LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL.
Tuesday, 7th February, 1865.
HON. MR. CAMPBELL
said that yesterday he had promised to give to the House
to-day an explanation of the provision contained in the 14th resolution relating to
the
selection of members for the Legislative
Council of the General Legislature. This
resolution read as follows :-
l4. Â The
first selection of the Members of the
Legislative Council shall be made, except as regards Prince Edward
Island, from the Legislative Councils of the various Provinces, so far as
a sufficient
number be found qualitied and willing to serve ;
such Members shall be appointed
by the Crown at the recommendation of the
General Executive Government, upon the
nomination of the respective Local Governments, and
in such nomination due regard shall be had to
the claims of the Members of the Legislative
Council of the Opposition in each Province, so
that all political parties may
as nearly as
possible
be fairly represented.
And under it the
first recommendation
for
the appointment
of Legislative Councillors
from Canada would,
should the Confederation
scheme be adopted, come from the existing
Government of this province. Â In making
such recommendations, the spirit of the resolution would be carefully observed, and
both
sides in this House and as well life as elected
members, be equally considered and fairly represented in the new Parliament.
HON. MR.FLINT begged
to inquire whether
the resolutions before House were in all
respects the
same as those sent to the members.
HON. MR. CAMPBELL said
they were not
in one particular precisely as first printed,
there being a clause in those before the House
to allow New Brunswick to impose a duty on
timber and logs, and Nova Scotia
on coal,
which was not found in the first ; as for the
other provinces, the imposition of such duties
was reserved to the General Legislature.
(Hear, hear, from Mr. CURRIE.)
HON. MR.CAMPBELL said he
hoped that
honorable members would rather aid in furthering the scheme than take pleasure in
detecting the supposed causes of opposition. Â (Hear.)
HON. MR. CURRIE asked
whether the difference between the two sets of resolutions
was merely a misprint.
HON. MR.
CAMPBELL could not say
whether it was owing to a misprint or to an
error in the manuscript.
HON. MR. CURRIE again asked whether
the members of the Conference had not signed
the instrument containing its resolutions ?
HON. MR. CAMPBELL could only say that
the resolutions now before the House truly
and expressly represented the conclusions the
Conference had
arrived at. Â (Hear, hear.)
Those conclusions had not been changed.
HON. MR. CURRIE then rose and said
that the measure now before the House was
the most important one ever submitted to a
Colonial Legislature, and he hoped to be able
to approach it with entire freedom from partyÂ
spirit, and without the purpose
of finding out
unnecessary objections. Â He hoped he would,
at all times, be able to judge of the measures
presented with the fairness and candour of a
Canadian and a British subject. Â At the outset he would, however, say, that the project
now before the House had taken the country
by surprise.  The first time he had ever addressed the House he
was reported to have
spoken thus :-
That by a course of
legislation alike moderate,
prudent and upright, it will yet be the lot of some
present to
live and see the day when Canada will
be the centre of a
noble British North American
Confederecy extending from the Atlantic to the
46
Pacific—a Confederacy not born in war, or baptised in blood , but a Confederacy united
by
the bonds of riendship, held together by the
strong ties of friendly commerce and mutual
interests, and cemented by a common allegiance
to the throne of Great Britain.
From this quotation it would be seen that
then he was in favor of a Confederation of the
several British North American Provinces, but
he little thought then that within two short
years such. a scheme would be submitted to
Parliament. He was still in favor of Confederation—(hear)—but it must be a Confederation
founded on a just and equitable basis, upon
principles which would be alike advantageous
to all and injurious to none. If any
other kind of Confederation'were agreed upon,
it would contain within itself the seeds of
decay and dissolution. The project had been
elaborately presented to the House by the gallant knight at the head of the Government,
and by his able colleague, the Hon. Commissioner of Crown Lands, and what reasons
had
they alleged in favor of it? He confessed he
had been quite surprised. at some of the arguments of the former. That hon. gentleman
had stated that if the scheme were rejected,
whether we would -or would not, Canada
would be forced by violence into the American Union, or placed upon an inclined plane
which would carry us there. Now when men
occupying high positions like the hon. member, assumed the responsibility of giving
utterance to such startling opinions, they ought
to be prepared to support them with very
cogent reasons
Hon. Mr. CURRIE—If the case were as
represented, it mnstbe because we are quite defenceless, and that except in union
with the
Lower Provinces we were at the mercy of the
United States. But what did the honorable
member mean by the inclined plane ? For his
part, he had not heard of any desire on the part
of the people of this province to change their
political institutions and turn from the glorious
flag under which many of them had fought
and bled. Had anything been heard from
abroad, to the efl'ect that unless we accepted
this scheme, England would cast us off or let
us slide down-the inclined plane ? (Laugher)
Yet these were the sole, or at least the chief ,
reasons alleged by that honorable member.
