The Irish Masque at Court (1613)

Edited by David Lindley

Introduction

This, the second of Jonson’s entertainments for the marriage of Frances Howard and Robert Carr, was first performed in the Banqueting House, Whitehall, on 29 December 1613, between the first and second parts of A Challenge at Tilt, with a repeat performance on 3 January 1614. The controversial circumstances of the marriage are detailed in the Introduction to Challenge. In The Irish Masque there is but one direct reference to the occasion. It is indeed possible that Jonson had already begun to prepare this masque before the Queen’s consent to the celebration of the marriage at Whitehall was achieved in November 1613 (Lindley, 1993, 128). A warrant to Sir Thomas Lake, dated 3 December 1613, reads: ‘His Majesty is determined to have a masque this Christmas performed by some gentlemen of his own servants that are good dancers’ (PRO, SP 14/75/33, fol. 59v; Masque Archive, Irish, 12), suggesting that the commission was explicitly from the King, rather than the Howard family. In any event, the work is far more closely involved with contemporary concerns about the state of affairs in Ireland than with the circumstances of the marriage it ostensibly celebrates.

James’s attempt to deal with the longstanding difficulty of imposing English rule in Ireland through reforms of the legal system and the plantation of Ulster (instanced as one of his triumphs three years earlier in Prince Henry’s Barriers) had proceeded to the point where, in 1612, it was thought possible to call a parliament. When it met in Dublin in May 1613, however, it was a disaster, and fears were high that a more widespread rebellion would ensue. A delegation from Ireland had arrived, wishing to assure the King of their loyalty; but they had been severely treated by James. Two of their number were actually in prison at the time of the masque for refusing to renounce the authority of the Pope, and one, Sir William Talbot, was to be prosecuted in Star Chamber shortly after this performance. James gave his formal answer to the delegation in April 1614. Tension and unresolved political business therefore surrounded this masque. Even at the time, John Chamberlain felt that ‘the device (which was a mimical imitation of the Irish) was not so pleasing to many, which think it no time (as the case stands) to exasperate that nation by making it ridiculous’ (Masque Archive, Irish, 11). Lindley (1986) and Smith (1998) have explored this historical context in detail, and the ways in which Jonson presents a vindication of James’s political aims. Throughout, Jonson draws upon the conventional opposition between native Irish ‘barbarism’ (symbolized by the mantles the masquers are compelled to wear) and the ‘civilization’ which submission to the British king enables.

Though Jonson barely refers to the marriage, he does at several points gesture ironically to Campion’s Somerset Masque, which had been performed on the wedding night itself. This interestingly demonstrates that there must have been some sharing of plans in putting together this sequence of entertainments. There is no reference in the text to any set. Inigo Jones was in Italy at the time, and the services of Constantine de’ Servi, an architect, painter, and garden designer patronized by Prince Henry (see Strong, 1986, 88–97) had been called upon for Campion’s masque (though he had not been a successful substitute). Lines 64–6 may well indicate that there was no setting at all. In its modest requirements, as in its presentation by gentlemen rather than higher-ranked courtiers (who participated in Campion’s masque), this entertainment recalls the previous year’s Love Restored.

The text was first printed in F1, and, as with the other entertainments for Frances Howard’s two marriages, all record of the occasion was deleted. Whether revision extended into the text itself must be a matter of conjecture. The copy seems to have been a Jonsonian manuscript, though the inconsistency of the opening stage direction and the absence of any text for the footmen’s song (111) suggest that it may not have been a final draft. The inconsistent tenses of the stage directions suggest that it was partly revised after the event. The representation of Irish dialect is not entirely consistent, but it is impossible to know whether this variability originates with Jonson himself, or with the compositors. It may assist the reader to observe a few of the conventions:
  • ‘th’ is indicated by ‘t’ (Jonson is unique in this usage);

  • final ‘d’ is also sometimes indicated by ‘t’;

  • ‘s’ both at the beginning and end of words becomes ‘sh’ (again, Jonson is unusual in employing this at the ends of words);

  • ‘w’ is indicated by ‘ph’, and sometimes by ‘v’.

 

THE IRISH MASQUE AT COURT
by  gentlemen the King’s servants

The

King being set in expectation

,  

out ran a fellow attired like a citizen; after him, three or four

   

footmen: DENNIS, DONNELL, DERMOCK, PATRICK.

