Elizabeth I’s Relationship with London
Born the second daughter and second child to the infamous Henry VIII, Elizabeth Tudor would emerge in historical discourse as a formidable figure, an icon, and an enigma.
Growing up, Elizabeth was always in the background, shadowed by her father. Yet she was always observant,
and respected her place in the line of succession. These facets of her personality
are evident in the Latin translations that she gave as gifts to her father and siblings,
all the while patiently biding her time until she could emerge from the shadows and
take her place as England’s Gloriana.1
The relationship between Elizabeth and the city of London started years before her accession to the throne in 1558: it began even before her birth, as historian Hester Lee-Jeffries argues, starting
with her mother’s May 1533 ceremonial procession into the
cities of Londonwhen she was five months pregnant with Elizabeth (Lee-Jeffries 2).2 The term
cities of Londonrefers to the fact that early modern London was comprised of many distinct areas that collectively made up the greater city. In order to understand the unique and interesting relationship between Elizabeth and the city of London, we need to understand the nature and persona of Elizabeth. From a very early age she was in London frequently, as her parents, Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn, initially rejoiced in her birth. The city held festivals and celebrations in honour of the new princess. On the day of Elizabeth’s christening, 10 September 1533, all of London rejoiced. The procession of a great many people would have been quite a sight, adding to the magnificence of the occasion:
Upon the daie, the Maior Gap in transcription. Reason: (DN)[…] and all the Aldermen in scarlet Gap in transcription. Reason: (DN)[…] and all the Councell of the Cittie Gap in transcription. Reason: (DN)[…] took their barge at one of the clocke; and the Citizens had another barge, and so rowed to Greenwich(Nichols 68). Additionally, Elizabeth was paraded around London as a baby in Greenwich, Whitehall, and Hampton Court at the insistence of her mother, who tried to garner favour and legitimacy with the people by way of her daughter (Dunlop 38-39). Elizabeth would frequently come back to London throughout the reigns of her brother, Edward VI, and sister, Mary I, the latter of whom ultimately imprisoned Elizabeth in the Tower of London on suspicion of treason. Upon reaching the doors of the Tower on the day she was imprisoned, Princess Elizabeth remarked,
Oh Lord, I never thought to have come here as a prisoner(Porter 311)—a statement that provides some insight into how she viewed her relationship not only with the Tower, but also with the city as a whole on a personal and royal level.
On 17 November 1558, Elizabeth’s sister, Mary, died at the Palace of St. James.3 By proclamation of the Lords and Commons, Elizabeth acceded to the throne. From that moment, she began the process of fashioning herself
as England’s strong and intelligent next monarch. This was clear at her first accession council
at Hatfield House, her childhood home in Hertfordshire, where she defined her role
and that of those around her:
I shall desire yow all my Lordes (chiefly yow of the nobility, every one in his degree and power) to be assistant to me Gap in transcription. Reason: (DN)[…] I w[i]th my rulinge and yow w[i]th yo[ur] service(The National Archives, State Papers, Domestic 12/1, 7). In the days that followed, Elizabeth left Hatfield for the Tower of London, this time not as a prisoner but as the country and the city’s queen. Once there, she began preparing for the ceremonial procession that would take her through London to her coronation at Westminster on 14 January 1559. The unique relationship between London and its subjects and Queen Elizabeth is clearly portrayed through a contemporary account of the procession:
And entryng the citie [Elizabeth] was of the people receiued marueylous entierly, as appeared by thassemblie, prayers, wishes, welcomminges, cryes, tender woordes, and all other signes, whiche argue a wonderfull earnest loue of most obedient subiectes towarde theyr soueraigne. (The Queen’s Majesty’s Passage A2r)It is important to understand this early connection and acquaintance between London and Elizabeth, as it gave her a sense of comfort and familiarity with the city that would last a lifetime.