Let us then ask ourselves whether the scheme provided a remedy for the threatened
evils. Would Canada indeed be so physically strengthened sea-ward and land-ward by
this alliance
that in the event of aggression on the of
the United States, we would be rende quite
safe ? It was easy to say that union gave
strength, but would this union really give us
strength ? He could understand that union with
a people contiguous would do so, but union
with provinces 1,500 miles apart at the extreme points, was a very difi'erent thing,
and
more likely to be a source of weakness. In
his mind it was like tying a small twine at
the end of a large rope and saying it strengthened the whole line. When the honorable
member said that Canada would be supported
by all the military power of the Lower Provinces, we should not run away with the
idea
that this meant anything. What were the
facts ? Upon looking at the census of those
provinces he found that the male population
between the ages of 21 and 50—the extreme
limits at which men bore arms—was 128,457,
of which number 63,289 were chiefly employed
on the water, that is, in the coasting trade and
the fisheries, leaving 65,000 to assist in the defence of Canada. (Hear, hear.) Now,
en
pose a draft of one-third of these was made
for military exigencies-—and one-third would
be a large preportion—we would have less
than 22,000 men available for the service.
Why, that would not be enough to defend
their own frontier from aggression. Without
referring to the causes which had led to the
formation of the present Government, or to
the extraordinary conduct of some of the public men composing it, he must nevertheless
allude to the express objects they professed to
have in view in coming together. And the
principal object was a scheme of federation,
but not the scheme now offered to the House.
If he understood the matter at all, the Government was organized on the basis of a
Confederation of Upper and Lower Canada first, _
in which Confederation the Lower Provinces
might afterwards be admitted if they wished it.
Hon. Mr. CURRIE—He was not surprised
at the dissent of the Honorable Commissioner,
of Crown Lands, for the leaders in both,
Houses had placed the larger object, that is
the organization of a general Confederation,
as the primary one. But the basis of the
organization had been reduced to writing, and
he held in his hand the paper which recapitulated the conditions. They were as follows
:—
" The Government are prepared to pledge,
themselves to bring in ameasure, next session,
for the purpose of removing existing difficulties
by. introducing the Federal principle into
Canada, coupled with such provision as will
47
permit the Maritime Provinces and the North-
West Territory to be incorporated into the same
system of Government."
HON. MR. CURRIE— Well, the honorable
member's colleague, the Provincial Secretary,
did not mention the Lower Provinces otherwise than incidentally at the great meeting
in
South Oxford, and the Intercolonial Railway
not at all. If his position (Hon. Mr. CURRIE'S)
was correct, that the Confederation of Canada
alone was the basis of the coalition, then they
had not carried out their pledge, and he pronounced the scheme now propounded as the
authorised production of a number of self-
appointed delegates, and not the measure the
country expected. Then he had been surprised to find that in the Conference Canada
had so small a representation. He very willingly admitted that we had very able men
there, but they were few compared with the
whole number of the Conference, and did not
fairly represent the population and wealth of
the country. The Honorable Commissioner
of Crown Lands had said, to be sure, that it did
not make much difference as the votes were
not taken by numbers but by the provinces ;
in other words, that Prince Edward Island,
with its population of 80,000 souls, had as
much to say as Canada with its millions.
HON. MR. CURRIE—That was not much
better, for it made Prince Edward Island
equal to Upper Canada, with nearly 1,500,000
of population. But all this apart, He maintained the country was not prepared to pass
judgment upon this momentous question. It
was the greatest matter that had ever been
presented for its consideration, and it should
be the aim of all to have it perfectly understood and approved of before it was adopted.
