1
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
St. John's, Thursday, March 16, 1865.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
Tuesday, Feb. 14.
(Continued.)
On motion of the
hon. ATTORNEY GENERAL, pursuant
to order of the day, the house resolved itself into committee of the whole on the
consideration of the confederation of the British North American Provinces, Mr. Knight
in the chair.
Hon. ATTORNEY GENERAL.—The resolution which he
proposed to submit for the consideration of the Committee, was one which proposed
to postpone until after
the meeting of the next House of Assembly the consideration of the important question
of the federation of the
North American Colonies. The documents received by
the Government on this subject had been submitted to
the house at the opening of the session; and he had then
given notice of certain resolutions which he intended
under the directions of the Secretary of State's despatch,
to submit to the house with the view of either adopting
or rejecting the report of the Quebec conference. From
the first, however, there was no idea of making this a
government or party question, but to submit it as one on
which the house was to pronounce a deliberate judgment
after fully weighing all the considerations by which it was
surrounded. He thought it objectionable, if the other
colonies adopted the Union at once, that we should
allow the matter to lie over, and if we afterwards decided
that confederation was for our advantage, should have to
knock at the door, twelve or eighteen months after the
confederacy was organized, asking for what we were now
entitled to accept. It appeared, however, that this winter, the other colonies, or
at least some of them, would
postpone the decisions of the mater; and as there was
an almost unanimous a desire expressed, not only in the
house, but by the public at large, from some of whom
petitions had been laid before the house, that the question should here be postponed
for further consideration,
he had decided not to submit the resolutions he had at
first designed, but to substitute that now before the
committee, for the postponement of any decision upon it
until after a new election had taken place, and the question had been fully discussed
by the constituences.
With regard to the history of the question of confederation, it would be doubtless
in the recollection of some
hon members that the late Governor General of Canada,
Sir Edmund Head, in his closing address to the Legislature of that Province, had recommended
it on the conaideration of the members of the Legislature and of the
people of the Province. He (hon A. Gen.) recollected
very well the effect which that speech produced at the
time. It excited considerable sensastion, not only in the
colonies, but also in England. I was not at all favorably viewed at the Colonial office,
and a despatch was
sent out, which was on the journals of the House, requesting that it should not be
discussed, nor delegates
appointed for its consideration, unless with the sanction
of the nome Government. In the course of time, however, the question came to be regardel
more favourably.
It was taken up in the Legislature of Nova Scotia, and
certain resolutions were adopted, which the Lieutenant
Governor was requested to transmit to the Secretary of
State for the Colonies. These resolutions were sent out
to the several colonies, with a dispatch from the late
Duke of Newcastle, which was recorded on our journals,
which showed a considerable change of opinion on the
part of Her Majesty's Government on that question.
Nothing further was done in the matter until in 1864
resolutions were passed by the Legislatures of Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, proposing a Legislative union of the
maritime provinces, and
authorising the appointment of delegates to consider the
question. These delegates met at Charlottetown, when
delegates for the government of Canada attended, and
after there had been some discussion of the question of
the proposed Legislative union, the Canadian delegates
suggested in place of it the larger question of a federal
union of the provinces, which umet the approval of the
Conference; and it was decided to meet at Quebec for
its consideration, and that an invitation should be sent
to the government of this colony to send delegates to the
conference at Quebec. Hon members would have learnt
from the papers laid on the table of the house the course
adopted by the government. The question had not been
under the consideration of the Legislature, but they considered that in a matter of
so much importance, it was
their duty to respond to the invitation and appoint
delegates to the conferense, with instructions to consider
and discuss the propositious that might be submitted to
the Conference, but to do nothing committing this
Colony. In accordance with the course adopted in the
other Colonies, and as the most fitting in itself, as this
was not a party question hut one afficting materially the
interests of the whole people, delegates were appointed
from the two parties represented in that House, the hon
the Speaker, from the government side, and the hon
member tor Placentia and St. Mary's, Mr. Shea, a leading
member of the opposition. The delegates met at Quebec
on the 10th of October, and the conference was in session
for some weeks, and the result of their deliberations was
the report laid on the table of the house. It had been
said that the delegates from this Colony, not being
appointed by authority of the Legislature, had no right
to sign the report; and that in consequence of the report
being signed by all the delegates, the Colonial Secretary
had sent out his dispatch signifying his approval of the
repest. He (hon Attoruey General) did not concur in
that view. The delegates from this island, having very
properly taken part in the proceedings of the conference,
and approving of the resolutions adopted, he conceived
that they acted properly in signing the report, which
was nothing more than certifying the resolutions.
And as to the observation that the Colonial Secretary was
misled, the hon members who were of that opinion were
entirely mistaken. The Colonial Secretary, from the
correspondence which had taken place between this Governmentand that of Canada, and
which was transmitted to
him before the Conference met, was fully aware of the
limited authority of the Delegates from this Colony, and
of the instructions under which they acted, and
could not have been misled or influenced in this respect,
as the hon member for Ferryland, Mr. Glen, supposed.
It had also been objected that the Delegates, after their
return, neglected to convene public meetings for the disSussion of the question, as
was done in some of the other
colonies. He (hon Attorney General) did think that it
would be highly improper for any officers of the Government, as the Delegates were
to adopt such a course.
They were not delegates from any popular body. They
reported to the government, and it was not to the people,
but to the Legislature, as representing the whole of the
people of the colony, that the report should be submitted for to them they were responsible.
There was nothing
in the conduct of the delegates, from the beginning to
the end of the proceedings, but what was not only unexceptionable, but most commendable.