DENNIS

 For Chreesh’s sayk, phair ish te king? Phich ish he,  an’t be? Show me te

shweet faish, quickly. By Got, o’my conshence, tish ish he!    An tou be King

Yamish, me name is Dennish; I sherve Ty Mayesty’s own  cashtermonger, be 5

me  trote; and  cry  peepsh and  pomwatersh i’Ty Mayesty’s shervice ’tis five

year now. An tou vilt not trush me now, call up ty  clark o’ty kitchin,  be ant

be, shall give hish wort upon  hish book, ish true.

DONNELL

Ish it te fashion to beat te  imbasheters here, ant knock ’em o’te heads

phit te  phoit stick? 10

DERMOCK

Ant make ter meshage run out at ter mouthsh before tey shpeak vit

te king?

DENNIS

Peash, Dermock, here ish te King.

DERMOCK

Phair ish te King?

DONNELL

Phich ish te King? 15

DENNIS

Tat ish te King.

DERMOCK

Ish tat te King? Got blesh him.

DENNIS

Peash, ant take heet vat tou shaysht, man.

DERMOCK

Creesh blesh him, I shay.  Phat reason I take heet for tat?

DONNELL

[To the King] Creesh blesh ty shweet faish, King Yamish; and  my mistresh 20

faish, too.  Pretee hear me now. I am come a great vay of miles to shee tee now,

by my fait and trote, and graish o’ Got.

DENNIS

 Phat ish  ty meaning o’tish, Donnell? Didsh tou not shay, a Got’sh name,

I should tell ty tale for tee? Ant entrait me come to te court, ant leave me vare

at shix ant seven? By Got, ish true now. 25

DONNELL

Yesh. But I tank Got I can tell my tale myshelf now I be here, I varrant

tee. —  Pretee hear me, King Yamish.

DENNIS

Pretee hear me, King Yamish; I can tell tee better ten he.

PATRICK

Pretee hear  neder noder on ’em: here’sh Dermock vill shpeak better

 tan  eder oder on ’em. 30

DERMOCK

No fait, shweethart, tow liesht. Phatrick here ish te   besht man of hish

tongue of all de four; pretee now, hear him.

PATRICK

By Chreesh shave me, tow liesht. I have te vorsht tongue in te company

at thy shervish. Vill shomebody shpeak?

DONNELL

By my fait, I vill not. 35

DERMOCK

By my  goship’s hand, I vill not.

PATRICK

Speak Dennish, ten.

DENNIS

If I speak, te divel take me, I vill give tee leave to cram my mout phit

 shamrocks and butter and vayter-creshes instead of pearsh and peepsh.

PATRICK

If nobody vill shpeak, I vill shpeak. [To the King] Pleash ty shweet faish, 40

we come from Ireland.

DERMOCK

We be Irish men,  an’t pleash tee.

DONNELL

 Ty good shubshects of Ireland, an’t pleash Ty Mayesty.

DENNIS

Of  Connough, Leimster, Ulster, Munster. I mine  own shelf vash born in

te  English pale, an’t pleash Ty Mayesty. 45

PATRICK

[To the other Irishmen] Sacrament o’ Chreesh, tell ty tale tyshelf,    an’t be

all tree.

DENNIS

[To the King] An’t pleash Ty Graish, I vill tell tee. Tere vash a great newsh

in Ireland of a great bridal of one o’ty lords here, an’t be.

PATRICK

Ty man  Robin, tey shay. 50

DONNELL

Marry, ty man Toumaish  hish daughter, tey shay.

DERMOCK

Ay, ty good man  Toumaish o’Shuffolk.

DONNELL

 He knock ush o’te pate here ash we come  by, by a good token.

DERMOCK

I’fait, tere ish very mush  phoit stick here stirring tonight. He takes

ush for no shquires, I tink. 55

PATRICK

No, he tinksh not ve be imbasheters.

DONNELL

No, fayt, I tink sho too. But tish marriage bring over a doshen of our

besht maishters to be merry,  pretee shweet faish, an’t be, and daunsh a  fading

at te vedding.

DENNIS

But tey vere  leek to daunsh naked, an’t pleash Ty Mayesty; for te villanous 60

 vild Irish sheas have casht away all ter fine cloysh, as many ash cosht a tousand

 cows and   garrans, I varrant tee.

DERMOCK

 And te prishe of a cashtle or two upon teir backs.

