is not known to have performed in public after c. 1604, although he acted in an entertainment by Jonson at Salisbury House in 1608 (McMillin, 1968, 160). This may be the approximate date of this poem. See Ent. Salisbury.
89 Alleyn] F1 (Allen)
3 Roscius and grave Aesop Quintus Roscius Gallus (d. c. 62 bc) was the most famous comic actor in Rome. Aesopus (fl. 55 bc) was the most famous tragic actor in Rome. The two are frequently linked, as they are in Horace, Epistles, 2.1.82. Thomas Nashe in Pierce Penniless (1592) recorded that ‘Not Roscius nor Aesop, those admired tragedians that have lived ever since before Christ was born, could ever perform more in action than famous Ned Allen’ (Nashe, Complete Works, ed. Wilson and McKerrow, 1958, 1. 215). Heywood described him as ‘Proteus for shapes and Roscius for a tongue’ in his 1633 prologue to Marlowe’s Jew of Malta (sig. A4v).
6 Cicero Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bc) defended Roscius in a case about the death of a slave. See also De Oratore, 1.28.129–30; 1.61.258; Pro Sestio, 57.121; 58.123.
6 whose . . . fame whose every utterance bestowed immortality.
9 both i.e. Roscius and Aesopus.
12 speak . . . act Cf. the proverb ‘not words but deeds’ (Tilley, W 820).
14 one i.e. Jonson himself.
90 1 unprofiting fool i.e. she was slow to learn from her mistress and learn to be a libertine.
3 dull, and long dim and took a long time.
3 go to have sex with a.
4 wan won.
5 nicer more delicate and discriminating (than her mistress).
7 proving him testing him as a sexual partner.
8 play love-making. (As he gets older he does not become less vigorous.)
90 10 to’s] this edn; to his F1
10 to’s lady’s chamber became his lady’s chamberlain (and by innuendo her lover). F1’s compositor may have missed a mark of elision in ‘to his’.
11 continued carried on having sex with him. There may be a bawdy overtone to ‘continue’; cf. MM, 2.1.185.
12 removed at once promoted (he is moving up the household hierarchy) and demoted (because he has lost his looks he is no longer regarded as suitable for his lady’s chamber).
14 too unwieldy] F1 (too’vnwieldie)
15 steward’s chair Regarded as a member of the family rather than as an employee, a steward as governor of the domestic affairs of a household might conduct intimate business for a lord; see Hainsworth (1992), 251–6. Shakespeare’s Malvolio, a steward who believes his mistress is in love with him, illustrates that this office could lead to intimacy with the ladies of a house.
17 Milo A famous Greek athlete of sixth century Cretona, who, Quintilian records (1.9.5), lifted a calf each day and so continued to be able to lift it when it grew into an ox.
17 wull will.
18 Proverbial (Tilley B711), used by Petronius in the Satiricon, 25: Hinc etiam puto proverbium natum illud, posse ut dicatur taurum tollere qui vitulum sustulerit, ‘Hence I think arose that proverb, that it is said one can bear a bull who has lifted up a calf.’ Jonson tweaks the proverb: Mill ‘bore’ (had sex with) her husband when he was a young fool (‘calf’), and will continue to have him even when he has acquired a cuckold’s horns (like a ‘bull’).
91 Autograph copy JnB 512 headed ‘To the worthy S r Horace Vere’
91 Sir Horace Vere (1565–1635). By 1620 he was the most notable soldier in England. Jonson may have come across him in the Low Countries in 1591 where he was accompanying his elder brother Francis in support of Maurice of Nassau. Vere participated in the siege of Groningen in 1594, and was knighted for his part in the siege of Cadiz in June 1596. He was wounded after playing a major part in the siege of Ostend in 1602. At the battle of Mulheim on 9 Oct. 1605 he held back the Spanish troops and enabled the Dutch to rally. Fleay (1891), 1.319 conjectures this poem was written for Vere’s marriage in Nov. 1607. From 18 Oct. 1609 until 1616 Vere was governor of Brill in Holland (Markham, 1888, 381), and Jonson might have had little direct contact with him. Vere’s later career was heroic: during the Thirty Years War he held Manheim until forced to capitulate in 1622. After heroic action at Breda in 1625 he was created Baron Vere of Tilbury. The presence of the autograph of the poem (which is folded as though it was enclosed in a letter) in the Conway papers may be explained by the fact that Edward Conway (d. 1631, whose wife’s sister was married to Vere) was lieutenant-governor of Brill from 1598, and may indicate that the poem was sent to Vere in Brill; if so, it was probably composed between Oct. 1609 and May 1616.
3 Illustrous A variant spelling of ‘illustrious’, common in the seventeenth century and used here to preserve the metre.
3 Vere If transliterated and mispronounced in English the name means ‘truly’ in Latin; as pronounced in English it recalls the Latin vir (man), as Hillyer (1990), 1 suggests. Donaldson (OSA) proposes a possible allusion to Horace’s friends Lucius Rufus Varius, or Quintus Varus, both of whom are mentioned in Ars Poetica (lines 79, 623). Jonson’s frequent identifications of himself with Horace give a special weight to the praise.
4 free noble.
7 she Presumably Fortune.
7 blast,] JnB 512; blast. F1
8 relish musical embellishment (perhaps ‘delightful reverberation’).
8 shall] F1; will JnB 512
9 leave thy acts] F1; leaue, then, acts JnB 512
9 prosecute describe in detail.
11 To About.
11 were envy would be invidious, a source of reproach.
15–16 Cf. Seneca, De Clementia, 1.5.4: Clementia in quacumque domum pervenerit, eam felicem tranquillamque praestabit, sed in regia, quo rarior, eo mirabilior, ‘Clemency brings happiness and peace to whatever house it comes to, but because it is rarer in courts, so it is more wonderful there.’
16 rare:] JnB 512; rare. F1
18 Cf. Pliny, Panegyricus, 46.1: Et quis terror valuisset efficere quod reverentia tui effecit?, ‘Is there any fear that could have brought about what our reverence for you achieved?’
92 1 ‘Cherries ripe’ Cries of street hawkers in London.
3 statesmen Both ‘observers of political events’ and ‘those who control political events’. A new word in the 1590s.
4 at six-and-twenty Fleay (1891), 1.319 suggests a date for the poem of 25 Mar. 1611, since Robert Carr was created Viscount Rochester at the age of twenty-six on that date. But it is unlikely that Jonson would have insulted Carr in this way (for his loyalty to Carr, see ‘Somerset ’, 4.222–3).
7 like mellow as sweet and juicy with ripeness.
8 the states i.e. the political systems rather than the geography.
10 chapmen itinerant salesmen of maps, knick-knacks, and marvels.
11 projects Carries a political meaning (‘schemes’). Cf. the ‘projector’ Meercraft in Devil.
13 almanacs Almanacs (of which large numbers were printed) were usually either for the current year, or, like Leonard Digges’s A prognostication everlasting, boasted that they were perpetual.
92 14 twelve] F3; twelues F1
15 Tacitus The Histories and Annals of P. Cornelius Tacitus (56–c. 118 AD) were widely read by fashionable political theorists in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The first English translation of the Histories, by Sir Henry Savile (the addressee of Epigr. 95) appeared in 1591. Cf. Sir John Daw in Epicene, 4.5.50. On Jonson and Tacitus, see Mellor (1993), 150–1.
16 Gazetti ‘running reports, daily news, idle intelligences, or flim-flam tales that are daily written from Italy, namely from Rome and Venice’ (Florio, New World of Words, 205). Cf. Volp., 5.4.83.
16 Gallo-Belgicus Mercurius Gallobelgicus was a register of news published in Latin at Cologne and famed for its credulousness: Donne’s epigram on it ends ‘Thou art like / Mercury in stealing, but liest like a Greek’ (Donne, Epigrams, 53). In 1614 there appeared A Relation of all matters passed, especially in the Low-Countries, touching the causes of the warre now in Cleveland. Translated according to the originall of Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus [by R. Boothe].
17–20 Cf. Donne Paradoxes, 45, Problem 16: ‘why will they [statesmen] tell true what o’clock it is and what weather, but abstain from the truth of it, if it disconduce to their ends?’ Cf. also Sir Politic Would-Be, Volp., 4.1.13.
17 locked] F2; look’d F1
19–20 i.e. They keep secret even things which are clearly public knowledge. A ‘proclamation’ would be read aloud by a crier. On Star Chamber see Epigr. 54.2n. above.
22 con the] F1 (con’the)
22 con learn.
23–4 Rimee’s . . . Bill’s James Rime (or Rymer) was a bookseller in Blackfriars c. 1599–1609. His stepfather, the Venetian Ascanius de Renialme, was an importer of books. John Bill was a leading bookseller and printer, 1604–30, who printed for Stansby on occasion, and was agent for Sir Thomas Bodley and others in acquiring books printed abroad. The reference must be to foreign books which he sold, rather than to those he printed, since the latter have no distinct character.
25 Porta Giovanni Battista della Porta’s book on codes, De furtivis literarum notis first appeared in Naples in 1563, and was frequently reprinted.
27 ope] F1 (ope’)
27 ope the character decode the cipher. (This predates OED’s first citation for sense 7 of ‘character’; it is the Latin word regularly used by Porta for ‘cipher’.) Porta’s third book is devoted to decoding.
27 They’ve] F1 (They’haue)
27 sleight trick, device.
28 juice . . . piss All of these apparently produce writing which is invisible until the paper is heated. Orange juice was used by the gunpowder plotters in 1605 to convey secret messages. Urine is recommended by della Porta in De Furtivis literarum notis (1563), 47 as invisible ink.
28 write,] H&S; write. F1
29 close ’em close up the seals again in such a way as to conceal the intrusion.
30 the States The States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries were engaged with extensive and complex peace negotiations with Spain from 1604 to 1609. James was involved in securing the twelve years’ truce in 1609. The line contains only nine syllables. Gifford’s emendation of ‘make’ to ‘make not’ is attractive on metrical grounds.
30 make] F1; make not G
32 the Powder Plot the Gunpowder Plot of 5 Nov. 1605.
33 French king Henri Ⅳ was assassinated in 1610. Rumours circulated in advance of his death; see HMC Lisle 77(4).309. Several of the allusions in this poem are deliberately vague in a way that is designed to create an atmosphere of conspiracy.
34 slight Probably ‘slighting’ (antedating OED’s first citation for sense 6 by twenty years). Relations with Rome and Spain were uneasy throughout the first decade of the seventeenth century.
35 ’gainst . . . rail James I had begun his reign with emphatic attacks on puritans (‘the brethren’) and an equally strong defence of episcopacy (‘the bishops’) at the Hampton Court Conference of 1604.
37–8 they . . . them the brethren have done on the bishops.
39 contemn scorn.
40 state political affairs, the condition of the country (OED, 27).
93 Sir John Radcliffe (?1580–1627). The surviving brother of Margaret Radcliffe (see Epigr. 40 headnote). He was knighted by the Earl of Essex on 24 Sept. 1599. He gave Jonson a manuscript of Juvenal’s Satires and of Horace’s Ars Poetica (now St John’s College, Oxford, MS 192; see Jonson’s Library, Electronic Edition).
2 those being gone For the death of his brother Alexander, see Epigr. 40 headnote. The names of his other three dead brothers are not known.
5–6 ‘In Ireland’ (Jonson’s marginal note.)