They discharged
their duty in such a manner in the opinion of those best
capable of judging, the ablest men of the other provinces,
as to have reflected the highest credit on themselves
and on the colony they represented. With respect to
the report of the conference, it was a matter of satisfaction that for months past
it had undergone such full
discussion that we are all familarised with its conclusions.
It was the result of the delibereations of the ablest men
in the provinces, upon a question of the highest importance which had occupied public
attention in the other
provinces for years. The report had been transmitted
to Her Majesty's Government, and, after mature consideratin, a dispatch was transmitted
expressing a general
approval of the decision arrived at by the conference.
The question had been fully discussed by the public and
in the mother country, in the other provinces, and in
this colony and by statesmen on both sides of the Atlantic; and there was now very
little new left for him
to say on the subject. He did not intend to go into the
statistics of the question, nor to recapitulate the arguments
previously used by other and abler writers and speakers
upon the subject; but having to vote upon it, he considered it necessary to state
the reasons which influenced
his mind in coming to a conclusion upon a subject of such
grave importance, a vote upon which, either one side
or the other, cast so great a responsibility upon those
with whom the adoption, or rejection of this project
would rest. He recollected that, seven or eight years
ago, when the question was first mooted by the Governor
General, he (hon A. Gen) did not view it very favourably.
It appeared to him, upon a merely passing consideration,
to involve an increase of expediture for a general government and local governments
and legislatures, without as
he then apprehended, any corresponding advantage. But
when it come before him as a practical question, upon
which serious action was to be taken, and be came to view
it in its relation not merely to the present circumstances
of this colony, but also in regard to the future, he found
that he had made a very great mistake in regarding it as
a question of which the decision was to be influenced
entirely by pecuniary considerations. On the contrary, it
involved numerous important considerations of a social,
political, moral and commercial character, requiring the
closest attention. It was one that should be studied under
the lights of history and experience, and with a regard to
all those circumstances, that tended to promote he wealth
of nations and the progress and prosperity of a people,
and the wellfare, moral, political, and social of society.
And although, in some respects, in having relation to the
future, the question must be regarded as somewhat of a
speculative character, yet here, as in private life, where
our future conduct is necessarily so often determined by
speculative reasoning based on what we believe to be subsisting facts, we might come
to a conclusion very satisfactory and convincing to our minds, without being able
to transfer that conviction to the minds of others with all
the certainty of mathematical demonstration or the unanswerable logic of a sum in
arithmetic. And viewing
this question with regard to the considerations to which
he had referred, looking at it in every light, and taking
into account all that had been spoken and written against
it, he had arrived at the conclusion that the proposed
Confederation should by all ineans be entered into; as
he subscribed most heartily to the sentiment expressed
in the first paragraph of the report of the Convention,
that such an union would largely promote the welfare
and advantage of all the Colonies. A consideration that
powerfully influenced his mind with regard to this proposal, was the contrast that
might fairly be instituted
between what Newfoundland now was and what she
might be under Confederation. At present we were an
insignificant fishing settlement, with a population of a
hundred and twenty or a hundred and thirty thousand,
with no resources at present available beyond our fisheries
and those insufficient for the support of our people, a
large proportion of whom were dependent for four
months in the year upon pauper relief supplied from the
public revenue. These fisheries evidently, if not declining, at least not increasing
in productiveness with our
increasing numbers, and for sometime past furnishing very
inadequate support to those engaged in their prosecution.
And supposing the fisheries to improve, and that we
should have the average prosperity of the past still such
improvement merely sufficed for the comfortable
maintenance of the people for the time, and offered
no means of supporting any great increass of our
present numbers, even if our mineral resources
turned out as productive as we hoped; so that we
could have no prospect of becoming anytning but a small
colony, of little influence or power in any respect, and of
no note, importance, or consideration, which, should the
protection of Great Britain be withdrawn, must fall a
prey to the first power that might chose to take possession of the Island. Was that
a state which it could be
satisfactory to ourselves, or to those who misht come
after us to contemplate? On the other hand, what might
we be under confederation? We were invited to join a
Confederation which, in half a century, would be second
to no power on the face of the earth, with a population,
at present numbering four millions, stretching from the
Atlantic to the Pacific, and which would number fifty
millions within the life time of some of our children;
with a country abounding with resources, such as could
not fail, in the hands of an energetic people, to place us
in the first rank amongst the nations of the earth,—a
Confederation whose commerce would cover every sea,
whose flag would be respected in every quarter of the
globe, and which should take place in the great family
of nations, second to none, in influence, in wealth, in
power, in resources, in all that tended to illustrate and
magnify the position and standing of a people. When
he (hon A. Gen.) contrasted this with, Newfoundland
out of the confederation, with its 130,000 inhabitants
subsisting by the fisheries on its cost, and the limited
mineral resources which the island was known to possess,
be considered it was a duty we owed to ourselves and
to posterity to accept the invitation extended to us.
True, these considerations were not such matters as
could be measured by pounds, shillings and pence.
Nevertheless they were such as powerfully influenced
nations as well as individuals, in their ordinary conduct.