We should seek to frame a Constitution which
would last for ages. If any portion of the
country were seriously opposed to the project,
and it were carried through in spite of them,
a wrong would be inflicted which would perpetuate itself in all coming time. If passed
against the sense of a majority of Upper or
Lower Canada, the act might lead to an agitation such as had never been witnessed,
and
which might be fraught with the most disasterous consequences. To prove that the
country was not prepared for this sudden change,
he would ask how many public meetings had been held in Upper Canada for the purpose
of
discussing it? He had heard of but one, and
that not very influential, where both sides of
the question were discussed. The people had
in fact been waiting for the progamme, and
to this moment it had not been supplied—certainly not in all its details. In a matter
of
this momentous importance, upon which the
well-being of millions in the future might so
much depend, he sincerely trusted the country
would not be hurried, but that full time for
discussion would be given to enable it to arrive
at a safe verdict. (Hear.) It was said that
all the Governments interested were in favor
of the project, and it was well known that
there was to be a dissolution of Parliament
in one of the provinces ; if so, where was the
necessity for haste in Canada, unless indeed
it was for the purpose of unduly influencing
the other provinces ? When the union
between Upper and Lower Canada was
effected, there had been no such impatience
of delay. The Imperial Government had
brought in a bill, copies of which were sent
out, and submitted to the Parliament of Upper
Canada—Lower Canada then had no Parliament to consult, and in its case there was less
need of delay than now—the bill was sent
home again approved, though meetings were
held in Lower Canada strongly opposed to the
measure, and to this day it is said it was
forced upon an unwilling people. (Hear,
hear, from some of the French members.)
If time was then allowed, why should not
time be allowed now, when a much more important union was in question ? (Hear, hear.)
Had the views of such eminent men as Lord
Ellenborough and Lord Durham been duly
appreciated in 1839, this Parliament would
not now be met for the purpose of dissolving
a union which had been unprofitable to one
section, and unsatisfactory to the other.
(Hear, hear, derisivcly.) He would now take
the liberty to quote the views of Lord Durham, to which he had just alluded. They
were as follows :
I am averse to every plan that has been proposed for giving an equal number of members
to
the two Provinces, in order to obtain the temporary end of out-numbering the French,
because I
think the same object will be obtained without any
violation of the principles of representation, and
without any such appearance of injustice in the
scheme, as would set public opinion both in England and America strongly against it
; and
because, when emigration shall have increased
the English population in the Upper Province, the
adoption of such a principle would operate to
defeat this very purpose it is intended to serve.
It appears to me that any such elective arrangement, founded on the present Provincial
Divisions
48
would tend to defeat the purpose of Union, and
perpetrate the idea of disunion.
He cited these pregnant words to indicate
the danger of resorting to temporary expedients for the purpose of overcoming grave
difficulties. If hon. members desired to establish a union under which the provinces
would grow in wealth, power and importance,
they must endeavor to make it as nearly infallible as fallible men could. He had already
remarked that there had been but little discussion in Upper Canada on this subject,
and
he felt it ill became him, representing, as he
did, a large constituency, to vote approbation
before the people understood what the vote
involved. In the Lower Provinces the people
and the press seemed alive to the subject, for
the latter teemed with articles for and against,
all tending to give information which our
population had not received, But speaking
of the Lower Provinces, he was really afraid
that some public men down there were disposed to exaggerate the advantages of a union
with Canada, just as some of ours seemed prone
to magnify the riches of the Lower Provinces.
If we were going into a partnership, which he
hoped would last if entered into—(hear, hear,)
—we should not attempt to deceive each other,
for if the people found they had been deceived,
the compact would be short-lived. To give
honorable members some idea of the manner
in which the subject was presented by leading
men in the provinces, he would read them an
extract from the speech of a Mr. LYNCH, at a
large meeting in Halifax, as reproduced by
one of the organs of the Government there.
HON. MR. CURRIE—They had so many
organs they did not seem to know them all.
(Laughter.) He would now read from the
speech in question :-
But we are told by others that we had better
have nothing to do with Canada, because she is
bankrupt. Canada bankrupt ! I wish we were
all such bankrupts. She is overflowing with
wealth. This is now rapidly developing itself,
and must eventually place her among the first
nations of the earth. I have travelled over and
examined that great country, and it would take
more than all the time allotted to me to tell you
of her wealth and resources. Her rivers are
among the largest in the world, and her lakes
are mighty inland oceans. I never had any idea
of their extent until I stood on the shore of Lake
Erie, saw before me a large square rigged ship,
and was told that such was the class of vessels
that navigated those waters. Why, sir, 7,000,000
tons of shipping trade upon those mighty lakes.