DONNELL

And tey tell Ty Mayesty tey have ne’er a great  fish now,  nor a shea-moynshter

to shave teir cloysh alive now. 65

PATRICK

Nor a  devoish vit a cloud to fesh ’em out o’te bottom o’te vayter.

DERMOCK

But tey musht e’en come and  daunsh i’teir  mantles now; and show

tee how tey can foot te fading and te  fadow and te   Phip-a-Dunboyne, I trow.

DONNELL

 I pretee now, let not ty sweet-faysht ladies make a mock on ’em and

scorn to daunsh vit ’em now becash tey be poor. 70

PATRICK

Tey drink no   bonny-clabber, i’fait, now.

DONNELL

It ish better ten  usquebaugh to daunsh vit, Phatrick.

PATRICK

By my fater’s hand, tey vill daunsh very vell.

DERMOCK

Ay, by St Patrick, vill tey; for tey be nimble men.

DENNIS

And will leap ash light, be Creesh save me, ash he tat vears te biggesht 75

 feather in ty court, King Yamish.

DERMOCK

For all tey have no good  vindsh to blow tem  heter, nor elementsh to

presherve ’em.

DONNELL

Nor all te four cornersh o’te world to creep out on.

PATRICK

But tine own kingdoms. 80

DONNELL

Tey be honesht men.

PATRICK

And goot men; tine own shubshects.

DERMOCK

 Tou hasht very good shubshects in Ireland.

DENNIS

A great good many o’ great goot shubshects.

DONNELL

Tat love Ty Mayesty heartily. 85

DERMOCK

And vil run t’rough fire and vater for tee, over te bog and te   bannoke,

be te graish o’ Got, and graish o’ king,

DERMOCK

By Got, tey vil fight for tee, King Yamish, and for my mistresh tere.

DENNIS

And  my little mayshter.

PATRICK

And ter   frow, ty daughter, that is in  Tuchland. 90

DONNELL

Tey vill  spend ter heart in  ter belly for tee, as vell as ter legs in ter heelsh.

DERMOCK

By Creesh, tey vill shpend all teir cowsh for tee.

DENNIS

Pretee  make mush on tem.

PATRICK

Pretee, sweet faish, do.

DONNELL

 Be not angry vit te  honesht men for te few rebelsh and knavesh. 95

PATRICK

Nor believe no tales, King Yamish.

DERMOCK

For, by Got, tey love tee in Ireland.

DONNELL

Pray tee, bid ’em velcome, and Got make ’em  rish for tee.

DERMOCK

Tey vill  make temshelves honesht.

DENNIS

Tou hasht not a hundret tousand sush men, by my trote. 100

PATRICK

No, nor forty, by my hand.

DONNELL

By  Justish  Dillon’s hant, not twenty.

DERMOCK

By my  Lord  Deputy’sh hant, not ten in all ty Great Britain. Shall I call

’em to tee?

DONNELL

Tey shit like poor men i’the  porsh yonder. 105

PATRICK

Shtay, te  peep ish come! Hark, hark!

DERMOCK

Let ush daunsh, ten. Daunsh, Dennis!

DENNIS

By Creesh  sa’ me, I ha’ forgot.

DONNELL

A little till our mayshtersh be ready.

 Here the Footmen had a dance, being

six men and six boys, to the bagpipe and other rude

110

music, after which they had

 

a song, and then they cried:

  FOOTMEN

Peash, peash! Now room for our mayshters, room for our mayshters!

Then the gentlemen dance forth a dance in their Irish mantles to a

 

solemn music of harps.

Which done, the Footmen fell to speak again, till they were interrupted by a

 

civil

GENTLEMAN of the nation, who brings in a

 

BARD.

115

DERMOCK

How like tow tish, Yamish? An tey had fine cloyshs now, and liveries,

like tine own men,  an’t be.

DONNELL

But te  rugs make   tem shrug a little.

DERMOCK

Tey have shit a great phoile i’te cold, an’t be.

DONNELL

Ish’t not pity te cloysh be drowned now? 120

PATRICK

Pretee shee anoter daunsh and be not veary.

GENTLEMAN

  He may be of your rudeness. Hold your tongues,

And let your coarser manners seek some place

Fit for their wildness. This is none; begone!

125[Exeunt antimasquers.]

[To the Bard] Advance, immortal bard; come up and view

The   gladding face of that great king in whom

So many  prophecies of thine are knit.

This is that James of which long since thou sung’st

Should end our country’s most unnatural  broils; 130

And if her ear, then deafened with the drum,

Would  stoop but to the music of his peace,

 She need not with the spheres change harmony.

This is the man thou promised should redeem,

If she would love his counsels as his laws, 135

Her head from servitude, her feet from fall,

Her fame from  barbarism, her state from want,

And in her all the fruits of blessing plant.

Sing then some  charm, made from his present looks,

That may  assure thy former prophecies, 140

And firm the hopes of these obedient spirits,

Whose love, no less than duty, hath called forth

Their willing powers; who, if they had much more,

Would do their all, and think they could not move

Enough to honour that which he doth love. 145

Here the bard sings to   two harps.

  First Song

 Bow both your heads at once, and hearts;

Obedience doth not well in parts.

 It is but standing in his eye 150

You’ll feel yourselves changed by and by;

Few live that know how quick a spring

Works in the presence of a king.

’Tis done  by this; your  slough let fall,

And come forth newborn creatures all. 155

In this song, the masquers let fall their mantles and discover their masquing apparel, then

dance forth.

After the dance the bard   sings this:

  Second Song

So breaks the sun earth’s rugged chains, 160

Wherein rude winter bound her veins;

So grows both stream and  source of price,

That lately fettered were with ice.

So naked trees get  crispèd heads,

And coloured coats the roughest meads, 165

And all get vigour, youth, and  sprite,

That are but looked on by his light. 

Title gentlemen . . . servants A warrant from the Earl of Suffolk to Sir Thomas Lake authorized payment for ‘a Masque this Christmas performed by some gentlemen of [the King’s] own servants that are good dancers’ (Masque Archive, Irish, 12), making it clear that this title refers principally to the dancers (as also it does in Love Rest.). It might, however, also indicate that the speaking parts were taken by members of the theatrical company, the King’s Men.
1–2 out . . . patrick The form of this SD is puzzling. It is not obvious why, given that the speakers are named, there should be the imprecision of ‘three or four footmen’. Presumably Dennis, as a costermonger, is the ‘citizen’, distinguished from the other three as footmen. It may be that the names of the characters were added by whoever actually prepared the text for publication (see Textual Analysis). The Irish population was conventionally divided into three groups: the Native Irish; the Old English, who had been settled since the middle ages, were Catholic, and often accused of having ‘gone native’; and the Protestant New Irish planted there under Elizabeth and James. The names of the footmen, speaking English, but with an occasional use of Gaelic words, represent them as ‘native’ Irishmen, or else as representatives of the Old English who have ‘degenerated’ (Smith, 1998, 302). They parallel (and parody) the four squires who, in Campion’s Somerset Masque, similarly account for the failure of their masters to arrive at court.
2 footmen; . . . patrick.] this edn; foote-men. / Dennise. Donnell. Dermock. / Patricke. F1
2 footmen An ‘attendant or foot-servant. In early use, a runner in attendance upon a rider of rank’ (OED, 3). ‘Much the commonest employment of Irishmen in England was as footmen, grooms, or body-servants’ (Bliss, 1979, 178).
3 For Creesh’s sayk For Christ’s sake. The use of Christ’s name would have been forbidden in the public theatre. Camden noted of the Irish: ‘At every third word it is ordinary with them to lash out an oath’ (Britain, 1610, 145).
3 an’t be Literally ‘if it be’, used throughout as a ‘filler’ phrase and dialectal marker (as ‘so it is’ is still used in theatrical representations of Irish characters).
4, 7 An] Orgel; Ant F1
4 An if.
5 cashtermonger costermonger, seller of apples and fruit. Compare Alch., 4.1.57. H&S cite Dekker, The Honest Whore, Part 2, 1.1 ‘In England . . . why Sir, there all coster-mongers are Irishmen.’
6 trote troth.
6 cry . . . pomwatersh advertise pippins and large, juicy apples. Street traders literally ‘cried’ their wares, often in conventional patterns of intonation that were picked up by musicians in songs and instrumental pieces. In Weelkes’s Cries of London, for example, is a sequence ‘Apples fine, pears fine, medlars fine, pippins fine’, and Gibbons has ‘apples fine, pips fine, medlars fine’ (Brett, Consort Songs, 1967). In both cases a rising third is set to the rhythm ♪♪♩. For a further clue to the style of the cry, cf. Marston: ‘he whose throat squeaks like a treble organ, and speaks as small and shrill as the Irishmen cry “Pip, fine pip”’ (Brabant, in Jack Drum’s Entertainment, in Plays, ed. Wood, 1934, 3.191.)
6 peepsh pips, pippins.
6 pomwatersh large, juicy apples.
7 clark o’ty kitchin The official who recorded purchases of food.
7–8 be ant be (by and by) immediately; or, possibly, ‘be an’t be’, a filler expression like ‘an’t be’ in line 3.
8 hish book his ledger of accounts. A comic version of swearing on the Bible.
9 imbasheters ambassadors. Donnell refers either to the gentlemen masquers, waiting outside, or to himself and his colleagues as having been disciplined by attendants. Real ‘ambassadors’ from the Irish Parliament had made representations to the King during the previous months, and were awaiting his response.
10 phoit stick white staff of the lord chamberlain and his ushers. They were responsible for maintaining order, and in 1604 had ejected Jonson himself, with Sir John Roe, from a masque. The difficulty of gaining entry to a masque is the subject of the antimasque of Love Rest.
19 Phat . . . tat Why should I have to be careful about saying that? (Since it is a sentiment entirely acceptable to the King.)
20 my mistresh Queen Anne.
21 Pretee] F1 (Pre tee)
23–47 The long argument about who should speak may well be intended as a comic version of the disorderly Irish Parliament of 1613, where the Old English (natives of Ireland of English descent, but Catholic faith) objected to the appointment of the Protestant Sir John Davies as speaker, and, electing Sir John Everard instead, ‘ignored parliamentary procedures [and] disrupted speeches’ (Smith, 1998, 303).
23 ty] F1 (ti); te Orgel
27 Pretee] F (Pre dee) (also 28, 29, 69)
29 neder noder on neither of.
30 tan] F1 (ten)
30 eder oder on either of.
31 besht] Bliss; vesht F1
31 besht F1’s ‘vesht’ is probably a printer’s error, since there is no evidence that ‘v’ is anywhere used as a dialectal representation of ‘b’.
36 goship’s godparent’s. Camden lists as a characteristic Irish oath ‘by my God-fathers hand’ (Britain, 1610, 145), which Bliss (1979), 258, says was ‘particularly sacred’.
39 shamrocks . . . vayter-creshes Supposed to be a characteristic Irish diet. Camden (1610, 147) notes: ‘they feed willingly upon herbs and watercresses especially; upon mushrooms, shamroots and roots’. Similar references are to be found in Spenser, A View of the Present State of Ireland (ed. Hadfield and Maley, 1997, 102), and the play, The Life and Death of Thomas Stukeley (1605) sig. D3.
43 an’t] H&S; and F1 (also 45, 46, 48)
43 Ty good shubshects The emphasis falls on ‘good’.
44 Connough . . . Munster The four principal provinces of Ireland (the fifth, Meath, though mentioned by Camden and Moryson, is omitted). The spelling of Connaught varied a good deal; ‘Leimster’ was usually spelt, as now, ‘Leinster’, though Moryson’s consistent spelling in his Itinerary (1617) is ‘Lemster’.
44 own] G (conj.); one F1
45 English pale That part of Ireland historically subject to English rule. Less a geographical area than a political concept.
49 an’t be] Orgel; ant be F1
46–7 an’t . . . tree and it be all three of you. The irritated Patrick, interrupted by the others, tells them all to tell their own tale.
50 Robin Robert Carr, created Earl of Somerset at the time of his marriage.
51 hish daughter Frances Howard.
52 Toumaish o’Shuffolk Thomas, Earl of Suffolk, lord chamberlain.
53 He . . . pate He knocked us over the head. (The lord chamberlain was responsible for such discipline.)
53 by . . . token The meaning is not obvious. (1) Donnell might point to some ‘token’ or sign of having been beaten about the head – a crushed hat, perhaps; (2) it might mean ‘as a fair warning’.
54 phoit stick See 10n.
58 pretee] Orgel (pre tee); perht tee F1
58 fading Irish dance, mentioned in Beaumont and Fletcher, Knight of the Burning Pestle, 3. Interlude, 8–9 ‘Fading is a fine jig, I’ll assure you, gentlemen’ (Dramatic Works, ed. Bowers, 1966–96).
60 leek to like to.
61 vild wild.
62 cows Camden (1610), 145: ‘cows are their only wealth and of greatest esteem’.
62 garrans] H&S (garranes); garraues F1
62 garrans horses; a Gaelic word.
63 And wearing garments that cost the price of a castle or two. Masquing apparel was indeed costly, and the observation that lands and property were sold to maintain appearance at court is a staple of anti-court satire during the period.
64–5 fish . . . moynshter Referring to Samuel Daniel’s Tethys’ Festival (1610), where the masquers had appeared in an elaborate setting of dolphins and sea-creatures.
64–5 nor . . . now nor is there now a live sea-monster to save their clothes.
66 devoish . . . cloud scenic device in the form of a cloud. In Campion’s Somerset Masque six of the lords descended in a cloud.
67 daunsh] F1 (daunch)
67 mantles The long Irish mantle was a national characteristic, and in anti-Irish propaganda symbolized their ‘incivility’. Spenser called it ‘a fit house for an outlaw, a meet bed for a rebel, and an apt cloak for a thief’ (A View, 1997, 57).
68 fadow Presumably a dance, though the word is not recorded in OED. In the etymology of ‘fading’ OED gives the Irish word ‘feadán’ as a possible etymology. Perhaps then this is a misprint of an Irish word.
68 Phip-a-Dunboyne] Orgel; phip adunboyne F1
68 Phip-a-Dunboyne Fynes Moryson says of the Irish: ‘They delight much in dancing, using no arts of slow measures or lofty galliards, whereof they have some pleasant to behold, as Balrudery, and the Whip of Dunboyne’ (Falkiner, 1904, 322).
69–70 Donnell hopes the ladies will not refuse to dance with the lords in the revels because of their mean dress. The remark is particularly pointed as Frances Howard and her sister had, the year before, refused to dance with the masquers of Love Restored, who were similarly of less than the highest status.
71 bonny-clabber] Orgel; bonny clabbe F1
71 bonny-clabber Gaelic word for clotted or curdled milk. OED cites New Inn, 1.2.25, as the first instance in English. ‘Probably the most frequently used Irish word in English writings of the seventeenth century . . . though its origin in Irish is doubtful’ (Bliss, 1979, 271)
72 usquebaugh Gaelic form of the word whiskey. ‘The Irish aquavitae, vulgarly called usquebaugh, is held the best in the world of that kind’ (Moryson, 1908, 4.197).
76 feather Common element of fashionable wear, and of masque costumes (see Love Rest., 19n.).
77–9 vindsh . . . elemensh . . . four cornersh o’te world A representation of the four winds, four elements, and four continents figured in Campion’s Somerset Masque.
77 heter hither.
83–97 The insistent reassurance of Irish loyalty is precisely what the King wished to hear, and the message that the ‘real’ ambassadors had been attempting to convey in the months preceding the masque.
86 bannoke] F1 (Bannoke); bank H&S (E. K. Chambers, conj.)
86 bannoke An Anglicization of the Irish bánóg, ‘an enclosed field’.
89 my little mayshter Prince Charles.
90 ter frow] this edn; te vfrow F1
90 frow lady. (Usually used of Dutch or German women.)
90 Tuchland Germany (Deutschland). Princess Elizabeth had married Frederick, Elector Palatine, earlier in 1613.
91 spend expend, sacrifice.
91 ter belly] F2; rer belly F1
93 make . . . tem make much of them. Elsewhere in the masque the usual form is ‘’hem’, though at 118 we find ‘t’em’. There seems no good reason to emend here; the variation may be Jonsonian or compositorial.
95 The request was all the more pointed because of James’s current imprisonment of two of the Irish representatives.
95 honesht] H&S; honesh F1
98 rish for tee rich, as they deserve for being your loyal subjects.
99 make . . . honesht behave honourably.
102 Justish Dillon The Dillons were a family of distinguished Irish jurists, though, according to Nichols (2, 722n.) only Sir Lucas was alive at the time. The comment may refer to his father Sir Robert Dillon of Newton, chief justice of the common pleas in 1558 and afterwards speaker of the Irish House of Commons. This would accord with the fact that a principal dispute in the Irish Parliament of 1613 was precisely over who should be the speaker.
102 Dillon’s] F1 (Delounes)
103 Lord Deputy Sir Arthur Chichester, created Lord Chichester of Belfast in February 1613, and the man at the centre of the current disputes.
103 Deputy’sh] F1 (deputish)
105 porsh porch.
106 peep pipe, bagpipe; an instrument associated with popular, rather than courtly, festivity.
108 sa’ me save me.
110–11 The past tense indicates that this direction was added or emended from the present tense after the performance. The additional footmen presumably entered here with the piper.
111 a song No indication of the nature of the song is given. While the absence of texts for songs is not uncommon in plays it is virtually unknown in masque texts. This suggests, perhaps, that the song was in Irish (see next note).
112 SH] this edn; not in F1
113 solemn . . . harps The solemn music contrasts with the popular dance of the footmen. The harp was specifically associated with Ireland and Wales, and underwent something of a revival in the early Stuart period, both at court and in great houses. Peter Holman (1987) has established that an Irishman, Cormac MacDermott, was, in 1605, the first harper to be employed at the English court since 1555. He probably played in this masque, along with his pupil Philip Squire. He was also a composer, and might well have been responsible for some at least of the music, including the ‘missing’ song.
114–15 civil GENTLEMAN The word ‘civil’ is particularly loaded, since the colonization of Ireland was customarily justified on the grounds that it brought civility to a barbarous nation, and distinction was frequently made between the Old English who had lapsed into Irish habits and the New English settlers who maintained ‘civil’ behaviour.
115 bard The figure of the bard, here co-opted in the King’s interests, was at the time a contentious one. Barnaby Rich, for example, claimed: ‘there is nothing that hath more led the Irish into error, than lying historiographers, their chroniclers, their bards’ (Room for a Gentleman, 1609, 3); Spenser, though apparently appreciating their verses, saw them as abusing their poetic vocation in the praising of ‘wickedness and vice’ (A View, 1997, 77). Thomas Smyth stated ‘these people be very hurtful to the commonweal, for they chiefly maintain the rebels’ (Smith, 1998, 311).
117 an’t be] Orgel; and bee F1
118 rugs mantles made of rough woollen cloth.
118 tem] F1 (t’em)
118 tem F1 has ‘t’em’, with the apostrophe presumably indicating the omission of ‘h’, as with ‘t’rough’ at 84.
122–4 The dismissing of the antimasquers is, principally, on the grounds of their social inferiority and disorderliness, but it is difficult not to feel that their Irish speech is also here being put firmly in its place.
122 He i.e. the King.
127 gladding that makes glad.
127 gladding] F1 (glad, ding)
128 prophecies In addition to Merlin’s prophecies, important in Barriers, and deployed by Sir John Davies in his treatise on Ireland (A Discovery, 1612), Jonson alludes, as Smith has shown (1998, 308), to an Irish tradition that the kings of Scotland traced their descent from an Irish chief, and that James was the fulfilment of the prophecy of the return of a Gaelic king. James himself alluded to this tradition in 1614 when giving his verdict to the Irish delegation (CSPD, Carew MSS, 1873, 291).
130 broils disturbances, turmoils.
132 stoop bow down.
133 The harmoniousness of Ireland herself would mean that she need not look to the harmony of the spheres for a model.
137 barbarism The ‘barbarism’ of the native Irish was frequently invoked as the justification for English, ‘civilized’ rule.
139 charm In the original sense, ‘the chanting or recitation of a verse supposed to possess magic power or occult influence’ (OED Charm n.1 1).
140 assure confirm.
146 two harps See 113n. It is possible that MacDermott himself sang as the bard.
147 First Song] F1 (Song. 1.)
148–9 These lines insist that obedience must be total, and allude indirectly to the central problem in extracting obedience from the Old English – their Catholicism. Smith (1998, 306) cites James’s 1614 adjudication: ‘The Pope is your father in spiritualibus and I in temporalibus, and so have your bodies turn one way and your souls drawn another’ (CSPD, Carew MSS, 1873, 290).
150–1 It . . . by The fiction is that the king’s presence itself has the capacity to change the masquers, a variation on a standard topos of the genre.
154 by this (1) by this time, now (OED, By prep., adv. 21b); (2) by the effect of the king’s presence.
154 slough outer covering (the mantles).
158 sings] F2; sing F1
159 Second Song] F1 (Song. 2.)
162 source of price spring of value.
164 crispèd Normally ‘curled’, but OED, 4 gives ‘Applied to trees: sense uncertain’ citing Milton’s Comus as first instance. It presumably refers to the new buds of leaves (see also Vision, 177).
166 sprite spirit.
A Note on the Masquers John Chamberlain (Letters, ed. McClure, 1939), 1.498 records that the dancers were ‘five English and five Scots’. Three names are known: Andrew Boyd, Abraham Abercrombie, and John Auchmouty.