There were other things of value in this life for both,
besides dollars and cents; and as in private life were
found individuals ready to pay for rank, station and
influence, so among nations, the last shilling in the
exchequer would be expended, and the last man sent to
fight, with the object of maintaining the national honor
and preserving the character and position of the commonwealth, When, therefore, we
turned to the considera
tion of great national questions, such as this was, surely
there were other matters to be regarded besides the mere
pecuniary aspect of the matter. But the British Government regarded the union as a
matter which, with
this object, we ought to go into. It was will then, that
we should consider the consequences of opposing their
wishes in this matter. The question of the defence of
the colonies was one which had undergone a good deal
of discussion of late years, and many statesmen were of
opinion that the colonies cost Great Britain more than
they were worth; and maintained that it was high time
that we should do something for our own defence. But
it should not be overlooked that the question for our
consideration was not
whether we should go into the
confederation or remain as we are at present—but
whether the confederation being formed, as it undoubtelly
would be, by the other provinces, we were prepared to take
he consequences of remining out of it. He (hon A. Gen.)
spoke without other means of information than were
open to all, but he did say that looking at the dispatches
from Her Majesty's Government, the part they had taken
in this matter, the debates in Parliament, the aricles
in semi-official organs at home, and the speeches and
writings of leading statesmen and writers in England,
it was too plain in his judgement, for controversy, that
Great Britain would require the colonies to contributed
to their own defence, to a much greater extent than they
had hitherto done; and that was nothing but what was
reasonable; and a few years ago dispatches were received
on the subject, expressing the opinions of statesmen at
home, which the British Government regarded as a matter which ought to be carried
out; and he would ask, if
we were called upon in this colony, could we refuse? It
must be recollected that our admission to responsible
government was as part of the North Ameriean Colonies.
It was conceded to us, because it had been previously
granted to the other provinces; not simply because we
were fit for it, but because we came within a principle,
which, having been applied to the other North American
colonies, must also be applied to us. Now supposing
confederation carried out, and that the other provinces
went into it and made the suggested provision for the
defence of the confederated provinces; and that we remained out, in what lignt would
we be regarded by the
government and people of England? They would take
no interest in us, because we would be outside the confederated provinces, subject
in our management to
wholly different principles, and would be regirded as a
people whose interest were of very little concern, and
who, having thrown away the advantages offered to them,
could be worked upon oily as wilful and wayward
children. And what, then, could we expect, but that we
should be handed over to some subordinate at the Colonial
office, to receive very little of that attention which we
now experience. We might find, in time, the ships of
war now employed for our defence sent elsewhere, and
the troops stationed here withdrawn; and attention given
to those who were more careful to comply with the
wishes of the British Government. It must be recollected that we had pledge ourselves
to contribute to our
own defence; a resolution to that effect was recorded
on our journals some sessions ago, in reply to a dispatch from the home government.
Now that was a
serious matter, if we should resolve to remain in our
present isolation. He (hon A. Gen.) recollected the
time when a whole regiment was considered necessary
for our protection, and two or three ships of war. We
would undoubtedly require so mething more than a few
volunteer companies, and hon members who said so much
about increased taxation, should recollect that the cost of
a single regiment involved a far larger expenditure
than Canada would take from us; and that would
be the necessary consequence of standing out
against confederation. It had been stated that
Great Britain would never abandon Newfoundland,
on account of her geographical position. This
seemed a whim a childish delusion. If Newfoundland was
of so much importance, why was it not made a naval
station, in preference to pestilence striken Bermuda, and
Halifax, which had always been naval stations? While
immense sums were expended on the citidel at Halifax,
so as to remier is impregnable, this place was neglected,
and only two or three forts defending the narrows repaired, to render them tenable,
and Armstrong guns placed in them. Halifax had a capacious harbor, not liable
to be closed by ice, and situated within 12 hours by
steam of one entrance to the gulf of St. Lawrence and
and 18 hours of the other, and within 12 hours of the
United States; and the harbor of Louisburg, which was
also free from ice, was situated between the two entrances to the Gulf. It was folly
to talk of the advantages
of our position, situated about 600 miles away from the
probable scene of action, as compared with Halifax or
Louisburg—If we were considered of so much importance
to Great Britain, why was there so little expended on
our fortifications? And of whatever importance we
might now be to Great Britain, when the confederation
of the colonies was carried out what would our importance
then be? It we declined to enter into the confederation
we would not be longer regarded by the other Colonies
as a sister colony, but as one which had declined complying with the recommendation
of the parent state, and
refused all association with them, We should have no
claim upon their sympathy or support, should we be
threatened witn an other French convention, and their
markets would be closed to on produce by prohibitory
du ies. The opponents of confederation had been asked,
again and again what our position would be, seperated
from the confederation, and no satisfactory reply had been
given. As to the question—what were the in material advantages of confederation; it
seemed to him (hon A.
Gen) that there were in any. With regard to our public
men, it opened up a field wortny of their ambition. Let
the hon member for Ferryland, Mr. Gen, consider the
enlarged sphere of advancement which confederation
opened up to him, if sent up as a member to the House
of Commons, where talent must take the lead whether it
came from Newtowndland or Vancouver; and where he
would have an opportunity, one day, of discussing some
important question affecting the interests of Columbia,
and on another, one involving those of New Brunswick,
while on a third those of the great Suskatchewan valley
would be taken up; and the compensation, when, his
talents and experience placed his services in demand as
a minister of the Crown, would be in proportion to the
importance of his position; while the height of his ambition in Newfoundland was to
be Receiver General, at
4,500 a-year. At the same time he might have an opportunity of benefiting his Newfoundiand
constituents
and the Island generally, by the promotion of extensive
public works, while at present he was laudably endeavouring to promote the interests
of the fishermen by urging the construction of a breakwater at Tota's Cove.
Was it no object to many in public life to have such
prospects as this before them?—Surely it suould stimulate the youth of the country
to have the prospect before
them of attaining to a position in public life, such as
none of the colonies could offer while they continued in
their present fragmentary condition. Surely there was
something more elevating and enabling in such prospects
than the narrow party struggles of our present colonial
politics could offer. But it was not merey to politicians
that confederation offered a field worthy of their ambition.
It must benefit young men in all the professinns.
They had before them an enlarged field for their exertions, and proportionally larger
prizes to stimulate these
exertions in the professions of law and medicine. And
it must be supposed that, in the course of time, there
would be an army and an navy, in which our youth
would have an opportunity of rising to eminence. And
while his hon friend the member for Ferryland might
be Home Minister or Receiver General of Canada, why
might not the hon and gallant member for St. John's
West attain the rank of Field Marshal Renouf? It would
give a stimulous to the exertions of our young men in all
the professions; taking
excelsior as their motto, they
would press forward in every art and science, and ultimately many would attain an
eminence to which few in
the Colonies at present aspired. Than as to the commercial advantages of confederation.
Look at our herring fishry, for instance, at present langhishing. Was it nothing
to have such a market as Canada which in a few years
would take all we could
produce? Her own population, in
place of being our rivals in the fisheries would find more
congenial and more profitable employment in the cultivation of her prolific soul,
exchanging her produce for those
of our fisheries, was there nothing in this, that we had a
country before us to go to, if we could not find congenial
occupation here. And if when Canada was carrying out
large public works we were united with her, was it to
be assumed that none of these would be constructed
here. And would not those carried out elsewhere afford
employment to many of our citizens and labourers?
Take, for instance, the extension of the Grand Trunk
Railroad from Canada to the harbor of Halifax. Would
not many of our people go to Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick, and find employment upon that important
national work? And would not this relieve the fisheries from he pressure of a surplus?
Did we not know
that bands of Irish reapers, crossed the Channel every
year, and cut down the harvests of England and the
South of Scotland, while many of the Scottish highlanders found similar employment
in the midland counties,
and both carried home ample wages, which added
materially to the comforts of the succeeding winter?
We must remember that one of the results of confederation would be increased communication
with the
different provinces, of the confederacy. It might be
said that the provinces, were open to our people now,
but the work was not there now. Nor were they open
in the same way as they would be when we became one
people. There were some who now went to the other
colonies and succeeded, but they were those who conquested difficulties. Certain travellers
in the interior of
Africa lately found a Scotchman there occupying an
important position under one of the kings of Abysinia.
Natives of the British islands were to be found making
their way occasionally in Turkey, China, and other
foreign countries, but these were the few exceptions of
men of extraordinary ability and enterprise, who would
push their way any where and in spite of all obstacles.
But what would they find if the other colonies and this
were one country? Our people, under confederation
would pass from one country to another, as they now
come from the outports to St. John's. And our shares
of the general revenue remaining for public works would
doubtless be expended in this Colony, and afford employment to our people. Would not
the union of the
provinces induce such intercourse as to give sufficient
employment to the proposed line of steamers between
this port and Canada; and would not that give facilities
and offer inducements for travelling, increasing our
social intercourse with each other largely; and would
not that be to our advantage, and would the commercial intercourse thereby promoted
be of no benefit, if
capitalists were induced to visit us, and engage in working our mines, or establishing
manufactures? Why
should not a citizen of Quebec in place of going to work
the copper mines at Lake Superior, come to this island,
which was less distant then Lake Superior, while the
facilities from sending the ore to market were much
greater? Now he had to come to a foreign country,
whose laws were different from those of Canada. But
make both the same country, and it would be merely a
question of profit and private preference. It had been
said, as regards Canada, that we would derive the same
advantages commercially, from free trade between the
colonies as from a union. While the advantages would
be limited, under a fee trade treaty, we could have no
guarantee for their permanency. A treaty between the
two colonies might be terminated at any time by the
caprice of either party, while a union with Canada would
be permanent. It had been stated that seeing the
proposals for confederation arose from the strife of
parties in Canada, the same difficulties might again occur,
and we would be involved in them. But no such consequences could arise from confederation;
and the working
of the union could not be disturbed while it continued in
existence. Another consequence of confederation would
be our greater security from foreign aggression. It was
said we might expect the protection of Great Britain to
be continued under any circumstances. He had referred
to the conditions to be exacted from us in this respect,
but while it might be a question how we would stand
with Great Britain if we kept out of the confederation,
there could be no question that if we were into it we
would have the protection of Great Britain and of the
confederation also, and these two in close alliance,
after a few years at all events, could withstand the world
in arms. But then, we were told of the heavy military
expenditure to which we would be subject. But only a
very moderate military expenditure would be required at
first, and why should we not have both an army and a
navy when we gained strength and the ability to maintail them without their being
burdensome to the country? Let us recollect also that as we often suffered
from the fluctuations to which our fisheries expose us,
and our people are sometimes reduced to extreme
destitution, if we contribute to a common treasury,
and if poverty, from the failure of the fisheries,
overtake our people, there will be means available
for warding off starvation. At present we have at
the same time, wide spread poverty and reduced means
for its relief, and we cannot apply to the neighbouring
colonies, to whose treasuries we contributed nothing in
our prosperity; and if we applied to Great Britain, we
would be referred to our own resources. But if we
were one people, we could go to Canada and ask relief
for our impover shed population from the common
treasury. Then, if we looked to the history of other
countries, where small communities had become united
into powerful states, we would find something in the
light which history threw on this question. He (hon
Attorney General) Bad always been of opinion that there
could be no question of history being in favour of confederation. In this house, for
the first time, he had
heard that position questioned. It did seem to him,
however, that history was favourable to the union of
2
THE NEWFOUNDLANDER.
small states into larger. But he would not take a wide
field to sustain his views, nor would he go across the
Atlantic to find example, it was not long since Nova
Sexia and Cape Breton were separate Provinces; and
every one who knew the history of these Provinces,
knew they had advanced more rapidly since the union
than they did in the same length of time when separated.
About twenty years ago, a few residents
in Cape Breton got up an agitation for a dissolution of
the union, but it was frowned down by the thinking
people throughout the Province. New Brunswick and
Nova Scotia were at one time united, and subsequently
separated, and the statesmen of both Provinces were so
satisfied of the advantages of their being reunited, that a
conference was held at Charlottetown last summer to
devise the means for a legislative union of these Provinces and Prince Edward Island,
which was terminated by
the proposition from Canada for the more extensive union
now under consideration. If, however, all this can be
said in favour of
confederation, what has been urged on
the other side? Confederation, like all questions involving great changes, and affecting
important interests,
had met considerable opposition, and it was well
that it should be so, for it was not desirable to change,
except for some great advantage, and the more such
a matter was opposed, the more thoroughly would its
details be examined. Some opposed confederation,
doubtless, from interested motives, either because
they saw in it pecuniary loss to themselves, or a lessening of their personal, social,
or political importance,
some doubtless, from conscientious motives. He (hon
Attorney General) did not mean to attribute interested
motives to any of those who differed from him, but their
existence ought not to be overlooked, and every objection
should be carefully weighed, and, if possible, removed.
If this were not practicable, and should well-founded
objections preponderate, the union snauld be abandoned.
He (hon Attorney General) would briefly refer to the
objections urged against the proposed confederation.
It had been objected, that in going into the union, we
were giving up our independence—our right to independent legislation. Every savage
entering society
gave up a portion of his independence, but did he lose
by the change? True, if we went into confederation,
we would give up a portion of our present control of
our affairs. But he did think that we would be well
quit of it. What was the history of this colony since
we had a local Legislature? It was not one on which
we could look with satisfaction. Why, since 1832 we
were violently agitated, every four years, with party
strife, aggravated by the rancour of religious differsnces; and our representatives
came together excited
by the bitterest feelings towards each other. And
after they met, the object of one party in that House
was to hold on to office, and of the other to turn them
out; and, in the nearly equal division of parties which
prevailed, it was found that neither the one party nor
the other could do much for the promotion of the
public good. If the strife of parties should have a
narrower scope and have less bitterness, as the objects
coutended for would have less importance, from the
concession of power to be made to the general government, would it not be a great
benefit to the community? On the other hand, if we gave up some power
which we at present held, would we not nave an equivalent in the shire we should receive
in the general
government? Another objection urged against going
into a Confederation with Canada, was that she had
a local debt of over sixty millions of dollars, which the
confederation must assume. But of what importance
was that debt, as compared with the resources of that
magnificent province? If she had a large debt, she
had the public works for the construction of which the
greater portion of it was incurred. Our debt could
not be diminished; and what had we to represent a
large portion of it, but the pauperism resulting from
the failure of our fisheries? But, it is said, we would
be subject, by the union to a large increase of taxation. He did not intend to go
into the question of
the tariff. He would leave that to those who had
studed that part of the subject more particularly, and
were more competent to deal with it than he was. He
would, however, make one or two general observations upon this point. In the first
place, much use
had been made, on the other side, of a Customs'
return showing that the Canada tariff was, in many
aspects, higher than our own, and was one which, if
applied to us, would, as alleged, increase our taxation
30 or 40 per cent. and it had been said in argument,
with reference to the return,—"See how much more
you will pay for this article, and how much more for
that." With as little reason and logical force might
he (hon A Gen) take up the same return, and pointing to the other articles, say,—"See
how much less,
under confederation, you will ply for some other
articles, your grog, for instance, you will get for little
or nothing. You will pay no duty on lines, twines
and fishery materials, ÂŁc.." But in truth, neither one
side nor the other of such an argument, affected the
point really at issue. He considered that nothing,
or or against the union, could be drawn from contrasting the tariff of the two countries,
and for this
plain reason, that the Canada tariff, being framed for
Canada alone, was wholly inapplicable, in many particulars, to the very different
commercial interests of
tne lower provinces; and the first thing which the
united Legislature would have to attend to, would be
to frame such a tariff (very different from the present)
as would suit the general interest, and not the trade
of Canada alone. It seemed to him, therefore, to be
a waste of time to discuss the effect of the existing
tariffs on this question. Further, let it be noticed, on
the question of increased taxation under the union,
that as by the rapid growth of the other provinces in
population and wealth, the area of taxation would
increase rapidly year by year, and as (the expense of
governing 20,000 people being very little more than
that of governing 1O,000) the taxation would not increass with the numbers of the
tax-payers, the actual
burden ot taxation, on each individual, would year by
year, be lessening. In this advantage we should
share, not by our own growth, but by the growth of
the other provinces, so that, under this union, we
would have this result, which we could never have out
of it, namely, that the larger it became, the more
would the burden of taxation be lessened to out
stationary population, to be, spread over the increasing
population of the sister colonies. Let the clamourers
about increased taxation ponder over this a little.
Further he (hon A Gen) would ask, having regard
to the present condition of this colony, with is debt
in spite of the most rigid economy on the part of the
government, increasing, year by year, how long it will
be, remaining as we are, before our own tariff rises to
the highest figure of that of Canada. We must pay
our debts, and pay the necessary cost of government,
support our starving poor, and sustain the public
credit, with what means (our present revenue being
insufficient) but by increased taxation? It has been
rising for years past. It is now 11 1/2 pet cent., and is
yet insufficieut. How long will it us before, of our
own accord, and from sneer necessity, we lay on our
prople duties beyond wnat our most excited alarmists
fear trom the union? On the other hand, supposing,
for the sake of argument, that we do pay more duties
under the union than we are at present subjected to,
of what importance will that be to our people, it, as
we assume, by the opening of other fields ot labour,
and by means of the older advantages to spring to
them from the union, their ability to hear further taxation is increased in an equal
or greater proportion?
Will we not, in effect, benefit by the change? To put
this idea in figures, what did it matter to a man if you
increased his taxation 5 per cent., if, at the same time,
you increased the value of his labour 10 or 15 per
cent? But supposing further, the Canadian tariff of
20 per cent., retained on the importation of manufactured goods, as was feared by
the anti-confederates,
was it to be supposed that the same amount of duty
would be received as would now be produced by that
rate of duty? No such thing. The effect would be a
change of trade, not increased taxation paid by our
people. In place of British manufactures, they would
use articles produced in Canada and the other provinces, where they now manufactured
extensively, and
which manufactures would be largely imported here,and
would pay no duty at all. At present our merchants imported British manufactured goods
to suppl your wants;
but, under confederation, they would find it to their
advantage to import from Canada, by which our people would be very much benefited,
by being supplied, at a lower price, with articles as good, and
sometimes very much better than those they get now.
Those of our merchants whose capital was employed
in the manufacture or importation of British goods,
would, for a time, suffer by the change, but the people
at large would benefit, and we are here to legislate,
not for the benefit of the few, but of the many, doing
no unnecessary damage, nevertheless, to any interest
in the community. It had been objected that Canada
imports largely of manufactured goods from England.
But for the same reason that the wealthy citizens of
London wore French kid gloves, French silks and
such like foreign articles, at a higher price than the
better articles manufactured at home; and he did not
think the importation of British manufactured goods
into Canada, to the extent of 15 or 16 millions of dollars, was very large after all
for a population of about
three millions, especially when we took into consideration what went over the border,
on account of the
tariff of the United States being so much higher than
that of Canada. It was idle to suppose that there
should be such extensive manufactures in Canada, unless the people consumed the goods.
We knew they
manufactured largely. He (hon A. Gen) would say
that it seemed to him treating this important matter
in a very unworthy way, to limit it to our present circumstances. We were legislating
for future generations, for all time to come, for posterity principally;
and it was a contracted view to take of such a question, to raise objections to the
existing tariff of Canada,
which might change from year to year, and was a consideration of so temporary a character;
and he must
say, moreover, that he deprecated the tone and manner in which the motives and the
conduct of our Canadian friends had been treated by those opposed to
the union. They had, in the most open and candid
manner, stated their own desire for confederation and
their reasons for it. They concealed nothing, but
placed the proposal on the broad ground that the
scheme would be for the advantage of the other provinces as well as of the Canadas.
We had the assurance of the Governor General, referred to in his Excellency's speech,
that there was no desire on the part
of the Canadian ministry to fasten their tariff upon us.
And yet the Canadian advocates of confederation had
been spoken of as being influenced solely by a desire
to get hold of this fine Island, and turn it and its
valuable resources and wealthy population to their own
profit and advantage by means of the proposed union.
Certainly if these were the feelings with which we are
to regard our Canadian brethren, the less we have to
do with them the better. But he (non A. Gen) did
not feel so. He regarded the proposal for a union in
the same light as in private life he would regard the
offer of partnership, upon fair and legitimate terms,
from a wellthy and influential firm, of high character,
unlimited resorces, large means and extens we credit,
to a small trader living in his neighbourhood, without
any prospect of becoming anything beyond a small
trader, but whose alliance was sought simply because
the latter had some advantages of position, water privileges, or the like, which the
other desired. In the
present case we were the small trader, Canada the
wealthy, prosperous one, and as in private life, such
an offer would be accepted with alacrity, so should we
gladly accede to the proposal now made to us. It had
been objected that Canada would draw us into war
with the United States. If Canada should be drawn
into war, we knew that whether we had confederation
or not, we could not avoid taking part in it, for it
would be a war between Great Britain and the United
States, in which all the colonies would be involved.
It was said that Canada had an extensive frontier
which it would require a large force to defend. But
if Canada had an extensive frontier, that of her neighbour was equally extensive,
and it would soon be a
question which was the stronger. It we looked to the
history of Canada we would find how she on former
occasions held her own against great odds; and we
all knew that she was prospering more rapidly in population and material property
than the adjoining States
of the neighbouring republic. He would again observe
that we are not legislating merely for the present, but
for future generations; and we know that a few years
would place Canada on an equality, in this respect,
with her southern neighbour; and in connection with
this branch of the subject it should not be forgotten
that we wonld under it be much better able to resist
successfully the encroachments of France upon our
fishing grounds than we are at present. Now we dare
not even arrest a French craft trespassing on our
waters lest the act should excite the ill-will of our
allies. Under confederation what would hinder our
strictly enforcing our treaty rights with that nation?
It was objected that the details in the terms of Confederation ware not such as were
in some respects satisfactory. No document ever drawn up could be regarded as perfect;
but it seemed to him that there
would be a difficulty in arranging terms that on the
whole would be less objectionable. As to the question
of taxation, it could not be shown that a high tariff of
duties would be more acceptable to the people of Canada, New Brunswick or Nova Scotia,
than to those of
this colony; and as to the appropriation of the revenue
for objects of public utility, we would all be represented in the Federal House of
Cemmons, as each separate district in Newfoundland was in the House of
Assembly of this colony, where we could not give a
shilling to one district but all the others claimed an
equal share. So we would be represented in both
branches of the Federal Legislature where our representatives would look out for the
interests of Newfoundland. It should be recollected that the General
Government would be composed of representatives of
Canada and all the other provinces and colonies of the
Confederation, and that they would feel board to consult the wishes and to promote
the prosperity of all.
He believed these statesmen would deal fairly with us
as they expected we should do with them. The report
of the conference showed an amount of political sagacity and judgment which must satisfy
us that the
statesmen from whom it emanated were men of no
common minds; and he would be slow indeed to find
fault with the resolutions. Objection had been taken
to the phase in the representation allowed to us. But
the representation was based on a fair principle. Was
it unfair that we should have a small representation
when our numbers woull not entitle us to more?
Would a confederation based on injustice in this particular be likely to be permanent?
As to the division
of the funds drawn from our revenue, the general government assumed a certain portion
of our expenditure
and took the whole of our Customs' revenue, and in
return they gave us an annual allowance which was
larger than the average of what we had for years
past, applicable to the branches of expenditure which
we were to continue to bear. It was objected that
this revenue would not increase with our increasing
population. But we received an amount which was
adequate to all our wants. And was it not better that
we should have a certain allowance from the general
funds, which would not fall, than to have to depend
upon a revenue liable to such fluctations as we experienced at present; and supposing
our population
were to increase, it must be from new sources of employment, which would create additional
wealth, and
there would be a corresponding reduction in certain portions of our expenditure. But
supposing that
our revenue should not be sufficient tho meet an emergency, and that we required a
larger amount, had we
not the general government and Legislature to appeal
to?
Mr. GLEN.—But they said the confederate government would give a specific sum, and no more;
for
whatever more we might require we must resort to
direct taxation,
Hon. ArTTORNEY GENERAL.—Yes, as a general
rule, it was so; but if any special emergency arose, we
might fairly go to them, and our claim would, there
can be no doubt, be favorably considered. It was objected that the General Government
and Legislature
were invested with large powers of taxation. But how
could a confederation be formed without such powers?
How could we form a confederation which we expected to be permanent, and to become,
in the course of
time, large and powerful, without such powers of taxation? Large powers were necessary
to sustain national existence. Some exigency might arise, when, for the
preservation of our nationality, great efforts must be
made, and the exercise of extensive powers resorted
to. Lastly, there was a consideration of much importance, which must not be overlooked
in the discussion of this object. It had already been put in this
House, in the shape of a question, but it had received
no satisfactory reply—What did those who opposed
confederation—who were disposed to reject the advantages now offered to them, propose
as the means
whereby they would, in the absence of Confederation,
raise the country from its present depression? Were
they prepared to take the helm, and find means and
ways by which our psople were to be elevated from
poverty and demoralization to comfort and independance? Look at our present position.
Struggle as
we may, even with a fair revenue, we cannot keep
from going into debt every year for our current expenditure. This past year, the casualty
of a North
East wind blowing for a few weeks in the spring of
the year occasioned us a debt of nearly ÂŁ4,000. It was
answered:—"Oh let us have good fisheries, and we
are all right." But in the first place, who is to command these good fisheries, and
secondly, suppose we
ad them, what does the history of the colony show?
That when we had good fisheries, we never laid by
for a rainy day, or paid off a shilling of debt; but,
on the contrary, got deeper into debt every year,
whether, the fisheries were bad or good. The best
that could happen to us was an alternation of series
of good and bad fisheries. And what would be the result of this, judging from experience?
As time rolled
on, our debt increasing year by year,white our resources were diminishing, and a third
of our population,
for a third of the year, were in a starving condition.
The end of all this it was not difficult to discover—
certain, inevitable national bankruptey; and if so,
where was the hope, in our present is lated state,
for the future of Newfoundland? Go into confederation, and these evils are, to a great
extent, certainly mitigated; and, as we contend, prospects are
held out to us and our children of a state of things
raised far, in every respect, socially, politically and
commercially, above our present condition. It has
been said—"Better bear the ills we have than
change for others that we know not of," and that by
entering into confederation, it might be "out of the
frying pan into the fire." But this is a mistake of
those who say thus. We are in the fire already; and
unless we make a desperate effort for our own relief,
we shall shortly have nothing of us remaining but a
heap of ashes. He (hon A Gen) did see nothing before
the country, if this proposal was rejected. He said it
to the house and he said it to the country. That was
not a matter for the present time, but for the future.
Sations did not grow to maturity in a few years. Generations passed away before the
result of changes came
to maturity. But that confederation would come, and
it was for us now to consider it; and he did say that
as he would not hesitate to embark in it all he was
worth himself, so he would recommend the same
course to others. We had not had many years of
legislation, and while we had the opportunity, it appeared to him that it was a duty
we owed to the country to take advantage of the offer now made to us, and
to embrace, a change which, in his judgment, would
lead on to fortune.
Mr. SHEA—Did the hon gentleman mean, when he
spoke of the large powers of taxation reserved to the
General Government, that they could resort to direct
taxation?
Hon. ATTORNEY GENERAL –Certainly. The power
was necessary, it should be, where the constitution
was a written one. It was a power the exercise of
which might be essential to the very existence of the
confeceration. But as it was also reserved to the local
Legislatures as a means for the defrayal of their local
expenses, it was evident, he thought, except perhaps
in the matter of excise on spirits, which might be regarded as part of the Customs'
laws, it was a power to
be exercised by the General Government only in extreme cases. The hon gentleman then
moved the following resolution:—
Resolved,—That having under their serious and most
deliberate consideration the proposal for the formation of a Federal Union of the
British North American Provinces, upon the terms contained in the
Report of the Convention of Delegates held at Quebec
on the 10th October last,—the Despatch of the Right
Honorable the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
dated Dec. 3, 1864—the observations of His Excellency the Governor in relation to
this subject in his
opening Speech of the present Session—and the
Report of the Newfoundland Delegates, this Committee are of opinion, that having regard
to the
comparative novelty and very great importance of
this project, it is desirable that, before a vote of the
Legislature is taken upon it, it should be submitted
to the consideration of the people at large—particularly as the action of the other
Provinces does not
appear to require that it should be hastily disposed
of and as (the present being the last Session of this
Assembly) no unreasonable delay can be occasioned
by this course; and they therefore recommend that
a final determination upon this important subject be
deferred to the next meeting of the Legislatire.
Mr. KENT rose with great pleasure to second the
resolution which the hon Attorney General had just
proposed. Nothing could be fairer than that resolution. It was in perfect accordance
with, the views of
the mercantile body and the desire of the people of
this town as expressed in the petition which had been
presented to this house. That certainly was the most
important question that had over been brought before
that legislature, and it carried, would result in a political and govermental revolution.
That resolution
in question reminded him (Mr. Kent) of an anecdote
he once read of an old Quaker lady who said that there
were three things in this world which she could never
understand. The first was why little boys threw
stones at the apple trees to bring down the apples,
when if they only waited until the apples were ripe
they would drop of the trees; the second was why
people should persist in going to war to be killed,
when if they remained at home, they would certainly
die in due course; and the third was why young gentlemen should run after young ladies,
when it they
only waited, the young ladies would run afer them.
(Laughter.) Now the spirit of the resolution was in
perfect accordance with the theory of the Quaker lady,
Our adhesion to confederation was a foregone conclusion, and only required time definitely
to settle it. He
(Mr. Kent) felt that it was impossible for him to elaborate this subject in the masterly
manner in which
the hon Attornny General treated it. The learned
Premier had brought to bear on this question the
stores of a richly cultivated mind, and the result of
the study and refiection which he had bestowed upon
it, he had this day given to this House. And he (Mr.
Kent) must say that an abler discourse he never listened to. It was creditable to
the people that they
had taken this normal view of the great question, and
to see they did not give up the advantage they possessed for that which they regarded
as entirely theoretical and not calculated to ameliorate the condition
of the country. He (Mr. Kent) was perfectly satisfied with this delay. It would enable
the quesion to
be more closely,
investigated by the country at
large, and he had no doubt that the fears which seemed to be at present entertained
would disappear,
[?]
the mist before the morning sun. It was not fair to
argue this question as if there w is no change in our
condition. Our relative condition, and connection
with the mother country was greatly altered. If we
refused to enter into this confederation, would we not
have the in difference of the mother country, on one
side, and the antipathy of the Federal Union on the
other? And then, when we were met, as we assuredly would be, by a hostile tariff in
their ports, what
wonld be our condition? Their strength would be
our weakness. In 1861 there was a select conmittee
appointed by the Imperial Parliament, to enquire and
report upon the military expenditure of the Colonies,
and in the evidence taken befose it, Mr. Gladstone
recorded the following opinion: "[ would almost
venture to say, without speaking of cases in which
circumstances are altogether peculiar,
that no community which is not primarily charge with the ordinary
business of its own defence, is really, or can be, in the
full sense of the word, a free community. The privilege of freedom and the burdens of freedom are absolutely associated together;
to bear the burden is as
necessary as to enjoy the privilege, in order to form
that character which is the great ornament of all freedom itself." Here was an opinion
that it was necessary for the peservation of its freedom, that every
country should pay for its own military defences.
Surely the military defences of Canada ought not to
frighten us, especially when we reflected on her almost boundless resources, and mercantile
wealth.
But the retantion of the colonies by the parent state
since the establish ment of free trade, seems to be of
secondary consideration altogether; and in supporting
this he (Mr. Kent) would quote the language of
Lord Grey, use I in his evidence before the committee
already referred to. "In the last century the posession of colonies, of which the
trade was to be monopolised by the mother country, was believed to be a
source of wealth to a nation. Hence to wrest from
each other their colonial possessions, was regarded by
European nations as an object of great importance;
and it was regarded almost a sufficient object for a
war, to capture one or two sugar colonies. But it is
now generally understool that monopolising the trade
of colonies is contrary to the true interest of both
parties, and that nothing, therefore, is gained by conquering colonies for this purpose."
Hon. gentlemen
who had spoken adverse to this question, said that we
were going to abandon the British flag. Such an assertion was a palpable absurdity.
But our present
position was in his (Mr. Kent's) estimation, tantamount to it, for it tended to alineate
the affections of
the British people from us. He was glad to see the
alarm which this question had created. It showed the
value which the people placed on our representative
form of government; and he believed that the successful working of our present form
of government, instead of being an argument against Confederation, was
in favour of it. It had been a normal school for us,
and had fitted our public men for occupying a high
platform in the great confederation which he believed
would, in the future, be an influential and powerful
nation. He (Mr. Kent) saw no hope for this country
if she remained in her present position. The late government had been compelled to
consolidate a debt of
some ÂŁ45,00), an i he believed that the present would
be compelled to the same, and so on witn every succeeding government, until we stood
on the brink of
national insolvency. This question of Confederation
had been so ably argued that he (Mr. Kent) had no
intention of saying anything further on it. The matter was to go before the country
for the people to negative or adopt as they pleased, and he only trusted
that whatever might he the conclusion arrived at, it
would be the one best adopted for promoting the substantial welfare of the country.
The committee then rose, and the chairman reported progress—to sit again to-morrow.
The house then adjourned until three o'clock to- morrow.