Again, look at the growth of the population.
Sixty years ago it was 60,000, now it is 3,000,000.
Upper Canada doubled her population in ten
years, and Toronto, in the beginning of this
century the abode of the red man of the forest, is
now one of the finest cities of British America,
with a population of 40,000. The soil is of the
richest description, indeed it is only too much so.
In some places rich alluvial deposit is found to
the depth of 50 feet, and in many instances lands
have yielded their crops for years without the aid
of a spadeful of manure. Canada has not only
the greatest yield but the best wheat in America.
It is a well-known fact that the people of the
United States in exporting their best flour mix it
to a large extent with Canadian wheat, and in
order to give you an idea of the increased growth
of it I would inform you that while in ten years
the wheat crop increased in the States 50 per
cent. (an immense increase), it in the same time
in Canada increased 400 per cent. The average
crop is equal to that of the best wheat growing
countries in Europe, while some places have
yielded the almost incredible quantity of 100
bushels to the acre. The yield of last year was
27,000.
He only wished that this honorable gentleman alone had been mistaken, but even the
Hon.Mr. TILLEY, one of the most distinguished
statesmen of New Brunswick, had made the
statement that our tariff was in fact only an
eleven per cent. tariff. But all the errors were
not on that side, for they need but turn to a
celebrated speech of one of our own leading
men—a speech regarded almost as an important
state paper—and there it was stated that the
United Provinces would become the third
maritime power in the world. (Hear, Hear.)
England, it said, was first, then the United
States, and the speaker doubted if France
could take the third rank before us. Our
sea-going tonnage would be five millions, and
our lake tonnage seven millions. These were
vast figures, and it almost bewildered the mind
to conceive their magnificent proportions.
(Laughter.) Now supposing all these vessels
were 500 tons each, it would require 14,000
to make up the sum, but unfortunately the
census showed that we had but 808 sailors to
navigate them—rather a small number it must
be admitted for 14,000 ships. (Great laughter.) The way the mistake—to use the mildest
expression—was made, was simple enough.
The vessels were entered at the Custom
Houses every time they came in and left port,
and as some of them came into port 200 times
in the year, as at Toronto for instance, their
tonnage was counted 200 times. It was
in this way to run up our inland marine to
seven millions of tons. But then if the products of Canada were as great as Mr. LYNCH
represented, why of course we would require
49
all those ships to carry away all that wheat
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He would be
glad if he could tell as fine a story, but he
could not do that and at the same time tell
the truth. Then the Lower Provinces were
told that our tariff averaged eleven per cent.,
but was it so ? [The honorable member was
here quoting from a speech of Hon. Mr.
TILLEY, to which he had before alluded]
HON. MR. CURRIE, reading on, immediately came to a paragraph explaining the 11
per cent. to mean the average of duties on the
value of all imported goods, a large proportion
of which were duty free.
HON. MR. CURRIE then proceeded to show
the truth in regard to the duties on staples
and articles in domestic use in Canada. He
said if honorable gentlemen would turn to the
Trade and Navigation returns for 1864, they
would find that in the first half of that year
we imported and paid the following duties on
eight kinds of commodities:
|
Value. |
Duty. |
| Cottons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . |
$3,277,985 |
$644,381 |
| Woolens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . |
2,537,669 |
499,084 |
| Tea, lbs., 3,048,567 . . . . . . |
1,059,674 |
275,126 |
| Iron and hardware . . . . . . . |
776,225 |
151,422 |
| Linen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . |
421,543 |
84,136 |
| Hats and Caps . . . . . . . . . . |
281,197 |
55,546 |
| Sugar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . |
779,907 |
376,189 |
| Sugar, refined . . . . . . . . . . . |
9,980 |
6,260 |
| Coffee, green . . . . . . . . . . . . |
89,016 |
20,449 |
|
|
$2,112,593 |
Thus hon. gentlemen would see we pay
more than fifty per cent. on our sugar, nearly
twenty-three per cent. on coffee, while upon tea
we pay about twenty-six per cent. He was
afraid that if the present condition of Canada
was calmly considered we would be found
going into the union in a state far different
from the glowing representations of Hon. Mr.
LYNCH. Let hon. members look at the trade
of Canada for half of the year 1864, and they
would find that the balance against us was
$9,999,000. Then there was the interest
upon the public debt ; interest upon loans to
private individuals ; bank dividends payable
abroad, for much of the stock of our banks
was held out of the province ; the interest to
loan companies and others ; all to be added to
the debit balance, and the picture of wealth
conjured up would present a very different aspect. Indeed, he wondered how, with all
these
the country had borne up so well.-
In the next place, he objected to the manner in
which the scheme had been brought down.
Why, if the Government desired the House to
vote favorably, did they not act and speak
understandingly ? Why did they not at once
bring in the schemes for the local governments
and the estimated cost of the Intercolonial
Railway ? He (Hon. Mr. CURRIE) did not object to the principle of Confederation. (Hear,
hear.) No, and he believed there would be
the most perfect unanimity on the subject, as
there was among the delegates as to the principle of Confederation, but he asked to
have,
as part of the scheme, the cost of the railway ,
which seemed to be part and parcel of it. We
knew little of this project, where it was to
commence and where to end, or how many ends
it was to have. We heard there was to be one
branch from Truro to Pictou ; and then it was
said again that the road must pass through the
valley of the St. John, and end in that city.
Were we to accept the project without information ? Were we to have a road to Halifax
?
to purchase the Grand Trunk to Rivière du
Loup and the link from Truro to Halifax, all
of them to enter and form part of the national
railway ? Notwithstanding the admitted talent
of the delegates, he contended that a manifest
injustice had been done to Canada, and especially to Upper Canada, in the distribution
of
the subsidies to the local governments. Hon.
gentlemen must bear in mind that the subsidies
change not with population, but remain fixed.
They were as follows:-
| Upper Canada . . . . . . . . |
. . . . . |
$1,116,873 00 |
| Lower Canada . . . . . . . . |
. . . . . . |
889,248 00 |
| Nova Scotia . . . . . . . . |
. . . . . . |
264,000 00 |
| New Brunswick . . . . . . . |
$201,000 |
|
|
63,000 |
264,000 00 |
| Prince Edward Island . . |
64,035 |
|
|
89,043 |
153,728 00 |
| Newfoundland . . . . . . . . |
98,110 |
|
|
270,890 |
369,000 00 |
|
|
$3,656,849 00 |
If a person was proposing to enter into a
partnership he would naturally inquire into the
assets of the other members of the intended
firm. We knew what our assets were. We
had the finest canals in the world, which had
cost many millions.
HON. MR. CURRIE—Place tolls on the
St. Lawrence Canals and you will see what
they pay. There was one canal that did pay,
the Welland. In 1861 this work alone earned
50
a net revenue of $184,289 50, over and above
the costs of repair and management ; and if
you add to that amount the tolls unwisely refunded, $56,474 63, you have an amount
equal to five per cent. on the total expenditure on the Welland Canal, as shown in
the
Report of the Commissioner of Public Works,
up to the 1st January, 1862, and a margin
of $7,436 to the credit of this work. Then
we had the St. Lawrance Canals, and if they
did not pay it was because of the extravagance
of the management and the system of toll on
those works. (Hear.) It was reported that
some people believed if we could only get
Confederation we would have enough to pay
for both the general and local governments,
and so much more to spare that we would not
know what to do with our money. What
would be the revenue of the Confederation ?
Taking the year 1863 as the basis, we find
the revenues of the proposed Confederation for
that year, from customs and excise, to be as
follows :
| Canada . . . . . . . . . . . . |
. . . . . . . . . . . |
$5,999,320 98 |
| Newfoundland. . . . . . . . . . |
$496,890 |
|
| Prince Edward Island. . |
153,520 |
|
| Nova Scotia . . . . . . . . . . . |
861,989 |
|
| New Brunswick . . . . . . . . |
768,353 |
2,280,752 00 |
|
|
$8,280,072 98 |
We will now consider the burdens to be
assumed by the Confederation. Interest on
the debt of Canada, $3,812, 514 01 ; interest
on the debts of New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia, of $15,000,000, say $750,000 ; interest on the debt of Newfoundland, of
$946,000, and the debt of Prince Edward
Island, of $240,673—$59,333. Add to this
the interest on the cost of constructing the
Intercolonial Railway, not less than $1,000,000
yearly, supposing it were to cost us but $20,000,000, and the amount to be spent yearly
for defensive purposes, $1,000,000. And
assuming that civil government and the cost
of legislation should be no more for the Confederation than for Canada, which is certainly
a reasonable view, we have for civil government, $430,572 47 ; for legislation, $627,377
92 ; judges' salaries, Lower Canada,
$115,755 55 ; judges' salaries, Upper Canada,
$157,690 33 ; emigration and quarantine,
$57,406 32 ; ocean and river service, $511,356 40 ; lighthouses and coasts, $102,724
75 ;
fisheries, $22,758 41 ; cost of collecting revenue
and excise in Canada, $401,561 41 ; local
subsidies to provinces, $3,056,849. Thus
shewing a balance against revenue of $3,825,781 89 ; and if the canals are to enlarged,
as promised, an additional debt must be created
of $12,000,000 for such purpose,—another
annual charge of $600,000,—or a total balance
against revenue of $4,425,781 89. These
gentlemen from the east were going to give us
the Intercolonial Railway and enlarge our
canals, but if to enlarge the canals, why were
not the canals put in the Constitution ?
HON. MR. CURRIE— Why not give a
guarantee for their enlargement ? He found
that the desirable improvement would entail
an expense of $12,000,000. As to the local
subsidy, be regarded it as a farce, or as honey
spread out to catch flies. As to the argument
that the rejection of the scheme would injure
our credit, he would ask whether the bondholders would not much prefer our present
financial condition to one of fifteen millions
of increased indebtedness, with nothing of
value to show for it. If the people of England knew that Confederation and the Inter-
colonial Railway meant an increase of fifty
per cent. on our tariff, they would not be so
anxious for it. As to the representation in
the Confederated Legislative Council, it was
proposed to give Upper Canada and Lower
Canada twenty-four members each, and to the
Lower Provinces twenty-eight. That is, the
780,000 souls in the Lower Provinces would
have four members more than Upper Canada
with its million and a half. This proved that
though Canada had talented men in the Conference, they either forget our interests
or
sat there powerless. When the Legislative
Council of Canada was made elective, his
honorable friend near him (Hon. Mr. CHRISTIE) had stood up for the right of Upper
Canada, as the Delegates should have done
in the Conference. On the second reading of
the bill to change the constitution of the Legislative Council, on the 14th March,
1856,-
Mr. BROWN moved, seconded by Mr. FOLEY,
That it be an instruction to the Committee to
amend the bill, by providing that the members of
the Legislative Council shall be elected for four
years, one-half retiring every second year.
Mr. GOULD moved, seconded by Mr. WRIGHT,
That it be an instruction to the Committee to
amend the bill by providing that the constituencies shall be arranged according to
population,
without regard to the division line between Upper
and Lower Canada.
This amendment was supported by the Hon.
Messrs. AIKINS, BROWN, CAMERON, CHRISTIE FOLEY, FREEMAN, WILSON, and many
leading reformers in Upper Canada.
51
And on the third reading of the bill on the
27th March,-
Mr. HARTMAN moved, seconded by Mr. CHRISTIE, That the bill be recommitted to a Committee
of the whole House, with a view to arrange the electoral divisions so as to embrace
within each, as nearly as practicable, an equal
population, and without regard to a division line
between Upper and Lower Canada.
This amendment, although supported by
Messrs. BROWN, CHRISTIE, and twenty other
Upper Canada members, was not carried.
If representation by population were right
in 1856, was it not equally right in 1865 ?
But it might be said that the union was to
be a federal one, whereas it was no such thing.
It was neither federal nor legislative, but a
mongrel between both. If the representation
had been properly arranged, there would have
been no necessity for honorable members
vacating their seats. In that case, Upper
Canada would have had 30, Lower Canada
24, and the Lower Provinces 18. Yesterday
the Honorable Commissioner of Crown Lands
had given reasons for abolishing the elective
principle as applied to this House ; but not
over a year ago he had lauded the system, and
he (Hon. Mr. CURRIE) had not heard the life
members say a word in opposition. The
system had got a fair trial of eight years, and
had proved satisfactory, and would a few self-
constituted delegates, with a dash of the pen,
destroy that which had received the sanction
of the country ? He was never sent to this
House to vote away its constitution—(hear,
hear)—and before endorsing any such proposition he would wish to go to his constituents,
and if they said yes, he would not oppose(hear, hear)—but without that permission,
he
was not going to give a vote which might
have the effect of giving him his seat for life.
(Hear, hear.) He had heard of Lower
Canada domination, but if this was the first
taste of eastern domination, he wished no
more of it. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
HON. MR. CAMPBELL—It was not a
peculiarity of Canada, but the judgment of
the whole Conference. (Hear.)
HON. MR. CURRIE—He then presumed
it was not the proposition of the honorable
member that the seat the people had given
him should be given to the Crown ; but it
seemed he had passed under the domination
of the Lower Provinces. (Laughter.) In
1849, the Legislature had made provision for
the support of common schools in Canada,
and had set aside one million acres of the best
lands for that noble purpose. The lands, all
situate in Upper Canada, had been sold, and
a fund of a million and a quarter accumulated, but with another stroke of the pen
this,
too, was to be scored out. In 1862, the
Government of the day had brought down a
bill to amend the Separate School Act of
Upper Canada, and without expressing an
opinion as to its merits, he might say it had
produced a very strong feeling of indignation,
A mass meeting was held in Toronto to condemn the bill, and the people were so exasperated
that they had called upon certain
members of the Government to resign. Other
meetings were held, viz. :-
Meeting at Harrington, North Oxford, 25th
March, 1863:
Resolved,—That the Hon. W. MACDOUGALL
has betrayed the interests of his constituents for
the sake of office.
Meeting at East Nissuuri, 6th April, 1863
Resolved,—That this meeting, while viewing
the manner in which the Hon. Wm. MACDOUGALL
has betrayed the interests of his constituents in
supporting Mr. SCOTT's Separate School Bill, be-
lives it to be his duty to resign his seat in the
Provincial Parliament as member for the North
Riding of Oxford.
He had read these resolutions to show the
feeling which then prevailed, and he might
have quoted articles to prove that the measure
was regarded as a most iniquitous one. He
would give one or two from the Globe :-
We can hardly believe that a government
based on the double majority, will permit an alteration in our common school system
in defiance
of the vote of an Upper Canadian majority.
March 20th.—The prospects of Mr. SCOTT's bill
in the Upper House are not very bright. When it
was brought up from the Assembly, nobody rose to
move the first reading, and Sir ETIENNE TACHE,
who, it will be remembered, introduced this last
Upper Canada Separate School Bill, which passed
into law, was about to assume this responsibility,
when Mr. MCCREA, the newly elected Councillor
for the Western Division, came to the rescue.
The SPEAKER then very improperly suggested
Mr. AIKINS as the seconder, an office which the
member for the Home Division promptly declined.
No one else appearing, Mr. LETELLIER, a French
Canadian, seconded the motion. This is French
domination with a vengeance. We are not astonished to find that there is a disposition
to give
the bill strong Opposition, regardless of the consequences to the government .
April 11.—The bill passed the second reading
in the Legislative Council, 11 to 13 from Upper
Canada.
In spite of every temptation, Upper Canada
stands true to her school system. The bill may
pass as other infamies have passed our Legisla52ture before, but it will not be by Upper Canada
votes. If our school system is destroyed, Lower
Canada must bear the shame of it.
April 21st.—Although the bill has passed
both Houses, and no number of meetings can
stay its progress, it is well for the people of Upper Canada to pronounce upon its
merits. They
are deeply hurt and mortified by this treatment
they have received from Lower Canadians and
traitors among their own representatives. A sense
of personal wrong and injury exists which we
have never witnessed in so great a degree before.
The iron of Lower Canada domination seems to
have touched the soul of the people and the wound
rankles. The word contempt does not express
the feeling which is manifested. There is a spice
of bitterness about it which takes it out of that
category.
But, notwithstanding these evidences of dissatisfaction, the act became law, and it
remained for the present Government, by this
scheme, to perpetuate the law. He was surprised that the Government, framed as it
was,
should become parties to such a scheme. They
had not yet done with the school question.
They proposed to protect the Protestant
minority of Lower Canada, and a petition was
on the table exhibiting what was desired. This
was proof enough that the people were not
satisfied ; and whether or not the scheme of
Confederation were adopted, the Government
should bring in a measure to do the petitioners justice. Then from Upper Canada the
Roman Catholics asked to be placed in a position precisely similar to that which the
Protestants of Lower Canada were seeking, and
if each of these minorities were suffering injustice, why should not their complaints
be
redressed before a Confederation took place ?
Let these measures prelude Confederation,
and let not Parliament be asked to proceed
blindfold. He was satisfied that if the Inter-
colonial Railway project were taken out of the
scheme, we would not hear much about it
afterwards. Some leading men in Halifax
had said, " the Railway first, and Confederaion next."