Elizabeth’s dynamic persona was partly established by the fact that she made herself accessible
to her subjects through royal progresses and public processions.4 With the Tudors, royal progresses contained extravagant displays of royal riches
and pageantry, magnificence, and grandeur. At the very heart of these royal progresses
and processions was the flourishing city of London. Progresses allowed Elizabeth to publicly assert an image as a powerful ruler. She utilized progresses and processions
to exercise authority in a world that was increasingly dominated by her council and
court. It was a time when
her travels inspired and spread images of royal sacred governance embodied in a female ruler even as the dislocation of her court reminded everyone in its orbit who was at its center(Hill Cole 19). These progresses occurred for a number of reasons ranging from
festival cycles(Hill Cole 19), to changes in seasons and weather to avoid the threat of the dangerous conditions resulting from the plague or disease, to addressing political and religious issues throughout her kingdom. The plague and threat of disease was important within the context of London’s history and to that of the monarchy. With overpopulation and crowding (during Elizabeth’s reign, London’s population increased dramatically), the spread of disease and the plague was rampant during the summer months. In order to avoid falling ill, Elizabeth would remove from London to protect herself against the threat. Most of the summer progresses away from London held a dual purpose—to avoid health threats and to deal with the political and religious issues arising in the realm.
Regardless of the plague, London was the epicentre of the political machine of Elizabethan England. In the reign of Elizabeth,
London was on the route of educational tours(Picard xiv), and this meant that it hosted important European nobles, aristocrats, and ambassadors, who came to learn about not just the nation of England but also about Elizabethan court life. Moreover, Elizabeth had several palaces in London that she frequented during her reign: Richmond, Whitehall, Hampton Court, Westminster, Nonsuch, Greenwich, St. James, and the Tower of London. She would often move among them to receive important diplomatic guests such as the Duke of Montmorency at Whitehall in 1559 and Henry Romelius, the Danish ambassador at Greenwich in 1584 (Dunlop 52, 61). At times, Elizabeth’s royal progresses moved within London to other sites along the Thames, as was the case when she visited the Earl of Sussex in 1567 at his London home, Bermondsey House, or when she visited her friend, the Countess of Pembroke, at Baynard’s Castle in 1575 (Picard 8).
During her long reign, Elizabeth developed a symbiotic relationship with London. The city depended on the royal presence not just for revenue but for prestige and
economic opportunities. Elizabeth’s monarchial stability relied on the allegiance and loyalty of the subjects and citizens
of London. The city of London offered the monarch access to its citizens during displays of magnificence, virtues,
and dialogue. This dialogue was facilitated through the petitions and responses to
various affairs of state, from the religious settlements to the relief of the poor.
The city also offered a geographical incentive and provided Elizabeth with easy travel that maximized her visibility. The River Thames, for example, provided a course not only between royal palaces, but also presented
the Queen with a processional route. Traveling along the Thames was never a quiet or simple affair and, each time the Queen travelled between the
royal palaces, the
church bellringers had to turn out to salute her with peal(Picard 12). Besides adding to the Queen’s royal magnificence, these river processions also gave economic opportunities and prosperity to the citizens of London, as the bellringers were paid to ring the bells of
Her Majesty’s removeand to mend the bells that were in a constant state of repairs (Picard 12).
Elizabeth’s relationship with London spanned nearly seventy years and was one that was mutually beneficial in terms of
royal patronage, prosperity, loyalty, legitimacy, and allegiance. Additionally, during
Elizabeth’s long reign, she would come back to the city again and again because of the familiarity it provided
from the earliest days of her childhood.
Notes
- With two siblings ahead of her in the line of succession, Edward VI and Mary, it was unlikely Elizabeth thought she would ever become queen. (KL)↑
- See
Tudor Royal Progresses
for more information. (KL)↑ - St. James’s Palace was also the site, some thirty years later, of Elizabeth’s residence when the news of the invading Spanish Armada reached her. It was from St. James that she would set out on 8 August 1588 to address the troops at Tilbury. (DN)↑
- A royal progress usually saw monarchs and their retinue travel from one place to another. This could be to places throughout the kingdom or between the royal palaces within London. A royal procession, in contrast, was a more formal event or occasion that involved a specific ordering of the political ranks. The two are often intertwined and are not mutually exclusive: a royal progress could turn into a royal procession upon entry to a civic centre. (DN)↑
References
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Citation
Dunlop, Ian. Palaces and Progresses of Elizabeth I. London: Jonathan Cape, 1962. Print.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Hill Cole, Mary. The Portable Queen. Boston: U of Massachusetts P, 1999. Print.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Citation
Lees-Jeffries, Hester.Location as Metaphor in Elizabeth I’s Coronation Entry (1559): Veritas Temporis Filia (1559).