8 Belgic fever Infection contracted in the Low Countries.
11 whiter soul May echo Horace, Satires, 1.5.41–2: animae qualis neque candidiores / terra tulit, neque quis me sit devinctior alter, ‘The earth holds no souls like this, nor whiter, nor any who could be more closely tied to me.
12 roll list of all people.
14–16 which shows . . . be Fortune has spared you in order to make amends for the offence against your family when she allowed your brothers to die.
93 16 they offenders] F1 (they’offenders)
94 Printed in Donne’s Poems (1650, 1654, 1669). Donne’s satires probably date from the early to mid-1590s, but were not printed until after his death in 1633. They circulated in MS. BL Harley MS 5110 dates them to 1593.
1 Lucy, Countess of Bedford See Epigr. 76 headnote.
94 Master] F1 (Mr.)
1 brightness Plays on the derivation of ‘Lucy’ from Latin lux, light.
2 morning-star See Epigr. 76.7n.
3 look have regard to.
5–6 But . . . own But these poems, which you requested, are excellent both in themselves and because they have you as a patron.
6 Rare . . . friends Cf. Camden, Remains (1605), sig. A3: ‘Temples (saith the ancient Aristides) are to be dedicated to the Gods, and books to good men.’
8 unavoided unavoidable, inevitable.
9–10 For nobody ever took so great a pleasure in sin that it prevented them from feeling even more offence (i.e. more even than the pleasure they had previously experienced) when they heard their sins being castigated.
11–14 They . . . best The general sense is ‘Only the best people can ask for and enjoy satire. These people are few in number.’ ‘Where the matter is bred’ presumably means ‘who live in a world which generates the subject for satire’.
16 evening- Venus when it appears in the sky at dusk is known as Hesperus, or the evening-star.
95 Sir Henry Savile (1549–1622). By 1616 he was the most notable classical scholar in England, whom Jonson praised in Discoveries, 654. He was Provost of Eton and Warden of Merton College (from 1585), and had been tutor in Greek to Queen Elizabeth. His translation of the four surviving books of Tacitus’s Histories, preceded by an original section called The End of Nero and the Beginning of Galba, was dedicated to the Queen in 1591. He was a close associate of the Earl of Essex (whose circle included several notable Tacitean historians) and was briefly imprisoned after the Essex rebellion. Savile’s edition of Chrysostom in eight volumes appeared at Eton in 1610–13. Fleay (1891), 1.319 dates this poem 29 June 1611, when Savile became a baronet. Since the poem concentrates on Savile’s works rather than his honours it might have been intended as a dedicatory verse for an edition of those. The editions of 1598, 1604, 1612 have exactly the same prefatory matter as 1591 and contain no dedicatory verse. The absence of editions between 1598 and 1604, however, may be significant: John Hayward was imprisoned in 1599 for his History of Henry Ⅳ, which borrows extensively from Savile’s Tacitus. Possibly Jonson’s poem was intended for an edition planned for publication during this period, but which was abandoned.
1 my religion safe without compromising my Christianity (the grammar is modelled on a Latin ablative absolute construction).
2 Pythagoras The Greek philosopher and mathematician (mid-sixth century bc) was popularly known as a believer in the transmigration of souls, as at Volp., 1.2. Translators were sometimes praised for having metempsychosed their originals by 1600. Cf. Francis Meres’s claim that ‘the sweet witty soul of Ovid lives in mellifluous and honey-tongued Shakespeare’ (G. G. Smith, ed., Elizabethan Critical Essays, 1904, 2.317).
5 rendered translated (OED cites an example from 1610 as the first usage in this sense).
6 numbers parts. (Also used of the music of verse, so here implying harmonious prose.)
7–8 restored . . . adored Tacitus’s Annals run from the death of Augustus in 14 AD to 68 AD. Books 17 and 18, which included the fall and suicide of Nero (in June 68 AD), are lost. The Histories begin with the reign of Nero’s successor, Galba, in the same year. Savile’s English pastiche of Tacitus’s manner bridges the gap between the extant portion of the Annals and the beginning of the Histories, and describes the death of Nero.
9 To . . . proper To your own distinctive quality.
10 gratulate the breach rejoice in the gap. See 7–8n. above.
12 supply filling it.
13 all the rest! Savile did not translate the Annals, although the third and subsequent editions of his work are printed with R. Grenewey’s English version.
14–15 Whalley records that it was imagined that Savile ‘intended to have compiled a general history of England’. There appears to be no evidence for this, although Savile’s dedication of the 1591 edition to the Queen wishes her ‘a Tacitus to describe your most glorious reign’ (Tacitus, The End of Nero (1591), sig. ¶ 2v).
16 Minerva’s loom She was the goddess of wisdom and weaving, who turned Arachne into a spider for claiming to be the better weaver (Ovid, Met., 6.5–145). Her mantle was embroidered each year with the actions of naval heroes and gods; see W. D. Briggs (1916b), 178.
18 That liv’st You who live.
21 You whose knowledge of affairs gives you authority to rule the state.
23 Sallust Gaius Sallustius Crispus (86–35 bc) was a praetor in Julius Caesar’s African campaign (46 bc). He was charged with malpractice during his period as governor of Africa, and then retired to write histories of Catiline’s conspiracy and the Jugurthine war.
24 As you endorse his cause, so emulate his glory.
25–6 Cf. Sallust, The War with Catiline, 3.1–2: Pulchrum est bene facere rei publicae, etiam bene dicere haud absurdum est, ‘It is glorious to serve the state by deeds; it is also not a negligible thing to serve the state by speaking well.’
28 apt make suitable.
29 height sublimity (Greek ὕψος).
29–30 Cf. Pliny on Pompeius Saturninus, Epistles, 1.16.
31–6 Cf. Cicero’s ideal of history (De Oratore, 2.15.62–3): vult etiam, quoniam in rebus magnis memoriaque dignis consilia primum, deinde acta, postea eventus exspectentur, et de consiliis significari quid scriptor probet et in rebus gestis declarari non solum quid actum aut dictum sit, sed etiam quo modo, et cum de eventu dicatur, ut causae explicentur omnes, vel casus, vel sapientiae, vel temeritatis, hominumque ipsorum non solum res gestae, sed etiam, qui fama ac nomine excellent, de cuiusque vitae atque natura, ‘Readers expect from histories matters which are great and worthy of memory, to read of plans, actions and outcomes. It is necessary for the writer to show which of the plans he approves of, and, in the case of actions, not only to say what was done or said, but also in what way. And when a historian writes of outcomes he must explain all the contributing causes, whether they be the result of chance, wisdom or rashness; and he must tell not only the things done by the actors, but also the lives and natures of the participants, if they are of outstanding name and fame.’
33 censure criticize, judge.
34 things . . . men By echoing the proem to Virgil’s Aeneid (arma virumque cano, ‘arms and the man I sing’) this line gives epic gravity to history.
35 faith Latin fides means both belief and trustworthiness.
35 and . . . you and you possess all these qualities.
96 John Donne See Epigr. 23 headnote.
96 1 whe’er] F1 (where)
1 poet As opposed to a mere rhymester. Only a true poet would be bold enough to send his works to Donne for criticism.
2 Epigrams The italicization is as F1, which suggests a collection rather than the odd poem is meant.
3 so alone dost] F1 (so’alone dost)
5–6 A freedom to criticize which is as absolute as your authority to give approval.
8 better stone Editors generally relate this to the practice of marking high days in the calendar by a white stone (as in Martial, 8.45.2, 9.52.5, and Jonson’s note to King’s Ent., 233; cf. Persius, 2.1). As Jonson’s friend Thomas Farnaby’s notes on 8.45.2 make clear, however, this practice was limited to marking auspicious days with pearls or white stones, not poems (Martial, 1615, 215). It is more likely that ‘stone’ means pumice stone, commonly used in ancient times for manuscript erasure, which is here preferable to manuscript correction: so ‘I would be delighted if you altered a word – even more if you erased any defects.’
10 puisnes’] F1 (pui’nees)
10 puisnes’ juniors (later used of junior judges, which may be anticipated by the context here; the word is common in the satire of the 1590s). Pronounced ‘pwisnees’.
12 great . . . broad The opposition is between praise from few wise judges and from many fools. Cf. Pliny, Epistles, 4.12.7: Etenim nescio quo pacto vel magis homines iuvat gloria lata quam magna, ‘For some reason it is broad glory rather than great which pleases men.’
97 Motion puppet, or piece of moving mechanism. Cf. Epigr. 88.15.
97 1 yond] F1 (yond’)
1 fa-ding Irish dance. Cf. Irish, 58.
2 Captain Pod a puppet-master (Bart. Fair, 5.1.6 (and Jonson’s marginal note)).
2 Eltham thing a perpetual motion device displayed at Eltham Palace from 1607 (and so providing a terminus a quo for the poem’s composition). See Epicene, 5.3.48.
3 case clothing (but deliberately continuing the fiction that the man is a mechanism).
4 orient lustrous, shimmering.
5 ties Presumably his points, the loops which connected the hose to the doublet.
6 parcel part of clothing. (Each has its own special ornament.)
9 H’as] F1 (H’has)
10 bawdy stock (1) prostitutes; (2) capital which could breed usuriously.
10 increase (1) offspring; (2) additional wealth.
12 ’bout the bears Bear-pits were found on the south bank of the Thames near the theatres, and the Hope theatre doubled as a bear-pit.
12 noise band of musicians (OED, 5b); perhaps also ‘rumours’ (OED, 2a).
14 hath . . . must F1’s ‘hath neadd squires, and must’ appears corrupt (although H&S take ‘neadd’ as a form of ‘needed’ and tortuously gloss ‘has required pimps and must have them’). Jonson does not elsewhere spell ‘need’ ‘nead’, which may imply the compositor has misread his copy in a manner that makes it irrecoverable. Even after Whalley’s emendation to ‘need o’’ the sense is not clear. ‘Squires’ are ‘apple-squires’ or pimps. This leads to a pun on ‘must’, which may function both as a verb (‘and he must resort to pimps [because he has no woman]’) and as a noun (‘partially fermented apple-juice’). The line presumably suggests that the New Motion is sexually inadequate and drinks the early modern equivalent of Babycham.
14 need o’ squires] Wh; neadd squires F1
15 the King of Denmark The brother of Queen Anne visited England mid-July to mid-Aug. 1606.
16 suit (1) petition; (2) suit of clothes; Cf. Donne, Satires, 4. 7: ‘I had no suit there [at court], nor new suit to show.’
18–19 by  . . . About fighting over.
20 over-leavened Bread which contains too much yeast puffs up and goes sour (and often collapses).
98 Sir Thomas Roe (1581–1644). Knighted 23 Mar. 1605, and went on a voyage of discovery to the West Indies in 1610–11. He then served in the Low Countries in 1613. In 1614 he became ambassador to the mogul emperor, and travelled in the east until Sept. 1619. From 1621 to 1628 he served as ambassador to the Ottoman court. He was a cousin of William and Sir John Roe (see Epigr. 70 headnote) and a friend of Donne and Jonson. He was rumoured to be the lover of Cecilia Bulstrode (see Und. 49 and ‘Bulstrode’, 3.370–1). The most likely date for this poem would be 1611–13, when Roe had begun his career as an explorer, but was in England. The early part of this period, c. 1611 after his return from Guiana, would be compatible with the entry of Epigrams in the Stationers’ Register. An earlier date is possible: Roe fought a duel in Brill in September 1605 in which both his hands were injured; see Strachan (1989), 12. Jonson’s counsel that a gathered self is enough to defeat Fortune may be designed to cool Roe’s hot consciousness of honour.