HON. MR. CURRIE—Then it would be
better to try the Confederation without the
railway. It would, after all, be much easier for
the members from the Lower Provinces to
come to Ottawa than it used to be for the
members from Sandwich to go to Montreal at
the time of the union. The Grand Trunk
Railway had cost the province a vast sum, but
then it had been of vast service to the country.
But where is the company that would keep the
Intercolonial Railway running for its earnings,
the road and the rolling stock being made over
to them as a gift ? Suppose a merchant from
Montreal wants to go to England, which road
will he prefer ? Why, he would go by way of
Portland. Would any produce be sent over
such a road ? How much wheat was there
sent over the Grand Trunk, even in winter ?
HON. MR. CURRIE—How much from
Montreal ? And why did we hear complaints
from Huron and Bruce ?
SEVERAL VOICES—They have no railway there. (Laughter.)
HON. MR. CURRIE—Was there not the
Buffalo and Lake Huron Railway passing
through Huron ? It was our duty to hesitate
and not to press on at railway speed, but to
act like prudent men. We were sent here to
place a check upon hasty legislation. But was
there ever such hasty legislation as this ? Yet
as the Government were strong in Parliament,
they might attempt to press the measure without the consent of the people. If they
do, however, pursue such a course, they will perhaps
receive a check in Nova Scotia or New Brunswick, for in these provinces they had no
intention to pass the measure without a free and
full discussion.
HON. MR. ROSS—Why, if it was good for
them as the hon. member said, they might be
glad to do it.
HON. MR. MCCREA—If it was so unfavorable for Canada it must be in the same
degree favorable to the Lower Provinces.
HON. MR. CURRIE—Oh, that does not
by any means follow ; they are a frugal, industrious and intelligent people, and it
may be
considered inadvisable by them to join a people
who, in the short term of ten years, by a course
of extravagance and prodigality increased the
expenses of their government nearly four hundred per cent., independent of the increase
of
the public debt. They might also call to mind
the Grand Trunk swindles.
HON. MR. ROSS—When the hon. member
said that there had been Grand Trunk swindles, he said what was not correct.
HON. MR. CURRIE—Perhaps he used a
wrong term. He meant Grand Trunk frauds.
Those people might hesitate about connecting
themselves with a people that had almost
brought themselves to the verge of national
bankruptcy, and loaded themselves with such
a heavy tariff, they might recall to mind the
political dishonesty of our public men, men
who had so maligned and blackened the public character of each other as to require
a
wider stage and a new audience to witness
53
their future acts. They would also observe
that all formerly connected with the Grand
Trunk were urging this scheme forward. He
then accused the Government of bad faith in
bringing down these resolutions, instead of a
measure simply for the Canadas; that the
reform party only committed themselves to
the latter scheme when Mr. BROWN entered
the Cabinet, but now it was only secondary.
To bear this out he read the following resolution adopted by that party :-
Moved by Mr. HOPE McKENZIE, and seconded by Mr. McGIVERIN— That we approve of the
course which has been pursued by Mr. BROWN in
the negotiations with the Government. and that
we approve of the project of a Federal union of
the Canadas, with provision for its extension to
the Maritime Provinces and the North-Western
territory, as one based on which the constitutional
difficulties now existing should be settled.
He was not personally opposed to Confederation in itself , but this measure was so
defective that he could not support it, bearing,
as it did, the seeds of decay apparent in its
details. He heartily concurred in the views
expressed recently at Halifax, by a distinguished
Upper Canada Statesman—(MR. BROWN):—
" On a survey of the whole case, I do think
that there is no doubt as to the high advantages that would result from a union of
all
the colonies, provided that terms of union
could be found just to all the contracting
parties, and so framed as to secure harmony
in the future administration of affairs. But
it were wrong to conceal for a moment that
the whole merit of the scheme of union may
be completely marred by the character of its
details." He asked who would not say that
the details of this measure did not so mar as
to spoil the scheme. If we are to have a Confederation, let it be put upon a proper
and
permanent foundation, one that will be of advantage to this young and vigorous province,
and he expressed the hope that only such a
scheme would be sanctioned by Parliament.
(Hear, hear, and applause.)
lt being nearly six o'clock, HON. MR.
Ross moved to adjourn the debate till the
morrow, which was carried.
The House then adjourned.
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