The Progresses, Entertainments, and Pageants of Queen Elizabeth. Ed. Jayne Elisabeth Archer, Elizabeth Goldring, and Sarah Knight. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2007. 65–85. Print.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Nichols, John. The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth. London: John Nichols & Son, 1823. Remediated by Google Books.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Picard, Liza. Elizabeth’s London: Everyday Life in Elizabethan London. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson; New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2003. Print.This item is cited in the following documents:
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Porter, Linda. Mary Tudor: The First Queen. London: Piatkus Books, 2007. Print.This item is cited in the following documents:
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The National Archives. http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/.This item is cited in the following documents:
Cite this page
MLA citation
Elizabeth I’s Relationship with London.The Map of Early Modern London, Edition 7.0, edited by , U of Victoria, 05 May 2022, mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/7.0/ELIZ9.htm.
Chicago citation
Elizabeth I’s Relationship with London.The Map of Early Modern London, Edition 7.0. Ed. . Victoria: University of Victoria. Accessed May 05, 2022. mapoflondon.uvic.ca/edition/7.0/ELIZ9.htm.
APA citation
The Map of Early Modern London (Edition 7.0). Victoria: University of Victoria. Retrieved from https://mapoflondon.uvic.ca/editions/7.0/ELIZ9.htm.
2022. Elizabeth I’s Relationship with London. In (Ed), RIS file (for RefMan, RefWorks, EndNote etc.)
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TEI citation
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Personography
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Molly Rothwell
MR
Project Manager, 2022-present. Research Assistant, 2020-2022. Molly Rothwell was an undergraduate student at the University of Victoria, with a double major in English and History. During her time at MoEML, Molly primarily worked on encoding and transcribing the 1598 and 1633 editions of Stow’s Survey, adding toponyms to MoEML’s Gazetteer, researching England’s early-modern court system, and standardizing MoEML’s Mapography.Roles played in the project
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Kate LeBere
KL
Project Manager, 2020-2021. Assistant Project Manager, 2019-2020. Research Assistant, 2018-2020. Kate LeBere completed her BA (Hons.) in History and English at the University of Victoria in 2020. She published papers in The Corvette (2018), The Albatross (2019), and PLVS VLTRA (2020) and presented at the English Undergraduate Conference (2019), Qualicum History Conference (2020), and the Digital Humanities Summer Institute’s Project Management in the Humanities Conference (2021). While her primary research focus was sixteenth and seventeenth century England, she completed her honours thesis on Soviet ballet during the Russian Cultural Revolution. During her time at MoEML, Kate made significant contributions to the 1598 and 1633 editions of Stow’s Survey of London, old-spelling anthology of mayoral shows, and old-spelling library texts. She authored the MoEML’s first Project Management Manual andquickstart
guidelines for new employees and helped standardize the Personography and Bibliography. She is currently a student at the University of British Columbia’s iSchool, working on her masters in library and information science.Roles played in the project
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Janelle Jenstad
JJ
Janelle Jenstad is Associate Professor of English at the University of Victoria, Director of The Map of Early Modern London, and PI of Linked Early Modern Drama Online. She has taught at Queen’s University, the Summer Academy at the Stratford Festival, the University of Windsor, and the University of Victoria. With Jennifer Roberts-Smith and Mark Kaethler, she co-edited Shakespeare’s Language in Digital Media (Routledge). She has prepared a documentary edition of John Stow’s A Survey of London (1598 text) for MoEML and is currently editing The Merchant of Venice (with Stephen Wittek) and Heywood’s 2 If You Know Not Me You Know Nobody for DRE. Her articles have appeared in Digital Humanities Quarterly, Renaissance and Reformation,Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, Early Modern Literary Studies, Elizabethan Theatre, Shakespeare Bulletin: A Journal of Performance Criticism, and The Silver Society Journal. Her book chapters have appeared (or will appear) in Institutional Culture in Early Modern Society (Brill, 2004), Shakespeare, Language and the Stage, The Fifth Wall: Approaches to Shakespeare from Criticism, Performance and Theatre Studies (Arden/Thomson Learning, 2005), Approaches to Teaching Othello (Modern Language Association, 2005), Performing Maternity in Early Modern England (Ashgate, 2007), New Directions in the Geohumanities: Art, Text, and History at the Edge of Place (Routledge, 2011), Early Modern Studies and the Digital Turn (Iter, 2016), Teaching Early Modern English Literature from the Archives (MLA, 2015), Placing Names: Enriching and Integrating Gazetteers (Indiana, 2016), Making Things and Drawing Boundaries (Minnesota, 2017), and Rethinking Shakespeare’s Source Study: Audiences, Authors, and Digital Technologies (Routledge, 2018).Roles played in the project
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Janelle Jenstad authored or edited the following items in MoEML’s bibliography:
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Jenstad, Janelle and Joseph Takeda.