1 which you who.
1 stand A favourite verb to express solid resilience. See Forest 2.5, and R. S. Peterson (1981), 195–232.
3–5 Cf. Horace, Satires, 2.7.86–8: in se ipso totus, teres atque rotundus, / externi ne quid valeat per leve morari, / in quem manca ruit semper Fortuna, ‘[The wise man] is in himself complete, smooth and round, so that nothing external can stick on him because of his polished surface, and by whom Fortune is maimed when she attacks.’
3 round within himself self-contained. On the ideal of the ‘centred self’, see T. M. Greene (1970).
5–6 Fortune, if it is ill-fortune, comes to grief when it encounters him, and whatever malignant force would wish to destroy his virtuous reputation manages instead only to add to his lustre.
8 thy friend i.e. Jonson as poet.
10 conscience . . . fame For the contrast, cf. Seneca, De Ira (‘On Anger’), 3.41.1: Conscientiae satis fiat, nil in famam laboremus, ‘Let us satisfy conscience; we shouldn’t labour for fame.’
11–12 These lines are also used in Cat., 5.5.282–3.
12 ever The emphatic disyllabic use is missed by Mildmay Fane in his transcription (JnB 517.5), who makes this an octosyllabic line by omitting ‘is’.
12 the first conscience.
99 2 that, thy skill your trust in literature has increased your skill as a poet.
3–4 Cf. Pliny, Epistles, 6.16.3: Equidem beatos puto quibus deorum munere datum est aut facere scribenda aut scribere legenda, beatissimos vero quibus utrumque, ‘I consider them happy to whom a gift is given by the gods either to do things that must be written, or to write things that must be read; happiest of all are those to whom both of these gifts are given.’
6 If time would acknowledge debts due to great deeds as well as to famous people.
7–9 Cf. Pliny, Epistles, 6.24.1: Quam multum interest quid a quoque fiat! Eadem enim facta claritate vel obscuritate facientium aut tolluntur altissime aut humillime deprimuntur, ‘How much difference it makes who performs a particular deed! For the same deeds are either praised to the skies or treated with scorn according to the fame or obscurity of those who perform them.’
10 i.e. those who praise the low-born are regarded as lacking in judgement.
100 Playwright See Epigr. 49 headnote.
100 1 I’d] F1 (I’had)
2 elixir quintessence. (Used of the alchemist’s stone, which could turn base metals to gold.)
4 passed him a play served him for a play. ‘Pass’ can mean to use counterfeit coin (OED, 46c).
101 Probably composed c. 1605–12, presumably while Jonson was living in his own house in Blackfriars rather than with Aubigny. Two of the three MSS (JnB 315 and JnB 316) may record authorial variants, probably deriving from an earlier version than the printed text. JnB 316.5 is a scribal transcript from print. JnB 316, although late (c. 1674–84), is from a miscellany compiled by William Jordan, schoolmaster of Denbigh or Caernarvon. Given Jonson’s connections with the Salusbury family c. 1600, and with Hugh Holland, a native of Denbigh, it is not inconceivable that an early version survived in Wales. JnB 316 and JnB 315 evidently derive from a common exemplar. The poem draws on three invitation poems by Martial: 5.78, 10.48 and 11.52. Cf. Leg. Conv. (5.418). For discussion of its classical imitations, see T. M. Greene (1982), 278–86, Loewenstein (1986), and Cummings (2000b) (who also relates the poem to currents in seventeenth-century historiography); R. C. Evans (1990) and Schoenfeldt (1988) suggest connections with a larger context of patronage.
1 grave sir Unidentifiable. H&S suggest Camden, van den Berg (1987), 61 suggests it is every reader, C. J. Summers (2000) argues for William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke; but ‘grave’ suggests learning rather than rank. Cummings (2000b), 103 suggests that Camden or Sir Henry Savile are likely candidates, and would suit the concerns of the poem with reading history.
101 4 our] F1; the JnB 316
5 whose grace you whose graciousness.
5 seem] F1; illegible JnB 316
6 could] F1; would JnB 316
7–8 Cf. Martial, 5.78.16: vinum tu facies bonum bibendo, ‘you will make the wine good by drinking it’.
8 not] F1; to JnB 316
8 cates provisions (often suggesting delicacy or choiceness).
9 rectify clear (as an appetizer).
10 An olive] F1; Oliues and JnB 315, JnB 316
11–12 short-legged . . . eggs Cf. the stale fare offered by Martial, 10.48.17–18: pullus ad haec cenisque tribus iam perna superstes / addetur, ‘to this will be added a chicken and a ham that has already survived three dinners’.
15 are] F1; be JnB 315, JnB 316
16 The line inverts the proverb ‘If the sky falls, we shall have larks’ (Tilley S517).
16 think] F1; say JnB 315, JnB 316
17 Cf. Martial, 11.52.13: mentiar, ut venias, ‘I’ll lie so that you come’.
17 of more] F1; more JnB 315, JnB 316
17 lie] F1; buy JnB 315
19–20 and . . . too] F1; and perhaps if we can / A ducke and Mallard JnB 315, JnB 316
19 godwit a marsh bird resembling a curlew, regarded as particularly delicious; cf. Und. 85.53; described by Thomas Browne in Natural History of, Norfolk as ‘the daintiest dish in England, and I think for the bigness, of the biggest price’ (Browne, Miscellaneous Writings, 382). The readily available fowl in the MS versions (‘ducke and Mallard’) are likely to be Jonson’s first thoughts before he decided that more exotic birds were more tempting inducements. Cf. Alch., 2.2.81.
20 Knat, rail, and ruff A kind of sandpiper (first cited reference in OED), a corncrake (sometimes linked with quail in cookery books), and a male sandpiper (predating the first citation in OED by more than fifty years). Drayton notes a rail ‘seldom comes but upon rich men’s spits’ (Drayton, The Works, ed. Hebel, 1961, 4.159). Cummings (2000b) n. 36 notes that the rail is an early summer bird, but the ruff is a winter one, ‘yet Jonson puts them on the same table’.
20 my man Possibly Richard Brome, the dramatist who spent part of his early life as Jonson’s servant (as in Bart. Fair, Ind. 6).
22 some better book Readings were often conducted during meals. ‘Some better’ re-echoes the suggestion in line 10 that this feast is better than Martial’s, and may refer to the Bible.
24 And I’ll] F1; I will JnB 315, JnB 316
24 Martial similarly protests that the host will not recite (‘repeat’) during meals (5.78.25, 11.52.16). Jonson was fond of reciting to his friends, as Drummond notes (Informations, 62–70); Dekker quoted Horace, Satires, 1.4.73 on the title-page of Satiromastix (nec recito cuiquam nisi amicis idque coactus, ‘nor do I recite [my poems] except to my friends, and then only when pressed’), which may have been a dig at Jonson.
25–6 ‘A pastry may come in as a surprise bonus, but I won’t read a surprise poem.’ Cognard (1979) implausibly suggests the lines refer to printed texts of Jonson’s poems which would be re-used as wrappings for pastries, and would leave a residue of ink on them. ‘Show of’ is not a usage recorded by OED, and it is impossible to be certain of Jonson’s meaning here.
25 know not] F1; not know JnB 315
26 will] F1; may JnB 315, JnB 316
27 and . . . be] F1; will sure bee there, and fruites JnB 315, JnB 316
28 my . . . me] F1; me and my muse JnB 315, JnB 316
29–32 A version of these lines, described as ‘Shakespeares Rime he made at the Myter in Fleete streete’, is found in Edinburgh University Library MS H. P. Coll. 401, fol. 60v: ‘Giue me a cup of rich canarie wine / wch yets the myters (then he drinkes, after sayes) but next is mine / of wch had Horace & Anacreon tasted / their liues as well as lines till now had lasted.’
29 Canary wine light, sweet wine from the Canary Islands (suggesting sacramental wine, perhaps, by line 32).
30 Mermaid’s A tavern in Bread Street at which Beaumont recalls drinking with Jonson: see Epigr. 133.37 and n.
31 Of which had] F1; which had old JnB 315, JnB 316 (with a blank space at the start of the line)
31 Horace or Anacreon Masters of lyric forms and symposiastic verse (drinking poems). See Horace, Odes, 1.37.
32 as . . . had] F1; had like their lines for euer JnB 315, JnB 316
33 or] F1; and JnB 315, JnB 316
33 Thespian spring The spring at the foot of Mount Helicon, sacred to the Muses. See Forest 10.25n.
34 Luther’s beer Beer, which contained hops, was often associated with reform and heresy, as when Francis Beaumont praises the Mermaid’s wine in his epistle from the country to Ben Jonson: ‘Oh we have water mixed with claret lees, / Drink apt to bring in drier heresies / Than beer . . . / ’Tis sold by Puritans, mixed with intent / To make it serve for either Sacrament’ (Literary Record, Electronic Edition).
36 Poley or] F1 (Pooly’, or)
36 Poley] F1; foole JnB 315, JnB 316
36 Poley or Parrot Robert Poley (pronounced ‘Pooley’) was a government spy who was present at the stabbing of Marlowe in Deptford and who may have spied on Jonson during his imprisonment in Newgate in 1598; see M. Eccles (1937). Parrot, possibly Henry Parrot the epigrammatist (see Epigr. 71 headnote), was another informer, who may have been active in Newgate in 1598 (though that such an imitative poem, so full of birds, contains a parrot, the most imitative of birds, cannot be accidental).
36 or] F1; nor JnB 316
36 by] F1; nigh JnB 315
37–42 Cf. Martial, 10.48.21–4: accedent sine felle ioci nec mane timenda / libertas et nil quod tacuisse velis: / de prasino conviva meus Scorpoque [Farnaby reads ‘Venetoque’ here] loquatur, / nec faciant quemquam pocula nostra reum, ‘There will also be merriment without malice, liberty which does not become a source of fear the next morning, and nothing that you would wish you had never said: let my guest talk of Scorpus [or Venetus] and the Green; let no-one make my cups a witness.’
42 liberty Thomas Farnaby (editor of Martial and friend of Jonson) has a note on Martial, 5.78.23 which refers to liberty, as the poem itself does not: Sed coenae tenuitatem compensabit libertas & sinceritas, vbi non erit opus simulatione & dissimulatione vt in mensis diuitum, ‘but liberty and sincerity will make up for the meagreness of the dinner, where there will be no need of pretence or dissimulation as there is at the tables of the rich’ (Martial, Epigrammaton libri, 1615, 149). This implicitly links the passage with 10.48.22 (quoted in previous note). There may well have been some reciprocal exchange between Jonson and Farnaby here.
42 that] F1; which JnB 315, JnB 316
102 William, Earl of Pembroke See Ded. headnote, and Cat., Ded.
3–4 Cf. Seneca, De Tranquillitate Animi (‘On Tranquillity of Mind’), 7.5: utraque enim turba opus erat ut Cato posset intellegi: habere debuit et bonos quibus se adprobaret, et malos in quibus vim suam experiretur, ‘For there was need of both types of person so that Cato could be understood: he had to have good men by whom he could be commended, and bad men on whom he could prove his strength.’
102 3 the good] F3; be good F1
7 exercised tried out, vexed.
9–10 Cf. Seneca, Epistles, 115.10: ad mercedem pii sumus, ad mercedem impii, et honesta, quamdiu aliqua illis spes inest, sequimur, in contrarium transituri, si plus scelera promittent, ‘We’re pious for a price, impious for a price; we pursue virtuous things as long as there is hope of reward from them, and will pursue the opposite if wickedness shall promise a greater reward.’
12 discerns distinguishes (rather than the modern sense ‘perceives’).
12 virtue or] F1 (vertue’or)
12 virtue or Jonson’s elision was sufficiently unnatural to have been missed by Mildmay Fane in his transcription from F1 (JnB 554.5).
13 Cf. Seneca, Epistles, 71.8: virtus autem non potest maior aut minor fieri: unius staturae est, ‘Virtue cannot become bigger or smaller: it is of one stature.’
17–18 Alludes to the anecdote that Cato’s presence at the theatre inhibited the actors. See Ded. 27n. This allusion may suggest a date of composition after 1615, when Pembroke became Lord Chamberlain (and so was responsible for theatrical censorship).
19 draw more attract more observers.
20 study use as a moral example. Cf. Epigr. 98.10, 122.9
103 Mary, Lady Wroth (1587–c. 1653). The daughter of Sir Robert Sidney and niece of Sir Philip Sidney. She married Sir Robert Wroth (see Forest 3 headnote) on 27 Sept. 1604. Her Urania, in imitation of Sidney’s Arcadia, was printed in 1621 and dedicated to the addressee of Epigr. 104, the Countess of Montgomery. It was followed by a sonnet sequence, Pamphilia to Amphilanthus, to which Jonson alludes in Und. 28. Brennan (1999) suggests a date for this poem of c. 1611. For a flattering view of her, see Epigr. 105, Alch., Ded., and for a darker view see Informations, 275–6.
5 that name ‘Sidney’; but Wroth could be spelt ‘Worth’. In Alch., Ded. she is addressed as ‘the Lady most deserving her name and blood’.
7 imprese emblem or device with mottoes.
9 mine my muses.
12 i.e. they would find a written word (‘character’) for your every attribute (‘part’). ‘Character’ and ‘part’ also suggest that these hyperbolical praisers are theatrical and false.
104 Susan, Countess of Montgomery Susan de Vere (1587–1629), third daughter of Edward de Vere, seventeenth Earl of Oxford, was married to Sir Philip Herbert on 27 Dec. 1604. He was a nephew of Sir Philip Sidney, after whom he was probably named, and brother of William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, the dedicatee of the Epigrams. He became Earl of Montgomery on 4 May 1605, and succeeded his brother as Earl of Pembroke in 1630. He was one of the recipients of acrostic verses in the volume for which Jonson composed ‘Sutcliffe’ (6.697) in 1634. Chapman alluded to this epigram in a dedicatory poem attached to his translation of Books 1–12 of Homer’s Iliad (1609). It therefore must have been composed between 1605 and 1609.
2 in . . . grace in the dawn of your graciousness.
4 that old The story of Susanna is told in the Apocryphal book of Susanna ‘which some join to the end of Daniel and make it the thirteenth chapter’ (Geneva Bible, 1598, fol. 177v). This is the reason that ‘some scarce think that story true’. Elders lusted after the chaste Susanna, and accused her of adultery when she resisted them. As she was about to be put to death, Daniel examined the witnesses separately, and their conflicting stories condemned them and saved Susanna.
6 To . . . faithful To convince doubters of the truth of this story.
104 10 own] F3; one F1
14 for . . . know must recognize as a picture of you.
105 Mary, Lady Wroth See Epigr. 103 headnote.
1–6 Jonson often praises his addressees for having brought back the perfection of the earliest times: see Epigr. 122 and 125.
2 crossed crossed out; erased (OED, 4a).
7 wheaten straw.
8 Ceres The Roman goddess of the corn-bearing earth and agriculture (equivalent to Demeter in the Greek pantheon).
10 Oenone A nymph of Mount Ida who fell in love with Paris.
10 Flora Roman goddess of flowers and the spring.
10 May Possibly the Greek goddess Maia, mother of Hermes; perhaps too alluding to Mary Wroth’s association with Jonson’s lost pastoral, ‘The May Lord’ (see Informations, 307 and n.), perhaps too to Sir Philip Sidney’s entertainment for Elizabeth I later entitled The Lady of May.
11 Idalian queen Venus. Mary Wroth danced in Blackness in 1605.
12 the Graces The three Graces are represented as the companions of Venus in Seneca, De Beneficiis, 1.3.9.
105 14 Dian’ alone] F1 (Diana’alone)
15 style honorific title.
16 Pallas’ plumèd casque The goddess Athena, Greek goddess of war and wisdom, is usually represented wearing a plumed helmet, which was allegorized variously as prudence or virtue. See Cartari, Vere e nove imagine (1615), 318–20.
18 Juno (Greek Hera) was sister and wife to Jupiter. She was goddess of women, and the peacock was sacred to her. The bird is absent here because it symbolizes pride.
19 index (1) summary (OED, 5a); (2) list of names (OED, 5b); (3) guiding principle (OED, 4a).
20 I’yourself In yourself.
106 Sir Edward Herbert (1582?–1648). Knighted by James I on 24 July 1603, he was created first Baron Herbert of Cherbury on 2 Apr. 1629, and wrote a dedicatory verse for Jonson’s translation of Horace’s Ars Poetica. His appearance here so close to poems to other members of the Herbert family and to the Countess of Montgomery may indicate a date after July 1613: in Feb. 1607 he resigned Montgomery Castle to William Herbert, Lord Montgomery, and regained it in July 1613; the collocation of poems may mark a reconciliation in the family. Evidence is thin on the ground though, since as Herbert said ‘I can say little more memorable concerning myself from the year 1611 when I was hurt until the year of our Lord 1614, than that I passed my time sometimes in the Court . . . and sometimes in the country without any memorable accident’ (Herbert, The Life of Edward Herbert, ed. Shuttleworth, 1976, 66). In Sept. 1608 Herbert addressed a satire on travellers abroad to Jonson (Herbert, Poems, 14–16), which may explain why this poem is followed by the satirical portrait of the traveller Captain Hungry.
5 they i.e. ‘men’ (line 1).
6 Herbert was active in the siege of Juliers in 1610. His valour led him to challenge Theophilus Howard to a duel during the siege (this was after Howard had been drinking with Horace Vere, the addressee of Epigr. 91); it was not his judgement but that of Sir William St Leiger which prevented the duel (Herbert, The Life of Edward Herbert, ed. Shuttleworth, 1976, 54–8). He also vividly describes being stabbed by Sir John Aire and retaliating with violence (63). Sir Henry Cary rescued him. Jonson is doubtless here praising in order to transform his addressee (see Und. 14.19–22).
8 Like straight Similarly upright.
107 For a possible date of this poem, see headnote to Epigr. 108. It is based on Martial, 9.35, a poem which was translated, together with topical allusions, by Sir John Davies in c. 1594 as Epigram 40. There may be significance in the juxtaposition with the previous poem: Herbert was a notorious traveller, whose autobiography (not printed in his lifetime) dwells extensively on his political machinations abroad.
1 Captain Hungry Newdigate, Poems, identifies with Thomas Gainsford (1566–1624), who served in Ireland in 1601, and who later published news pamphlets. The first of his known publications dates from 1616 and the poem may be as early as 1601, so this would be a very early allusion; see S. L. Adams (1976), M. Eccles (1982), and Und. 43.79n. On the resonances of the word ‘Captain’, see Epigr. 87n.
3 oft look on i.e. scrutinize repeatedly.
5 gross Dutch (lovers of butter; see 25–6n. below).
6 two emperors H&S suggest Ferdinand I (1558–62) and his eldest son, Maximilian (1562–76); Donaldson (OSA) suggests Charles V (1500–58), and his son Philip Ⅱ of Spain, to whom Charles resigned the Netherlands in 1555. This would imply Hungry had a long career as a prince-pleaser.
7 their princes The Dutch republic was divided into seven provinces, the most prominent leader of which was Maurice, Prince of Orange (1567–1625).
8 Moravian horse Magyar horses were famous for their swiftness and endurance.
8 Venetian bull The joke is that the emblem of Venice is a winged lion; Hungry is confused about where papal bulls (edicts or mandates) come from, and so produces a ‘ludicrous joke’ (OED, Bull n.4; predating its first citation by over twenty years).
107 9,10 you’ve] F1 (yo’haue)
10 you in] F1 (yo’in)
12–14 The Captain has visited all the hotspots of European military activity from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century.
18 at twice skip i.e. a flea, even if it were given two hops, couldn’t cover as much of the map as the Captain claims to have covered in a year. ‘At twice’ is a rare form meaning ‘on two separate occasions’ (OED, at 3a).
20 punk prostitute.
21 Villeroys Nicholas Ⅳ de Neufville (1543–1617), Marquis de Villeroy, negotiator for Henri Ⅲ during the wars of religion, and Secretary of State under Henri Ⅳ.
21 Silleries Nicholas Brulart (1544–1624), Marquis de Sillery, Chancellor of France under Henri Ⅳ.
22 Janins Pierre Jeannin (?1541–1623), diplomatic negotiator.
22 Nuncios Papal messengers.
22 Tuileries The palace of the French kings in Paris, the building of which began in 1564.
23 archduke’s Archduke Ferdinand Ⅱ of Austria (1578–1637; Holy Roman Emperor from 1619) suppressed Protestantism in Austria in 1599.
23 Beringhams Probably Pierre de Beringhen (d. 1619), Valet de Chambre and Commissaire des Guerres for Henri Ⅳ (Hunter, Poetry).
25–6 Hanau . . . Boutersheim Hanau and Rotenburg are real places in Hesse-Nassau. Scheiterhuysen is fake Dutch for ‘Shit-houses’, Popenheim for ‘Popeshome’, and ‘Boutersheim’ means ‘Butterburg’. The Dutch were famous for their love of butter. Cf. Staple, 3.2.33–4.
29 tusk OED suggests ‘bare the teeth’, as at Bart. Fair, 2.3.35. The sound ‘tsk’ is not recorded by OED before the 1940s, but it is tempting to regard this as its ancestor.
108 A version of this poem without substantive variants (and entitled ‘Unto True Soldiers’) is found in Poet., Apol. Dial., 118–27, suggesting a date of late 1601 or early 1602.
6 prove try out. For Jonson’s action in the Low Countries, see Informations, 183–6.
108 8 pen.] F1 (Poet.), F2 (Epigr.); pen F1 (Epigr.)
10 such the same as him. In Poet. the Captain is Tucca; here it is Hungry of Epigr. 107.
109 Sir Henry Neville (1561/2–1615). MP from 1584–1614. He was fined £5,000 for his involvement in the Essex rebellion. He was refused the Secretaryship of State in 1612, having urged James I to accommodate the demands of Parliament, despite the intervention of the Earl of Southampton on his behalf. This, as Fleay (1891) suggests, is the most probable occasion for the poem. For details of his life, see Roberts and Duncan (1978).
4 pedigree noble ancestry.
5 seek’st . . . hope i.e. who hopes for promotions even though attended by the miseries of guilt.
8 to friend i.e. as a concomitant.
10 dress outward show.
11 lent life Cf. Epigr. 22.3n.
109 12 than] F1 (then)
12 than Given ‘rather’ (line 9) it is likely that F1’s ‘then’ should be modernized by ‘than’, with which it was interchangeable at this date. Most modernized editions read ‘then’.
13 root . . . height Cf. Virgil, Georgics, 2.290–2. (‘Root’ means ‘depth below the ground’).
110 First printed in Sir Clement Edmondes, Observations upon Caesar’s Commentaries (1609), along with poems by Camden, Daniel, and Sylvester. It does not appear in the edition of 1600 (which is dedicated to Sir Francis Vere, brother of Sir Horace) or that of 1604, indicating a date of c. 1609. Edmondes (1567/8–1622) fought with Francis Vere at the battle of Nieuport in 1600, and became Remembrancer (the official representative at Parliamentary committees) of the City of London in 1605. Edmondes presented a copy of his work to Jonson (now in the British Library; see Jonson’s Library, Electronic Edition).
2–5 In these . . . fortune Julius Caesar mounted expeditions to Britain in 55 and 54 bc. In 49 bc he started a civil war. Pompeius Magnus engaged with him in 48, and was heavily defeated at the battle of Pharsalus. Marcus Portius Cato Uticensis, the great-grandson of Cato the Censor (see Ded. 26n.) was a supporter of Pompeius Magnus, who committed suicide rather than receive a pardon from Caesar in 46 bc.
110 4 Cato’s] F1; Cato Edmondes
6 style (1) literary manner; (2) stylus; perhaps with a play on ‘honorific title’, since the name of Caesar came to signify a constitutional position rather than a family. Edmondes’s modest claim in 1600 that he did not dare ‘to make any resemblance to the sweetness of that style’ (sig. ∗2v) is omitted from the edition of 1609.
7 as’t] F1; as Edmondes
8 Cf. Quintilian, 10.1.114: tanta in eo vis est, id acumen, ea concitatio, ut illum eodem animo dixisse, quo bellavit, appareat, ‘There is in him [i.e. Julius Caesar] such energy, such sharpness and eagerness, that you can see that he spoke with the same energy with which he fought.’
9–10 i.e. His work is acclaimed even by those enemies who have disputed his claims.
11 to] F1 (too)
13 scarce . . . age barely one generation.
14 envy and] F1; enuy’ and Edmondes
14 rage Caesar was assassinated by a group of conspirators including Brutus and Cassius on 15 Mar. 44 bc. Jonson’s pejorative term (‘passion’) aligns him here against the tradition of republican historiography which would see Brutus as a liberator of Rome; elsewhere (notably Sej. and Cat.) he adopts a much more favourable attitude to the tyrannicide.
15 but] F1; save Edmondes
21 To all] F1 (T’all)
111 See headnote to previous poem.
1–2 In the supplementary volume of Observations upon Caesars Commentaries lib. 7 added in 1604 and dedicated to Prince Henry, Edmondes includes ‘The Manner of Our Modern Training, or Tactic Practice’: ‘For as much as my purpose was to make this task of Observations as a parallel to our modern discipline, I did not think it fit to mingle the tactic practice of these times with the use of foregoing ages’ (Edmondes, Observations upon Caesars Commentaries, 1609, sig. s1).
111 4 Beholding] F1; Beholden Edmondes
4 this . . . war Caesar.
8 Nor does conceding the value of Caesar’s deeds diminish our own.
9 grutch complain.
11 deprave pervert the meaning of by misinterpretation (OED, †3)
13 help] F1; Art Edmondes
112 The poem is based on Martial, 12.94. Its framing image of gambling is drawn from the card game ‘primero’, in which each player was dealt four cards: the best hand was all of one colour (‘flush’), and the next was one in which each card was a different suit (‘prime’).
1 stock capital (OED, 48a).
4 rank setting excessive betting (OED, setting 4).
6 blow me up ruin me. Cf. Forest 3.79.
112 6 me up] F1 (me’vp)
12–15 ode . . . elegies . . . satires . . . epigram Each of these forms underwent radical changes in the 1590s under the influence of classical models: they are touchstones of modishness.
16 proper own special.
18 pluck draw a card.
20 colour blush. (A term also used in ‘primero’, as is ‘encounter’.)
21 Prithee] F1 (Pr’y thee)
21 rest remainder. (The word is used for the stakes kept in reserve in ‘primero’).
22 prime A hand in ‘primero’ that contained each of the four suits; a victor.
113 Sir Thomas Overbury (1581–1613). A friend of James I’s favourite, Robert Carr. He assisted Carr’s courtship of Frances Howard, but unwisely opposed his plan to marry her. Overbury did not take up diplomatic appointments, which were offered to get him out of the way, was imprisoned in the Tower on 2 Apr. 1613, and there was poisoned at the instigation of Frances Howard. He was Jonson’s ‘mortal enemy’ after he tricked Jonson into participating in his courtship of the Countess of Rutland (Informations, 127, 160–4). This poem probably dates from 1610, after Overbury’s return from a visit to the Low Countries.
10 Could That could.
11 Nor need any courtiers fear loss of status.
113 11 may any] F1 (may’any)
12 Who in] F1 (Who’in)
114 Mistress] F1 (Mrs.)
114 Mistress Philip Sidney (1594–1620). The fourth daughter of Sir Robert Sidney was baptized Philip. She married Sir John Hobart in 1614. See L. C. John (1946).
4 out-forms outward forms.
5–6 you . . . virtue The rhyme of a masculine and a feminine syllable has precedent in Blackness, 120–1.
8 servants worshippers.
115 Honest Man Generally taken to be an attack on Jonson’s collaborator in several of his masques, Inigo Jones (1573–1652). Compare ‘Expostulation’. (6.375–80), ‘Sir Inigo’ (6.382), ‘Inigo Marq.’ (6.380–1). ‘Honest man’ could be used of drunkards and men-about-town, as it was by Sir Thomas Wyatt: ‘Trust me that “honest man” is as common a name as the name of a good fellow, that is to say, a drunkard, a tavern-haunter, a rioter, a gamer, a waster’ (Muir, 1963, 41–2); see also Empson (1951), 218–49.
1 name See Epigr. Ded. 12 and n. W. D. Briggs (1916b) sees analogies with Horace, Satires, 1.4.81–5.
5 Cf. Martial, 11.92.2: non vitiosus homo es, Zoile, sed vitium, ‘you’re not a vicious man, Zoilus; you’re vice itself’. The Vice was a set character in interludes, and was usually of engaging charm as well as allegorically signifying sin.
115 5 Vice] F3; vice F1
6 at that price by that name (meaning he acquires the name of Vice as the cost of his unscrupulous humour).
8 company it’s] F1 (company’it’s)
8 it’s The neuter pronoun is used contemptuously here and at lines 16, 20, 21 etc.
10 sow] F1; strow H&S
10 sow out scatter throughout. H&S emend to ‘strow out’. Given that ‘gather’ is frequently used of harvests of corn (OED, 4b) the emendation is unnecessary: the Honest Man gathers and then spreads the seeds he has culled. Cf. Mag. Lady, 3.1.12.
11 come from Tripoli caper and leap (like an ape, which might come from that part of the world). Cf. Epicene, 5.1.34–5.
12 ’longs] F1 (longs)
12 anarchy of drink Cf. Und. 47.10.
13 Except the duel i.e. he is a coward.
13 catches musical rounds (for three or more voices, each of which waits until the previous singer has sung one line of the song before he or she enters).
16 lays on abuses. (Usually it means physically assault.)
17 Tells] F1 (Tell’s)
20–1 Not . . . one These words are in indirect speech. ‘Have to do’ means ‘have anything to do’.
24 cloth’s no sooner gone After dinner the tablecloth was removed and talk became less formal.
26 Italian . . . door Pietro Aretino’s Ragionamenti (1584), 67–8 records how a commedia dell’arte artist called Cimador ducked behind a door to mimic a variety of voices, including a porter, an old lady, and her husband, who enact between them a sexual farce. The work was printed in London for John Wolfe, with a false title-page to avoid censorship, and so deepens the association between the Honest Man and obscenity.
27 old Iniquity The Vice, with perhaps a pun on ‘Inigo’.
29 in picture by description.
29–30 By defect . . . friendship Probably ‘since he has no friends to praise him’.
30–1 architect . . . engineer Probably alludes to Inigo Jones’s professions. ‘Engineer’ can also mean ‘plotter’ (OED, 1).
31 engineer] F1 (inginer)
34 arrant’st] F1 (errant’st)
116 William Jephson Resident of Froyle, Hampshire, he was knighted 23 Apr. 1603. He served as MP for Hampshire from 1604 until his death in 1611. His sister Mary married Henry Lucas of Froyle and Penshurst. The association with Penshurst may be the origin of Jonson’s connection with the family, although Alexander Radcliffe (see Epigr. 40 headnote) served with Jephson’s brother John in Ireland in 1598–9. See Jephson (1964), 17–18. The past tenses indicate this is an elegy, and probably imply composition after 1611.
116 1 loved] F1 (lou’d)
3 virtue inform] F1 (vertue’enforme)
7 entailed on bestowed as an inalienable possession (like an inheritance). The rare sense (OED, v.1) ‘engraved on’ may be in play; it would anticipate the physicality of ‘impressed’ in line 9.
9–10 Cf. Sallust, Jugurtha, 85.15: Quanquam ego naturam unam et communem omnium existimo, sed fortissimum quemque generosissimum, ‘Although I believe there to be one common nature for all men, nonetheless some are most brave and most well-born.’
10 bravest Probably ‘best-dressed’. ‘Brave’ often carries an ironical inflection. Cf. Epigr. 11.1, 129.12, 133.21.
11 Restates the humanist insistence that virtue is the true nobility, or nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus (Juvenal, Satires, 8.20), on which see McCanles (1992), 46–101.
15 Them . . . thee Them (such virtues) to be deeply fixed in you, if not in fact originating from you.
16 solecism violation of the rules of grammar (a word rare enough to be included in the list of words explained in Holland’s translation of Plutarch, The Philosophy of 1603, although also found in Volp., 4.2.43 in the affected mouth of Lady Would-Be, and commented on satirically by Mosca at 5.9.4).
117 The poem adapts Martial, 12.16: Addixti, Labiene, tres agellos; / emisti, Labiene, tres cinaedos. / pedicas, Labiene, tres agellos, ‘You sold three fields, Labienus; bought three catamites, Labienus; you bugger three fields, Labienus.’ See Riddell (1988b).
1 Groin and Gut (the addressee of Epigr. 118) are also linked in Discoveries, 39.
1 out of hand straight away, without premeditation (OED, hand 33a).
117 2 For’s] F1 (For’his)
2 occupy Widely used in the slang sense ‘possess sexually’, as in Discoveries, 1099.
118 Informations, 64 lists this among Jonson’s favourite poems for recitation.
2 meat Plays on the slang sense ‘whore’, or ‘female sexual organs’ (OED, 3e), as well as ‘nourishment’.
2 tasteth Plays on the sense ‘have sex with’ (OED, 3b).
118 5 sin:] Donaldson OSA: sin F1; sin, F2
119 Sir Ralph Shelton H&S identify with the recusant Ralph Sheldon of Beoley in Worcestershire (1557–1613), whose seclusion as a result of his religion would suit this poem’s argument. However, he was never knighted. A more likely candidate is Sir Ralph Shelton of Shelton in Norfolk (d. 1627; knighted 1607). Lady Haddington referred to him as one of the ‘fools or buffoons’ who accompanied Lord Hay on his embassy to France in 1616 (Nichols, Progresses (James I), 1828, 3.177). He appears to have sold Shelton Manor in 1606, which suggests financial difficulties. This poem, like Forest 3 (see headnote), may praise someone who struggled to afford a courtly life for avoiding its worst excesses.
119 Ralph Shelton] F1 (Raph Shelton)
2 At . . . rails Or he who rails against hunting.
3 cocking cock-fighting.
4 press crowds.
5 that good man a person who turned to virtue only when he could not prosper through vice. Unidentified.
6 to a] F1 (to’a)
7 Shelton] F1 (Shelton)
8 disease (1) sickness (cf. ‘pox’, line 4); (2) morbid irritation.
11–12 Cf. Seneca, Epistles, 5.3: Id agamus, ut meliorem vitam sequamur quam vulgus, non ut contrariam, ‘Let us try to maintain a higher standard of life than the masses, but not a contrary standard.’
14 Cf. Pliny, Epistles, 1.22.5: nihil ad ostentationem, omnia ad conscientiam refert, ‘[Titus Aristo] judges everything according to conscience and not at all according to mere show.’
15–16 Cf. Martial, 8.78.7–8: qui sic vel medio finitus vixit in aevo, / longior huic facta est quam data vita fuit, ‘He who lives in this way, even if he ends his life in what ought to be its middle, has made his life longer than the term that was given to him.’ Cf. Jonson’s translation in Und. 89.
120 The two manuscript versions (see collation) indicate that Jonson tinkered with this poem extensively before 1616, and circulated it in manuscript before publication. JnB 143 is headed ‘Vppon Sal. Pauye a boy of 13 yeares of Age and on of the companye of the Reuelles to Queen Elizabeth’.
120 Epitaph . . . Chapel] F1 (Epitaph on S. P. a child of Q. El. Chappel.)
1 Solomon Pavy Born May 1588, he acted in Cynthia (1600) and Poet. (1601). He was pressed into service by Nathaniel Giles in 1600, and is mentioned in Henry Clifton’s complaint to Star Chamber that boys were taken for the Chapel Royal and then put into theatrical companies. He was buried at St Mary Somerset in London on 25 July 1602; see G. E. Bentley (1942). Gifford mistakenly named him ‘Salathiel Pavy’.
1 you] F1; yee JnB 143, JnB 144
3 whom . . . you] F1; whom these teares are JnB 143; these teares you shedd JnB 144
5 ’Twas] F1; It was JnB 143, JnB 144
7 As] F1; That JnB 144
7 seemed to] F1; both did JnB 143
8 Which] F1; who JnB 143, JnB 144 subst.
10 Fates] F1; the destenies JnB 144
11 three filled] F1; thrice past JnB 143; three paste JnB 144
11 three filled zodiacs Pavy seems actually to have acted for only two years before his death.
11 had he] F1; now had JnB 143; he had JnB 144
12 The] F1; Our JnB 143; JnB 144
13–15 And . . . one] F1; And what wee now doe moane / hee playd Old men so Dulye / The Destinies thought hime to be one JnB 143, JnB 144 subst.
15–18 Cf. Martial’s epigram (10.53) on the young charioteer Scorpus: invida quem Lachesis raptum trieteride nona, / dum numerat palmas, credidit esse senem, ‘whom jealous Lachesis seized before his thirtieth year, because she counted his medals and believed him to be an old man’.
15 Parcae Fates. See Epigr. 76.15n.
16 played] F1; faind JnB 143, JnB 144
17–18 So. . consented] F1; And In that Error thay consented / To his fatall Death JnB 143; And in that error they consented, / To his death JnB 144
19–20 alas . . . repented] F1; haue repented / and would haue giuen new breath JnB 143; they haue repented JnB 144
21–2 And . . . steep him] F1; Nay thay desird (not able) to giue birth / In Charmes to sleep hime JnB 143; And haue sought to giue him newe birth / in charmes to steepe him JnB 144
22 baths The child Pelops was murdered by his father, Tantalus, and was restored to life by Jove, in some versions in a cooking cauldron.
121 Benjamin Rudyerd (1572–1658) was a politician, poet, and close friend of the Earl of Pembroke. He composed answers to a number of Pembroke’s poems, and verses purportedly by the two of them were printed together in 1660. Works by him are frequently found in MSS containing verse by Jonson and John Hoskyns. He was knighted 30 Mar. 1618, and was an ally of Buckingham in the Parliaments of the 1620s. Throughout his later parliamentary career he attempted to mediate between King and Parliament.
1 use make it their practice.
2 lighter (1) of smaller account; (2) more wanton.
4 My lesser muse strives to understand the vast difference between your ‘better studies’ and my own.
121 8 precede] Wh; procede F1
122 1 If I The repetition of ‘if’ marks this poem as a syntactic imitation of Martial, 1.39, which praises his friend Decianus for his old-world virtue.
2 Saturn’s age Saturn ruled over the golden age. He was identified with chronos (time) and was the first king of the gods. Cf. Epigr. 64.3–4.
3 try ‘separate (metal) from the ore or dross by melting’ (OED, 3a).
7 touch The context of bringing back a golden age suggests ‘touchstone’ (OED, 6).
10 were existed in the golden age.
123 1 writ writings.
123 2, 3 thou’st] F1 (th’hast)
2, 3 thou’st thou hast.
2 candour impartiality (OED, 3, citing this passage as the first example). Cf. Discoveries, 472–4.
124 Elizabeth, L. H. Not firmly identified. The many MS copies (collated in the electronic edition; none clearly indicates authorial variants) variously retitle the epigram and identify its subject with Queen Elizabeth, Cecilia Bulstrode, and Lady Elizabeth Hoby. The latter is not an implausible candidate: she died in 1609 aged 81, and ‘the ordering of pompous funerals was her delight’ (DNB). She was Robert Cecil’s aunt (see Epigr. 43), and was forceful enough to warrant Jonson’s suggestion that she may have ‘had a fault’, for it was rumoured that she caused a son’s death by ill-treatment. The fact that she outlived two husbands might explain why the surname of Jonson’s Elizabeth is allowed to sleep with death; she died Lady Russell, but Jonson’s use of her initials from her first marriage may honour the wish in her will to eschew ‘vain ostentation or pomp’. Van den Berg (1981) proposes Elizabeth Talbot, Countess of Shrewsbury, commonly known as Bess of Hardwick. As she confesses, however, the Countess of Shrewsbury would not properly be addressed as ‘Lady Hardwick’ and Jonson is not known to have met her. Other candidates are no more plausible: Newdigate, Poems, favours Elizabeth, Lady Hatton; she, however, lived until 1646. J. McKenzie (1962) suggests Elizabeth, Lady Hunsdon, but she died in 1618. Camden, Remains (1605), 79 records that ‘Elizabeth’ means ‘Hebr. Peace of the Lord, or Quiet Rest of the Lord’, which might explain why the name is adequate on its own; see N. Strout (1979). Major (1975) notes that the poem is ascribed to Edward Hastings in JnB 136. The same MS, Trinity College, Dublin MS 877, contains on fol. 257v a poem modelled on Jonson’s, and called ‘On the death of Mrs Elinor Young’ subscribed ‘Sr Edward Hastings’. It reads ‘Vnderneath this stone lies / More of Beautie; then are eyes / Or to reade that shee is gone / Or aliue to gaze vpon / Shee in soe much fayrnes cladd / To each grace a vertue had, / All her goodnes cannot be / Cutt in marble [.] memory / Would be vseles, ere we tell / In a stone her worth. Farewell.’ This is clearly the source of the ascription. A copy of the same poem is erroneously described as a text of Epigr. 124 by Beal (JnB 130; not collated here). It is printed as ‘An Epitaph on Mrs. EL: Y.’ in W. Browne, The Poems, ed. Goodwin (1894), 2.295.
124 10 The other] F1 (Th’other)
11–12 Fitter . . . all ‘It is preferable to record her death than her life’, though it is hard to exclude a sense that some shame has erased the memory of the lady’s last name, unless, as Van den Berg (1981), 38 suggests, the lines refer to Hardwick Hall, where Bess of Hardwick died.
125 Sir William Uvedale (1586–1652). of Wickham in Hampshire. He was knighted 19 Nov. 1613, which suggests a date for this poem (or at least its title) after 1612. In 1618 he became treasurer of the Chamber, and later Treasurer-at-Arms of the army of the north.
125 Uvedale] F1 (Vv’dale)
1 piece example.
5 Who Anyone who.
10 almost t’idolatry Cf. Jonson’s praise of Shakespeare, Discoveries, 473–4.
126 Mistress Cary Anne, daughter of Sir Edmund Cary of Devon (1558–1637), who married Sir William Uvedale, the addressee of the previous epigram. See F. Harrison (1920), 1.372.
126 Mistress] F1 (Mrs.)
2 bays laurels, the plant sacred to Phoebus Apollo after he chased Daphne and she metamorphosed into a laurel.
6 prove feel.
127 Esmé, Lord Aubigny Esmé Stuart, Seigneur d’Aubigny (?1579–1624) was a Catholic and close friend of James I. His Scottish ancestor Sir John Stuart had been granted the title of Seigneur of Aubigny in Berry for distinguished service at the battle of Baugé in 1421. He was the dedicatee of Sej., and Forest 13 is addressed to his wife. Jonson lived in his house for five years, Informations, 192–3. M. Eccles (1936a), 270 argues that this was 1613–18; Donaldson (1997a), 61–3 favours Jonson’s Catholic period (i.e. before 1610), and suggests that the poem records his thanks to his patron for protecting him from interrogation by the Consistory Court for recusancy.
127 Aubigny] F1 (’Avbigny)
9 grows to me becomes a part of me.
11–12 abler . . . pay The thought is Senecan: cf. Epistles, 73.9: interdum autem solutio [beneficii] est ipsa confessio, ‘sometimes however the repayment of a benefit is simply acknowledging it’.
128 William Roe See Epigr. 70 headnote.
128 1 thou’rt] F1 (th’art)
1 now It is not known when Roe set off on what was presumably a version of the grand tour.
2 Cf. ‘The cities of a world of nations, / With all their manners, minds and fashions, / He saw and knew’, Odyssey, 1.5–7 (trans. Chapman) and Und. 50.22.
4 This line draws on the description of the practice of imitation in Discoveries, 1752–8. For the association between imitation and travel, see Seneca, Epistles, 84.1.
8 circle An image of perfection (which also suggests a return to a ‘coterie of friends’ (OED, 21a), although that sense is not recorded before 1646).
12 Aeneas Virgil’s hero, whose descent to the underworld is related in Aeneid 6. Cf. Epigr. 133.4.
14 travelled] F1 (trauail’d)
14 travelled (With a pun on ‘travailed’, laboured.)
129 After Epigr. 128 F2 inserts ‘To Edward Filmer 1629’; for discussion of this non-authorial arrangement, see ‘Filmer’ (6.318), headnote.
1 Mime A jester, pantomimist (OED, 2a, citing this as the first example). Possibly another attack on Inigo Jones. Cf. Epigr. 115.25–9, and the description of Lanthorn Leatherhead, Bart. Fair, 3.4.98–102.
129 4 Brentford] F1 (Braynford)
4 Brentford A village at the junctions of the Brent and the Thames ten miles west of London, frequently referred to as a place of assignations in the drama of the period. In Dekker and Middleton, The Roaring Girl, 4.2.24–5, a husband goes ‘to the three pigeons at Brentford, and his punk with him’. Mime goes whoring with the lads.
4 Hackney A village two miles north of St Paul’s.
4 Bow Stratford-at-Bow in Essex. Kemp, Nine Days’ Wonder, sig. A3v: ‘many hold, that Mile End is no walk without a recreation at Stratford Bow with cream and cakes’.
4 mak’st one go along for the ride.
6 bespoke ordered (like goods).
7 thou’rt] F1 (th’art)
7 flag, the drum Donaldson (OSA) notes that ‘flags were flown from theatres on days of performance’, but Mime is also being compared to a recruiting officer.
12 babion baboon.
12 brave swaggerer.
13 mounted on a stool like a mountebank; cf. ‘Expostulation’, (6.375–80), line 16.
16 out-zany Zanni is a servant who acts the clown in commedia dell’arte.
16 Cokely A jester who improvized at entertainments. See Bart. Fair, 3.4.100, and Devil, 1.1.93.
16 Pod a puppet-master (as at Epigr. 97.2n.).
16 Gue Allusions to this name elsewhere, e.g. Guilpin, Skialetheia (1598), sig. A5 and D6, suggest he was an entertainer who did apish tricks.
17 Coryate Thomas Coryate (?1577–1617) wrote accounts of his travels in France and Italy and published them in Crudities (1611). See Crudities ('Distichs'), headnote (4.187). A message of remembrance to Inigo Jones appeared in Coryate’s Greeting from the Court of the Great Mogul, (1616), 30, 46.
130 First printed, without substantive variants, in Alfonso Ferrabosco, Ayres (1609), entered 1 Feb. 1609 (Arber, 3.401) and dedicated to Prince Henry. This volume included settings of a number of songs from the masques, as well as the song to Celia which was to become Forest 5.
1 Alfonso Ferrabosco (1575?–1628). Composer, lyre and viol player, acted as music teacher to Prince Henry from 1604, and collaborated with Jonson over Blackness in 1605, Hymenaei, Haddington, and Queens. They appear to have ceased collaborating in 1611, and resumed with Augurs (1622). The Earl of Montgomery (see Epigr. 104, headnote) may have been one of his patrons.
2 The most hackneyed images for the power of music in the period were Orpheus’s taming of wild beasts by song, and Amphion’s raising of the walls of Thebes by playing the lyre. See e.g. Puttenham, Art of English Poesie ed. Willcock and Walker, 6. The locus classicus is Horace, Ars Poetica, 391–6.
4–8 That music influences the passions is an idea at least as old as Plato’s Republic, 3.10–12.
5 Declineth Averts (OED, 11b; rare).
5 persuades urges the use of.
130 7 to a] F1 (t’a)
12 eighth] F1 (eight)
12 eighth sphere In the Ptolemaic system the universe generally consisted of nine spheres (later augmented to ten), which rotated around the earth: one for the moon, one for the sun, and one each for the five known planets. The eighth was for the fixed stars, and the ninth was a crystalline sphere, also known as the primum mobile. As they rotated these spheres produced a harmony too perfect and refined for the human ear to hear.
14 thence called harmony The etymology of harmony is from Greek ἁρμός, joint, and ἁρμόζ∊ιν, to fit together, arrange. Jonson derives the word from the inclusion of all by the outermost sphere.
18 Shed Donaldson (OSA) glosses ‘imparted’ (OED Shed v. 9c); the songs shed a beneficial influence. It is tempting to emend to ‘shewd’.
131 First printed in Ferrabosco, Lessons (1609), without substantive variants.
2 part with our own right give up the right to be sole judge. Cf. Cat., To the Reader in Ordinary, 2–3. In Scotland ‘part with’ can mean to miscarry, of which there may be a faint hint here.
5–10 Even if we could hear everything that everyone says, we ought not to let them know we can hear them. Because if the fickle world will talk in public, as far as I’m concerned they should be the ones who pick up the bill for their folly. Suppose they do prefer someone or other to you; even the people they prefer know they’re wrong to do so.
12 on . . . day i.e. in the same breath.
13 stand For the sense ‘exist in a state of lone virtue’, see Epigr. 43.12, 67.5, 93.4, 98.1, 106.7. Cf. Persius, 1.7: nec te quaesiueris extra, ‘do not seek outside yourself’.
132 First printed in Joshua Sylvester’s translation of Du Bartas, Divine Weeks and Works (1605), entered 22 Jan. 1605 (Arber, 3.280).
132 0 Master] F1 (Mr.)
1 Joshua Sylvester (1563–1618). From about 1606 he was groom of the Privy Chamber of Henry, Prince of Wales, for whom he compiled a volume of elegies entitled Lacrimae Lacrimarum (1612). His translation of Du Bartas appeared from 1595; this poem was appended to the edition of 1605, and was reprinted with the augmented edition of 1608.
6 confer compare a translation with its original. Cf. Jonson’s complaint about Sylvester in Informations, 20–1.
10 ‘Bartas  . . . his.’] F1 (Bartas doth wish thy English now were his.)
10 Italicized in F1 for emphasis.
11 inventions matter found out by inventio, in rhetoric the discovery of (pre-existing) material for a speech or poem.
13 the original that which gives rise to subsequent copies (as usually in this period).
133 This is likely to be one of the latest of the Epigrams. Its origins may lie in the dedicatory materials to Coryate’s Crudities (1611), many of which make mock-heroic comparisons between Coryate and epic travellers (see also line 39–40n.), but it owes something to Sir John Harington’s Metamorphosis of Ajax, which compares hell to ancient sewers; see Harington, A New Discourse on a Stale Subject, ed. Donno (1962), 146–9. This connection may suggest that ‘Shelton’ in line 5 is to be identified with Ralph Sheldon (d. 1613). If, however, this person is Thomas Shelton the translator of Don Quixote, as Medine (1975) suggests, the poem is unlikely to have been written before 1612, when the translation was printed (although this work was entered in the Stationers’ Register on 19 Jan. 1611 (Arber, 3.450), so Jonson may have known of it by the start of 1612). The poem was poorly imitated by Thomas Morton in The New English Canaan, (1637) 146–9. Cunningham mistakenly printed Morton’s poem as though it were by Jonson: he was misled by a marginal note which names Jonson in order to acknowledge a direct borrowing from this poem. The fact that Jonson’s chaste book ends with a scatological narration has led Medine (1975) to argue that it is a critique of the contemporary decline in literature. Van den Berg (1987), 103–7 suggests that the poem mocks the epigram book itself, testing its readers’ capacity to distinguish the praiseworthy from the worthless. It may rather be a sign that for all Jonson’s desire to distinguish himself from his contemporaries by insisting that Harington’s epigrams were ‘but narrations’ (Informations, 26–8) he could create parodic energy from their efforts. Its preoccupation with preserving waste material is explored by Boehrer (1997b), and McRae (1998) shows how it constructs a cultural geography of the city.
2 Hercules descended to hell twice: his final labour ‘was his going into hell, and fetching thence Theseus and Peirithous, and bringing with him in a chain Cerberus, the dog of hell’ (Cooper, Thesaurus, 1565, sig. I5); his second descent was to rescue Alcestis; Theseus descended with Peirithous, and failed in his attempt to carry away Persephone.
3 Orpheus, Ulysses Orpheus’s descent to hell to rescue Eurydice is related in Virgil, Georgics, 4.453–547; Ulysses’ descent is related in Odyssey, 11.
4 Troy’s just knight pius (‘godly, dutiful’) Aeneas descends to the underworld in Aeneid 6.
133 5 Sheldon] F1 (Shelton)
5 Shelton Not firmly identified. Possibly Sir Ralph Shelton of Shelton Hall, Norfolk (1561–1627), presumed addressee of Epigr. 119. Alternatively William Sheldon (1589–1659), the grandson of Ralph Sheldon of Beoley (on whom see Epigr. 199 headnote), who was the original owner of a copy of the Shakespeare first folio, and who is known to have dined at the Mermaid Tavern, and who later in life seems to have been involved in William Sandys’s schemes to make the Avon navigable. See Barnard (1936), 48–55 and Harington, A New Discourse on a Stale Subject, ed. Donno (1962), 179. The alternative (favoured by Medine, 1975) is the first translator of Cervantes’s Don Quixote, Thomas Shelton, who was another kinsman of the Sheldons of Beoley. This would suit the mock heroic ambitions of the pair.
5 Heydon] F1 (Heyden)
5 Heydon Probably Sir Christopher Heydon, whose Defence of Judiciall Astrologie appeared in 1603. He was knighted in 1596 and died in 1625. Another possible candidate is his son, William Heydon, who died in 1627.
7–8 Styx . . . Phlegeton The shades of the dead were carried over the Styx by the ferryman, Charon. The Acheron is the principal river in the classical underworld; Cocytus, the river of lamentation, was a branch of the Styx, and a tributary to Acheron; the Phlegeton (or Periphlegeton) was another tributary.
8 our our native heroes.
8 in one The setting of the poem is the Fleet Ditch, which flowed down from Highgate into the Thames at Blackfriars. It was navigable up to Holborn, but was then choked with filth, since it was used as a sewer. It became completely impassable for boats by 1652, which suggests that the feat performed by Jonson’s heroes was almost impossible.
11 wherry light rowing boat used on rivers.
11 none] F1; ne’re on Wh
12 Charon Ferryman of the dead over the Styx.
14 Cerberus ‘A dog with three heads, which (as poets feign) was porter of hell’ (Cooper, Thesaurus, 1565, sig. F2v).
14 dogs Puns on the name of the Isle of Dogs, a peninsula on the north bank of the Thames a few miles east of the city.
15 scold foul-mouthed woman.
19 her herself.
20 adventer F1’s form is retained here to preserve the deliberate archaism.
21 I . . . wights A pastiche epic proem (cf. ‘Arms and the man I sing’, Aeneid 1.1), with perhaps a tilt at Spenser’s Faerie Queene in the use of the archaic ‘wights’.
25 squire . . . degree i.e. a suitable hero for a pastiche romance. Cf. Othello, 2.3.87–8.
28 three for one Investors in voyages of discovery would ‘put out’ (or invest; cf. line 32) their money in the hope of getting a threefold return. In EMO, 2.2.278, Puntarvolo wishes a return of ‘five for one’.
28 lordings, listen well The phrase, used earlier in ballads and romances, was by 1610 used to introduce tall stories (cf. John Davies, ‘Then listen lordings to an old wife’s tale’, Humour’s Heaven on Earth, line 2).
29–30 i.e. it was high tide. The Thames is tidal, and in a spring tide dwellers in Bankside (the area on the south bank of the Thames from Southwark Cathedral to Blackfriars Bridge) would be flooded out. Since this area was outside the jurisdiction of the city it was a site for disreputable activities, such as theatre and whoring.
29 what time when. (Another mock archaism.)
30 the] F2; thee F1
30 shoon shoes. The archaic form continues the parody of romances.
35 him . . . Berwick Unidentified. Sir Robert Carey won £2,000 by walking (forwards) from London to Berwick in twelve days. W. Rowley’s A Search for Money (1609; repr. 1840), sig. A4 (p. ⅳ) has a preface to ‘All those that Lack Money’, which refers to several ‘mad voyages’, including ‘the wild morrises to Norwich, the fellow’s going backward to Berwick’.
36 famous . . . Norwich In 1599 the actor William Kemp danced from London to Norwich; his Nine Days Wonder (1600) records the journey.
37 Bread Street’s Mermaid A tavern in the lower part of Bread Street (which was a wealthy district), quite close to the river Thames. Jonson was a member of a group of ‘Sireniacal Gentlemen, that meet the first Friday of every month, at the sign of the Mermaid in Bread Street’ (Coryate, Greeting from the Court of the Great Mogul (1616), 37; Jonson is listed on p. 45).
39–40 A harder . . . Antwerp Richard Ferris’s Dangerous and Memorable Adventure (1590) records his journey by sea to Bristol in a small wherry boat. The voyage is noted in John Taylor’s collection of anti-Catholic epigrams The Sculler Rowing from Tiber to Thames (1612), sig. A4, as is another who ‘with his oars and slender wherry, / From London unto Antwerp o’er did ferry’. Taylor’s volume contains a dedicatory poem to Jonson, and may be one target of this poem’s satire, since Taylor claims to have ‘rowed from Tiber unto Thames, / Not with a sculler, but with scull [i.e. skull] and brains’, sig. D1. It again points to a date in late 1612 or after.
40 list ho! listen up!
41 Avernus ‘A lake in Campayne [Campania], which was dedicate unto Pluto king of hell, where men suppose to be an entry or passage to hell’ (Cooper, Thesaurus, 1565, sig. D1), as in Aeneid, 6.126.
42 Bridewell A dock marking the intersection between the Fleet ditch and the Thames. It was the site of the prison of that name (formerly a palace), which became a workhouse for ‘the poor and idle persons of the City’ (Stow, A Survey of London, ed. Kingsford, 1908, 2.45).
46 bombard inflated.
48 Sans help] F1 (Sans’helpe)
48 Sans Without.
48 Sybil . . . bough In Aeneid 6 Aeneas is helped by both of these things.
50 Alcides Hercules (grandson of Alcaeus), whose twelfth labour was to bring back Cerberus from Hades.
55 Club-Fist Hercules killed a man in Calydon with his fist.
56 yet, once more Prineas (1999) argues that this is a parodic reference to Hebrews, 12.26–7: ‘Yet once more I shake not the earth only, but also heaven. And this word, Yet once more, signifieth the removing of those things that are shaken, as of things that are made, that those things which cannot be shaken may remain.’
57 adventry adventure. ‘Formed by Ben Jonson on adventer, a 17th c. form of adventure v., after the analogy of entry from enter’ (OED; the word is only recorded here).
59 Say Suppose.
60 this . . . rose Cf. the proverb ‘As like as a dock to a daisy’ (Tilley D420; although this is not recorded before 1639). Roses are sweet; dock-weeds smell rank, here punning on Bridewell ‘dock’.
62 Yclepèd Called (another Spenserianism).
63 muster gathering.
65 merd-urinous full of shit and piss.
66 Thorough Through.
68 car-men carters or carriers.
69 Gorgonian Looking like the Gorgon, so ugly that they would turn any viewers to stone. (First cited usage in OED; Jonson may in fact have found the word in Spenser, The Faerie Queene, 3.9.22.)
69 harpies ‘Monstrous birds, having maidens’ visages, and talons of a marvellous capacity’ (Cooper, Thesaurus, 1565, sig. I3v).
74 the ox in Livy In Livy, 1.7.4–7, the lowing of cattle warns Hercules that Cacus has stolen some of his herd.
75 anenst besides.
77 Castor . . . Pollux ‘Two twins begotten on Leda by Jupiter (as poets feign) in the form of a swan . . . Afterward they went with Jason to Colchos to win the golden fleece’ (Cooper, Thesaurus, 1565, sig. E6v).
78 main sea.
80 Chimaera A mythical beast with a lion’s head, goat’s body, and dragon’s tail. It vomited flame.
81 Briareus ‘A giant, which was of an exceeding greatness, and had an hundred arms’ (Cooper, Thesaurus, 1565, sig. D6), seen by Aeneas in Aeneid, 6.287.
81 beadle A warrant-officer.
83 Hydra A many-headed mythical monster that lived in the Lernaean swamps in the Peloponnese, and was slain by Hercules.
84 trull . . . lock Jonson conflates two Scyllas: the princess who cut of the magic lock of hair from her father, Nisus, and so brought about the fall of Megara (whose story is told in the Ciris, believed in this period to be by Virgil), and the daughter of Typhon who was turned into a monster girt with baying hounds by Circe when she became jealous of her.
85 lighter A flat-bottomed barge used to transport cargo to and from ships that cannot berth at a wharf or dock.
86 quite get away from.
89 hight is called (archaic/Spenserian).
89 Cocytus The river of lamentation in Hades.
92 wind-bound flatulent.
95 ab excelsis from the heavens.
96 Paracelsus Philipus Aureolus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim (1493–1541), alchemist and astrologer. He argued that mercury could be used in the treatment of syphilis, and used it in compounds to cure goitre. Cf. the complaints of Mercury in Merc. Vind.
101 eke also (archaic/Spenserian).
102 cataplasms poultices or plasters.
108 In 1607 Henry Ludlow farted in the House of Commons as a way of refusing a request sent by the Lords. A poem on the event, in the composition of which Jonson’s friend John Hoskyns played a part, enjoyed a wide circulation in manuscript, and was eventually printed in Musarum Deliciae (1656); see Marotti (1995), 113–15.
111 stem prow-post (OED Stem n.2 1).
112 by Polypheme Ulysses clung underneath a giant ram in order to escape from the cave of the blind Polyphemus, Odyssey, 9.431–6.
115 sough sigh.
115 lurden sluggard (i.e. the lighter).
117 Bears’ College, Paris Garden Paris Garden was (technically) a manor on the south bank of the Thames roughly opposite Blackfriars. It was sometimes used for theatrical presentations. Its name was used to include the bear gardens to the east, which were actually in the liberty of the Clink. It later became famous for its brothels. See Poet., Apol. Dial. 32, Und. 43.147, Augurs, 124–85, Gypsies (Windsor) 1009, and Chalfant (1978), 35–6, and 139–40.
118 Kate Arden A whore, who also features in Und. 43.148–9. She resided near Paris Garden, as is apparent from E. Gayton, Wil Bagnal’s Ghost (1655), 20: ‘Near to black Madge’s in the Paris Garden. / Bears are more clean then swine, and so’s Kate Arden.’
120 foist (1) light barge; (2) fart.
122–3 stool . . . worship lavatory.
128 Democrite Democritus (born c. 460 bc) (and Leucippus) developed the earliest atomic theory of matter.
128 Hill Nicholas Nicholas Hill (?1570–1610) was one of the earliest English followers of atomic theory. His Philosophia, Epicurea, Democritiana, Theophrastica, proposita simpliciter, non edocta was printed in Paris in 1601.
132 th’unusèd] F2 subst.; the vnused F1
133 nare nostril (archaic).
134 i.e. No one could block their nostrils by putting thumb or finger to their nostrils (‘the stop’). Cf. Informations, 354–9 and n.
138 swam] F1 (swom)
143 Fleet Lane An area famous for its cookshops; see Chalfant (1978), 81.
144 hell Often linked with cooks by Jonson: see Alch., 3.1.17–21, Bart. Fair, 2.2.36–8.
145 measled spotted with disease.
146 houghs hocks.
151 i.e. when they failed to sell they were minced up into a new dish.
152 convince convict (OED, 4). That is, show that they were bad.
153 wi’ the] F1 (with’the)
154 five lives i.e. they lost four of their nine lives.
155 Tiberts ‘The name of the cat in the apologue of Reynard the Fox; thence, used as a quasi-proper name for any cat, and (as a common noun), a cat’ (OED). After Nashe’s Have with you to Saffron-Walden ((Nashe, Complete Works); ed. Wilson and McKerrow, 1958, 3.51) the name was often used of the ‘prince of cats’, as in Mercutio’s taunts of Tybalt in Rom., 2.4.18 and 3.1.68–70.
155 d’you] F1 (do’you)
156 Banks (fl. 1588–1637). Owner of a horse called Morocco, who could dance and count money, and who (it was claimed) climbed the steeple of St Paul’s. Although Banks and his horse travelled in France 1601–8, they were not burnt by the Pope. Banks probably continued to live in London until 1637. This may argue for an earlier date than 1610 or 1612 for at least some parts of the poem, since Jonson is more likely to have believed Banks to be dead during his period abroad.
156 Pythagoras See Epigr. 95.2n.
162 Thrice Heroic actions in epic poetry tend to be performed thrice (e.g. Aeneid, 2.792–4, 3.566–7, 4.690–1, 6.506 etc.).
163 heroës] F1 (Heroes)
163 heroës The trisyllabic pronunciation is Jonson’s preferred form.
166 peason peas.
167 windy meat flatulence-inducing food.
172 the Fleet Prison used for prisoners from the courts of Chancery and Star Chamber (see Epigr. 54.2n.). It was to the east of Fleet Ditch, and conditions in it were more than usually dreadful.
173 plague-bill During plague details of the numbers who had died were published regularly.
174 Sepulchre’s The bells of St Sepulchre (officially the Church of the Holy Sepulchre without Newgate) tolled for condemned prisoners, and for those who had died of plague. It was supposed to be connected to Newgate prison by a tunnel. Its parish was one of the dirtiest and most disease-ridden in London.
175 Pluto’s hall Pluto is king of the Latin underworld; the poem blends together an epic landscape and a London landscape (literally this probably refers to the Fleet prison).
177 Holborn] F1 (Hol’borne) Holborn-height G; Holborn bridge Cunningham
177 three] F1; the three H&S
177 three sergeants’ heads The idea is presumably that the sergeants-at-law (at the Fleet prison) correspond to the heads of Cerberus. The line contains only nine syllables (see collation for proposed emendations), unless ‘sergeants’ is pronounced as trisyllabic.
180 Madam Caesar brothel-keeper (cf. Alch., 5.4.142).
180 Proserpina The wife of Pluto, queen of the underworld for the six months of her residence there.
182 Alcides’ See 50n. above.
186 sop Cerberus is sent to sleep in Aeneid, 6.417–25 with a morsel laced with drugs and honey.
187 Rhadamanthus A brother of Minos, king of Crete. He and his brother showed so much justice during his life that they became, along with Aeacus, two of the three judges of souls in the underworld. Cf. Thomas Kyd, The Spanish Tragedy, Induction.
188 Aeacus ‘The son of Jupiter and Europa, or Aegina. Paynims supposed him to be of such justice, that he was appointed by Pluto God of hell, to be one of the judges there’ (Cooper, Thesaurus, 1565, sig. A3).
189 Minos See 187n. above.
190 purblind partially or totally blind.
190 fletcher arrow-maker.
194 pyramid Donaldson (OSA) suggests this refers to Sir Hugh Myddleton’s New River scheme, begun in 1609 and opened in 1613. This would imply a date for the poem after 1612, when the Epigrams may first have appeared (see Introduction). This would tally with the identification of Sheldon with Thomas Shelton (see headnote), and might imply that this poem was a later addition to the collection.
196 his that sung A-JAX Sir John Harington (1560–1612) wrote epigrams, several of which are long enough to justify Jonson’s claim that they were ‘but narrations’ (Informations, 26–8). Harington’s New Discourse of a Stale Subject, Called the Metamorphosis of Ajax appeared in 1596. It shows designs for a flushing lavatory, or jakes. This is Jonson’s final stab at his predecessors in the epigram tradition, and the whole poem, long and diffuse, may be a satire on what Jonson saw as the pithless epigrams of his contemporaries.
In my chaste book: profess them in thine own. See more
and liberty, while you are constant to your own goodness. In thanks whereof, I See more
nearer fate to my book than this: that the vices therein will be See more
and liberty, while you are constant to your own goodness. In thanks whereof, I See more