Making the RA Matter: Pedagogy, Interface, and Practices.
Making Things and Drawing Boundaries: Experiments in the Digital Humanities. Ed. Jentery Sayers. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 2018. Print. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
Building a Gazetteer for Early Modern London, 1550-1650.
Placing Names. Ed. Merrick Lex Berman, Ruth Mostern, and Humphrey Southall. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 2016. 129-145. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
The Burse and the Merchant’s Purse: Coin, Credit, and the Nation in Heywood’s 2 If You Know Not Me You Know Nobody.
The Elizabethan Theatre XV. Ed. C.E. McGee and A.L. Magnusson. Toronto: P.D. Meany, 2002. 181–202. Print. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
Early Modern Literary Studies 8.2 (2002): 5.1–26..The City Cannot Hold You
: Social Conversion in the Goldsmith’s Shop. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
The Silver Society Journal 10 (1998): 40–43.The Gouldesmythes Storehowse
: Early Evidence for Specialisation. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
Lying-in Like a Countess: The Lisle Letters, the Cecil Family, and A Chaste Maid in Cheapside.
Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 34 (2004): 373–403. doi:10.1215/10829636–34–2–373. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
Public Glory, Private Gilt: The Goldsmiths’ Company and the Spectacle of Punishment.
Institutional Culture in Early Modern Society. Ed. Anne Goldgar and Robert Frost. Leiden: Brill, 2004. 191–217. Print. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
Smock Secrets: Birth and Women’s Mysteries on the Early Modern Stage.
Performing Maternity in Early Modern England. Ed. Katherine Moncrief and Kathryn McPherson. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007. 87–99. Print. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
Using Early Modern Maps in Literary Studies: Views and Caveats from London.
GeoHumanities: Art, History, Text at the Edge of Place. Ed. Michael Dear, James Ketchum, Sarah Luria, and Doug Richardson. London: Routledge, 2011. Print. -
Jenstad, Janelle.
Versioning John Stow’s A Survey of London, or, What’s New in 1618 and 1633?.
Janelle Jenstad Blog. https://janellejenstad.com/2013/03/20/versioning-john-stows-a-survey-of-london-or-whats-new-in-1618-and-1633/. -
Shakespeare, William. The Merchant of Venice. Ed. Janelle Jenstad. Internet Shakespeare Editions. U of Victoria. http://internetshakespeare.uvic.ca/Library/Texts/MV/.
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Stow, John. A SVRVAY OF LONDON. Contayning the Originall, Antiquity, Increase, Moderne estate, and description of that Citie, written in the yeare 1598. by Iohn Stow Citizen of London. Also an Apologie (or defence) against the opinion of some men, concerning that Citie, the greatnesse thereof. With an Appendix, containing in Latine, Libellum de situ & nobilitate Londini: written by William Fitzstephen, in the raigne of Henry the second. Ed. Janelle Jenstad and the MoEML Team. MoEML. Transcribed.
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Dustin Neighbors is mentioned in the following documents:
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Martin D. Holmes
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Programmer at the University of Victoria Humanities Computing and Media Centre (HCMC). Martin ported the MOL project from its original PHP incarnation to a pure eXist database implementation in the fall of 2011. Since then, he has been lead programmer on the project and has also been responsible for maintaining the project schemas. He was a co-applicant on MoEML’s 2012 SSHRC Insight Grant.Roles played in the project
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Anne Boleyn is mentioned in the following documents:
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Edward VI
Edward This numeral is a Roman numeral. The Arabic equivalent is 6VI King of England King of Ireland
(b. 12 October 1537, d. 6 July 1553)Edward VI is mentioned in the following documents:
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Elizabeth I
Elizabeth This numeral is a Roman numeral. The Arabic equivalent is 1I Queen of England Queen of Ireland Gloriana Good Queen Bess
(b. 7 September 1533, d. 24 March 1603)Queen of England and Ireland 1558-1603.Elizabeth I is mentioned in the following documents:
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Henry VIII
Henry This numeral is a Roman numeral. The Arabic equivalent is 8VIII King of England King of Ireland
(b. 28 June 1491, d. 28 January 1547)King of England and Ireland 1509-1547.Henry VIII is mentioned in the following documents:
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Mary I
Mary This numeral is a Roman numeral. The Arabic equivalent is 1I Queen of England Queen of Ireland
(b. 18 February 1516, d. 17 November 1558)Mary I is mentioned in the following documents:
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Henry Romelius
Danish ambassador at Greenwich.Henry Romelius is mentioned in the following documents:
Locations
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London is mentioned in the following documents:
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Greenwich
Greenwich Palace was a popular royal residence among the Tudors, specifically during the reigns of Henry VIII and Elizabeth I. Built in 1447 for Humphrey of Lancaster, Greenwich was the first visible sign as the traveller came from the mouth of the Thames in the east towards London (Bold 38). The land was originally the site of an Abbey until 1414 when it reverted back to the crown. In 1426, it was passed to Humphrey of Lancaster, who built the early palace and enclosed the land as a park. The house passed to Henry VI, whose wife, Margaret of Anjou, renamed it the Palace of Placentia orpleasant place.
The nameGreenwich Palace
dates from Elizabeth’s reign. This location was east of the area depicted on the Agas map.Greenwich is mentioned in the following documents:
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Whitehall
Whitehall Palace, the Palace of Whitehall or simply Whitehall, was one of the most complex and sizeable locations in the entirety of early modern Europe. As the primary place of residence for monarchs from 1529 to 1698, Whitehall was an architectural testament to the shifting sociopolitical, religious, and aesthetic currents of Renaissance England. Sugden describes the geospatial location of Whitehall in noting that[i]t lay on the left bank of the Thames, and extended from nearly the point where Westminster Bdge. now crosses the river to Scotland Yard, and from the river back to St. James’s Park
(Sugden 564-565).Whitehall is mentioned in the following documents:
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Hampton Court
The history of Hampton Court illustrates, in many ways, the history of England itself. Hampton Court was originally owned by Thomas Wolsey and later gifted to Henry VIII, remaining the property of the crown or state in a nearly unbroken line since the sixteenth century. As such, the palace is also the subject and site of many important early modern English artistic, literary and dramatic works. The palace was also a landmark for iconic historical moments such as the birth of Edward VI, the death of Jane Seymour, Elizabeth I’s reconciliation with Mary I, James I’s plan for the Authorized Bible, and Charles I’s escape from Parliamentary imprisonment. Hampton Court is not located inside the area depicted on the Agas map.Hampton Court is mentioned in the following documents:
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Tower of London is mentioned in the following documents:
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St. James’s Palace is mentioned in the following documents:
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Westminster Palace is mentioned in the following documents:
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PLACE OUTSIDE OF LONDON
PLACE OUTSIDE OF LONDON. While this location exists within the boundaries of modern-day Greater London, it lies outside of the early-modern City of London and is beyond MoEML’s current scope.PLACE OUTSIDE OF LONDON is mentioned in the following documents:
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The Thames
Perhaps more than any other geophysical feature, the Thames river has directly affected London’s growth and rise to prominence; historically, the city’s economic, political, and military importance was dependent on its riverine location. As a tidal river, connected to the North Sea, the Thames allowed for transportation to and from the outside world; and, as the longest river in England, bordering on nine counties, it linked London to the country’s interior. Indeed, without the Thames, London would not exist as one of Europe’s most influential cities. The Thames, however, is notable for its dichotomous nature: it is both a natural phenomenon and a cultural construct; it lives in geological time but has been the measure of human history; and the city was built around the river, but the river has been reshaped by the city and its inhabitants.The Thames is mentioned in the following documents:
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Bermondsey Manor
According to Stow, Bermondsey Manor was within the bounds of Bermondsey Abbey, to which William Rufus gave his manor in 1094 (Stow 1598, sig. Z4r). In 1550, Edward VI sold the manor to the Corporation of London (Stow 1598, sig. Z5r; Howard and Godfrey 1–8).Bermondsey Manor is mentioned in the following documents:
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Baynard’s Castle
Located on the banks of the Thames, Baynard’s Castle was built sometime in the late eleventh centuryby Baynard, a Norman who came over with William the Conqueror
(Weinreb and Hibbert 129). The castle passed to Baynard’s heirs until one William Baynard,who by forfeyture for fellonie, lost his Baronie of little Dunmow
(Stow 1:61). From the time it was built, Baynard’s Castle wasthe headquarters of London’s army until the reign of Edward I
when it washanded over to the Dominican Friars, the Blackfriars whose name is still commemorated along that part of the waterfront
(Hibbert 10).Baynard’s Castle is mentioned in the following documents: